particular, Munatius, the most intimate of them all, became
almost irreconcilable. And this afforded Caesar the subject of
his severest censures in the book he wrote against Cato. Yet
Munatius himself relates, that the quarrel was not so much
occasioned by Cato's mistrust, as by his neglect of him, and by
his own jealousy of Canidius. For Munatius also wrote a book
concerning Cato, which is the chief authority followed by
Thrasea. Munatius says, that coming to Cyprus after the other,
and having a very poor lodging provided for him, he went to
Cato's house, but was not admitted, because he was engaged in
private with Canidius; of which he afterwards complained in very
gentle terms to Cato, but received a very harsh answer, that too
much love, according to Theophrastus, often causes hatred; "and
you," he said, "because you bear me much love, think you receive
too little honor, and presently grow angry. I employ Canidius on
account of his industry and his fidelity; he has been with me
from the first, and I have found him to be trusted." These
things were said in private between them two; but Cato afterwards
told Canidius what had passed; on being informed of which,
Munatius would no more go to sup with him, and when he was
invited to give his counsel, refused to come. Then Cato
threatened to seize his goods, as was the custom in the case of
those who were disobedient; but Munatius not regarding his
threats, returned to Rome, and continued a long time thus
discontented. But afterwards, when Cato was come back also,
Marcia, who as yet lived with him, contrived to have them both
invited to sup together at the house of one Barca; Cato came in
last of all, when the rest were laid down, and asked, where he
should be. Barca answered him, where he pleased; then looking
about, he said, he would be near Munatius, and went and placed
himself next to him; yet he showed him no other mark of kindness,
all the time they were at table together. But another time, at
the entreaty of Marcia, Cato wrote to Munatius, that he desired
to speak with him. Munatius went to his house in the morning,
and was kept by Marcia till all the company was gone; then Cato
came, threw both his arms about him, and embraced him very
kindly, and they were reconciled. I have the more fully related
this passage, for that I think the manners and tempers of men are
more clearly discovered by things of this nature, than by great
and conspicuous actions.
Cato got together little less than seven thousand talents of
silver; but apprehensive of what might happen in so long a voyage
by sea, he provided a great many coffers, that held two talents
and five hundred drachmas apiece; to each of these he fastened a
long rope, and to the other end of the rope a piece of cork, so
that if the ship should miscarry, it might be discovered
thereabout the chests lay under water. Thus all the money,
except a very little, was safely transported. But he had made
two books, in which all the accounts of his commission were
carefully written out, and neither of these was preserved. For
his freedman Philargyrus, who had the charge of one of them,
setting sail from Cenchreae was lost, together with the ship and
all her freight. And the other Cato himself kept safe, till he
came to Corcyra, but there he set up his tent in the
market-place, and the sailors being very cold in the night, made
a great many fires, some of which caught the tents, so that they
were burnt, and the book lost. And though he had brought with
him several of Ptolemy's stewards, who could testify to his
integrity, and stop the mouths of enemies and false accusers, yet
the loss annoyed him, and he was vexed with himself about the
matter, as he had designed them not so much for a proof of his
own fidelity, as for a pattern of exactness to others.
The news did not fail to reach Rome, that he was coming up the
river. All the magistrates, the priests, and the whole senate,
with great part of the people, went out to meet him; both the
banks of the Tiber were covered with people; so that his entrance
was in solemnity and honor not inferior to a triumph. But it was
thought somewhat strange, and looked like willfulness and pride,
that when the consuls and praetors appeared, he did not
disembark, nor stay to salute them, but rowed up the stream in a
royal galley of six banks of oars, and stopped not till he
brought his vessels to the dock. However, when the money was
carried through the streets, the people much wondered at the vast
quantity of it, and the senate being assembled, decreed him in
honorable terms an extraordinary praetorship, and also the
privilege of appearing at the public spectacles in a robe faced
with purple. Cato declined all these honors, but declaring what
diligence and fidelity he had found in Nicias, the steward of
Ptolemy, he requested the senate to give him his freedom.
Philippus, the father of Marcia, was that year consul, and the
authority and power of the office rested in a manner in Cato; for
the other consul paid him no less regard for his virtue's sake,
than Philippus did on account of the connection between them.
And Cicero now being returned from his banishment, into which he
was driven by Clodius, and having again obtained great credit
among the people, went, in the absence of Clodius, and by force
took away the records of his tribuneship, which had been laid up
in the capitol. Hereupon the senate was assembled, and Clodius
complained of Cicero, who answered, that Clodius was never
legally tribune, and therefore whatever he had done, was void,
and of no authority. But Cato interrupted him while he spoke,
and at last standing up said, that indeed he in no way justified
or approved of Clodius's proceedings; but if they questioned the
validity of what had been done in his tribuneship, they might
also question what himself had done at Cyprus, for the expedition
was unlawful, if he that sent him had no lawful authority: for
himself, he thought Clodius wee legally made tribune, who, by
permission of the law, was from a patrician adopted into a
plebeian family; if he had done ill in his office, he ought to be
called to account for it; but the authority of the magistracy
ought not to suffer for the faults of the magistrate. Cicero
took this ill, and for a long time discontinued his friendship
with Cato; but they were afterwards reconciled.
Pompey and Crassus, by agreement with Caesar, who crossed the
Alps to see them, had formed a design, that they two should stand
to be chosen consuls a second time, and when they should be in
their office, they would continue to Caesar his government for
five years more, and take to themselves the greatest provinces,
with armies and money to maintain them. This seemed a plain
conspiracy to subvert the constitution and parcel out the empire.
Several men of high character had intended to stand to be consuls
that year, but upon the appearance of these great competitors,
they all desisted, except only Lucius Domitius, who had married
Porcia, the sister of Cato, and was by him persuaded to stand it
out, and not abandon such an undertaking, which, he said, was not
merely to gain the consulship, but to save the liberty of Rome.
In the meantime, it was the common topic among the more prudent
part of the citizens, that they ought not to suffer the power of
Pompey and Crassus to be united, which would then be carried
beyond all bounds, and become dangerous to the state; that
therefore one of them must be denied. For these reasons they
took part with Domitius, whom they exhorted and encouraged to go
on, assuring him, that many who feared openly to appear for him,
would privately assist him. Pompey's party fearing this, laid
wait for Domitius, and set upon him as he was going before
daylight, with torches, into the Field. First he that bore the
light next before Domitius, was knocked down and killed; then
several others being wounded, all the rest fled, except Cato and
Domitius, whom Cato held, though himself were wounded in the arm,
and crying out, conjured the others to stay, and not while they
had any breath, forsake the defense of their liberty against
those tyrants, who plainly showed with what moderation they were
likely to use the power, which they endeavored to gain by such
violence. But at length Domitius also, no longer willing to face
the danger, fled to his own house, and so Pompey and Crassus were
declared consuls.
Nevertheless, Cato would not give over, but resolved to stand
himself to be praetor that year, which he thought would be some
help to him in his design of opposing them; that he might not act
as a private man, when he was to contend with public magistrates.
Pompey and Crassus apprehended this; and fearing that the office
of praetor in the person of Cato might be equal in authority to
that of consul, they assembled the senate unexpectedly, without
giving any notice to a great many of the senators, and made an
order, that those who were chosen praetors, should immediately
enter upon their office, without attending the usual time, in
which, according to law, they might be accused, if they had
corrupted the people with gifts. When by this order they had got
leave to bribe freely, without being called to account, they set
up their own friends and dependents to stand for the praetorship,
giving money, and watching the people as they voted. Yet the
virtue and reputation of Cato was like to triumph over all these
stratagems; for the people generally felt it to be shameful that
a price should be paid for the rejection of Cato, who ought
rather to be paid himself to take upon him the office. So he
carried it by the voices of the first tribe. Hereupon Pompey
immediately framed a lie, crying out, it thundered; and straight
broke up the assembly; for the Romans religiously observed this
as a bad omen, and never concluded any matter after it had
thundered. Before the next time, they had distributed larger
bribes, and driving also the best men out of the Field, by these
foul means they procured Vatinius to be chosen praetor, instead
of Cato. It is said, that those who had thus corruptly and
dishonestly given their voices, at once, when it was done,
hurried, as if it were in flight, out of the Field. The others
staying together, and exclaiming at the event, one of the
tribunes continued the assembly, and Cato standing up, as it were
by inspiration, foretold all the miseries that afterward befell
the state, exhorted them to beware of Pompey and Crassus, who
were guilty of such things, and had laid such designs, that they
might well fear to have Cato praetor. When he had ended this
speech, he was followed to his house by a greater number of
people than were all the new praetors elect put together.
Caius Trebonius now proposed the law for allotting provinces to
the consuls, one of whom was to have Spain and Africa, the other
Egypt and Syria, with full power of making war, and carrying it
on both by sea and land, as they should think fit. When this was
proposed, all others despaired of putting any stop to it, and
neither did nor said anything against it. But Cato, before the
voting began, went up into the place of speaking, and desiring to
be heard, was with much difficulty allowed two hours to speak.
Having spent that time in informing them and reasoning with them,
and in foretelling to them much that was to come, he was not
suffered to speak any longer; but as he was going on, a sergeant
came and pulled him down; yet when he was down, he still
continued speaking in a loud voice, and finding many to listen
to him, and join in his indignation. Then the sergeant took him,
and forced him out of the forum; but as soon as he got loose, he
returned again to the place of speaking, crying out to the people
to stand by him. When he had done thus several times, Trebonius
grew very angry, and commanded him to be carried to prison; but
the multitude followed him, and listened to the speech which he
made to them, as he went along, so that Trebonius began to be
afraid again, and ordered him to be released. Thus that day was
expended, and the business staved off by Cato. But in the days
succeeding, many of the citizens being overawed by fears and
threats, and others won by gifts and favors, Aquillius, one of
the tribunes, they kept by an armed force within the
senate-house; Cato, who cried, it thundered, they drove out of
the forum; many were wounded, and some slain; and at length by
open force they passed the law. At this many were so incensed,
that they got together, and were going to throw down the statues
of Pompey; but Cato went, and diverted them from that design.
Again, another law was proposed, concerning the provinces and
legions for Caesar. Upon this occasion Cato did not apply
himself to the people, but appealed to Pompey himself; and told
him, he did not consider now, that he was setting Caesar upon his
own shoulders, who would shortly grow too weighty for him, and at
length, not able to lay down the burden, nor yet to bear it any
longer, he would precipitate both it and himself with it upon the
commonwealth; and then he would remember Cato's advice, which was
no less advantageous to him, than just and honest in itself.
Thus was Pompey often warned, but still disregarded and slighted
it, never mistrusting Caesar's change, and always confiding in
his own power and good fortune.
Cato was made praetor the following year; but, it seems, he did
not do more honor and credit to the office by his signal
integrity, than he disgraced and diminished it by his strange
behavior. For he would often come to the court without his
shoes, and sit upon the bench without any under garment, and in
this attire would give judgment in capital causes, and upon
persons of the highest rank. It is said, also, he used to drink
wine after his morning meal, and then transact the business of
his office; but this was wrongfully reported of him. The people
were at that time extremely corrupted by the gifts of those who
sought offices, and most made a constant trade of selling their
voices. Cato was eager utterly to root this corruption out of
the commonwealth; he therefore persuaded the senate to make an
order, that those who were chosen into any office, though nobody
should accuse them, should be obliged to come into the court, and
give account upon oath of their proceedings in their election.
This was extremely obnoxious to those who stood for the offices,
and yet more to those vast numbers who took the bribes. Insomuch
that one morning, as Cato was going to the tribunal, a great
multitude of people flocked together, and with loud cries and
maledictions reviled him, and threw stones at him. Those that
were about the tribunal presently fled, and Cato himself being
forced thence, and jostled about in the throng, very narrowly
escaped the stones that were thrown at him, and with much
difficulty got hold of the Rostra, where, standing up with a bold
and undaunted countenance, he at once mastered the tumult, and
silenced the clamor; and addressing them in fit terms for the
occasion, was heard with great attention, and perfectly quelled
the sedition. Afterwards, on the senate commending him for this,
"But I," said he, "do not commend you for abandoning your praetor
in danger, and bringing him no assistance."
In the meantime, the candidates were in great perplexity; for
every one dreaded to give money himself, and yet feared lest his
competitors should. At length they agreed to lay down one
hundred and twenty-five thousand drachmas apiece, and then all of
them to canvass fairly and honestly, on condition, that if any
one was found to make use of bribery, he should forfeit the
money. Being thus agreed, they chose Cato to keep the stakes,
and arbitrate the matter; to him they brought the sum concluded
on, and before him subscribed the agreement. The money he did
not choose to have paid for them, but took their securities who
stood bound for them. Upon the day of election, he placed
himself by the tribune who took the votes, and very watchfully
observing all that passed, he discovered one who had broken the
agreement, and immediately ordered him to pay his money to the
rest. They, however, commending his justice highly, remitted the
penalty, as thinking the discovery a sufficient punishment. It
raised, however, as much envy against Cato as it gained him
reputation, and many were offended at his thus taking upon
himself the whole authority of the senate, the courts of
judicature, and the magistracies. For there is no virtue, the
honor and credit for which procures a man more odium than that of
justice; and this, because more than any other, it acquires a man
power and authority among the common people. For they only honor
the valiant and admire the wise, while in addition they also love
just men, and put entire trust and confidence in them. They fear
the bold man, and mistrust the clever man, and moreover think
them rather beholding; to their natural complexion, than to any
goodness of their will, for these excellences; they look upon
valor as a certain natural strength of the mind, and wisdom as a
constitutional acuteness; whereas a man has it in his power to be
just, if he have but the will to be so, and therefore injustice
is thought the most dishonorable, because it is least excusable.
Cato upon this account was opposed by all the great men, who
thought themselves reproved by his virtue. Pompey especially
looked upon the increase of Cato's credit, as the ruin of his own
power, and therefore continually set up men to rail against him.
Among these was the seditious Clodius, now again united to
Pompey; who declared openly, that Cato had conveyed away a great
deal of the treasure that was found in Cyprus; and that he hated
Pompey, only because he refused to marry his daughter. Cato
answered, that although they had allowed him neither horse nor
man, he had brought more treasure from Cyprus alone, than Pompey
had, after so many wars and triumphs, from the ransacked world;
that he never sought the alliance of Pompey; not that he thought
him unworthy of being related to him, but because he differed so
much from him, in things that concerned the commonwealth. "For,"
said he, "I laid down the province that was given me, when I went
out of my praetorship; Pompey, on the contrary, retains many
provinces for himself; and he bestows many on others; and but now
he sent Caesar a force of six thousand men into Gaul, which
Caesar never asked the people for, nor had Pompey obtained their
consent to give. Men, and horse, and arms in any number, are
become the mutual gifts of private men to one another; and Pompey
keeping the titles of commander and general, hands over the
armies and provinces to others to govern, while he himself stays
at home to preside at the contests of the canvass, and to stir up
tumults at elections; out of the anarchy he thus creates amongst
us, seeking, we see well enough, a monarchy for himself." Thus
he retorted on Pompey.
He had an intimate friend and admirer of the name of Marcus
Favonius, much the same to Cato as we are told Apollodorus, the
Phalerian, was in old time to Socrates, whose words used to throw
him into perfect transports and ecstasies, getting into his head,
like strong wine, and intoxicating him to a sort of frenzy. This
Favonius stood to be chosen aedile, and was like to lose it; but
Cato, who was there to assist him, observed that all the votes
were written in one hand, and discovering the cheat, appealed to
the tribunes, who stopped the election. Favonius was afterward
chosen aedile, and Cato, who assisted him in all things that
belonged to his office, also undertook the care of the spectacles
that were exhibited in the theater; giving the actors crowns, not
of gold, but of wild olive, such as used to be given at the
Olympic games; and instead of the magnificent presents that were
usually made, he offered to the Greeks beet root, lettuces,
radishes, and pears; and to the Romans, earthen pots of wine,
pork, figs, cucumbers, and little fagots of wood. Some ridiculed
Cato for his economy, others looked with respect on this gentle
relaxation of his usual rigor and austerity. In fine, Favonius
himself mingled with the crowd, and sitting among the spectators,
clapped and applauded Cato, bade him bestow rewards on those who
did well, and called on the people to pay their honors to him, as
for himself he had placed his whole authority in Cato's hands.
At the same time, Curio, the colleague of Favonius, gave very
magnificent entertainments in another theater; but the people
left his, and went to those of Favonius, which they much
applauded, and joined heartily in the diversion, seeing him act
the private man, and Cato the master of the shows, who, in fact,
did all this in derision of the great expenses that others
incurred, and to teach them that in amusements men ought to
seek amusement only, and the display of a decent cheerfulness,
not great preparations and costly magnificence, demanding the
expenditure of endless care and trouble about things of little
concern.
After this Scipio, Hypsaeus, and Milo, stood to be consuls, and
that not only with the usual and now recognized disorders of
bribery and corruption, but with arms and slaughter, and every
appearance of carrying their audacity and desperation to the
length of actual civil war. Whereupon it was proposed, that
Pompey might be empowered to preside over that election. This
Cato at first opposed, saying that the laws ought not to seek
protection from Pompey, but Pompey from the laws. Yet the
confusion lasting a long time, the forum continually, as it were,
besieged with three armies, and no possibility appearing of a
stop being put to these disorders, Cato at length agreed, that
rather than fall into the last extremity, the senate should
freely confer all on Pompey, since it was necessary to make use
of a lesser illegality as a remedy against the greatest of all,
and better to set up a monarchy themselves, than to suffer a
sedition to continue, that must certainly end in one. Bibulus,
therefore, a friend of Cato's, moved the senate to create Pompey
sole consul; for that either he would reestablish the lawful
government, or they should serve under the best master. Cato
stood up, and, contrary to all expectation, seconded this motion,
concluding, that any government was better than mere confusion,
and that he did not question but Pompey would deal honorably, and
take care of the commonwealth, thus committed to his charge.
Pompey being hereupon declared consul, invited Cato to see him in
the suburbs. When he came, he saluted and embraced him very
kindly, acknowledged the favor he had done him, and desired his
counsel and assistance, in the management of this office. Cato
made answer, that what he had spoken on any former occasion was
not out of hate to Pompey, nor what he had now done, out of love
to him, but all for the good of the commonwealth; that in
private, if he asked him, he would freely give his advice; and
in public, though he asked him not, he would always speak his
opinion. And he did accordingly. For first, when Pompey made
severe laws for punishing and laying great fines on those who had
corrupted the people with gifts, Cato advised him to let alone
what was already passed, and to provide for the future; for if he
should look up past misdemeanors, it would be difficult to know
where to stop; and if he would ordain new penalties, it would be
unreasonable to punish men by a law, which at that time they had
not the opportunity of breaking. Afterwards, when many
considerable men, and some of Pompey's own relations were
accused, and he grew remiss, and disinclined to the prosecution,
Cato sharply reproved him, and urged him to proceed. Pompey had
made a law, also, to forbid the custom of making commendatory
orations in behalf of those that were accused; yet he himself
wrote one for Munatius Plancus, and sent it while the cause was
pleading; upon which Cato, who was sitting as one of the judges,
stopped his ears with his hands, and would not hear it read.
Whereupon Plancus, before sentence was given, excepted against
him, but was condemned notwithstanding. And indeed Cato was a
great trouble and perplexity to almost all that were accused of
anything, as they feared to have him one of their judges, yet did
not dare to demand his exclusion. And many had been condemned,
because by refusing him, they seemed to show that they could not
trust their own innocence; and it was a reproach thrown in the
teeth of some by their enemies, that they had not accepted Cato
for their judge.
In the meanwhile, Caesar kept close with his forces in Gaul, and
continued in arms; and at the same time employed his gifts, his
riches, and his friends above all things, to increase his power
in the city. And now Cato's old admonitions began to rouse
Pompey out of the negligent security in which he lay, into a sort
of imagination of danger at hand; but seeing him slow and
unwilling, and timorous to undertake any measures of prevention
against Caesar, Cato resolved himself to stand for the
consulship, and presently force Caesar either to lay down his
arms or discover his intentions. Both Cato's competitors were
persons of good position; Sulpicius, who was one, owed much to
Cato's credit and authority in the city, and it was thought
unhandsome and ungratefully done, to stand against him; not that
Cato himself took it ill, "For it is no wonder," said he, "if a
man will not yield to another, in that which he esteems the
greatest good." He had persuaded the senate to make an order,
that those who stood for offices, should themselves ask the
people for their votes, and not solicit by others, nor take
others about with them, to speak for them, in their canvass. And
this made the common people very hostile to him, if they were to
lose not only the means of receiving money, but also the
opportunity of obliging several persons, and so to become by his
means both poor and less regarded. Besides this, Cato himself
was by nature altogether unfit for the business of canvassing, as
he was more anxious to sustain the dignity of his life and
character, than to obtain the office. Thus by following his own
way of soliciting, and not suffering his friends to do those
things which take with the multitude, he was rejected, and lost
the consulship.
But whereas, upon such occasions, not only those who missed the
office, but even their friends and relations, used to feel
themselves disgraced and humiliated, and observed a sort of
mourning for several days after, Cato took it so unconcernedly,
that he anointed himself, and played at ball in the Field, and
after breakfasting, went into the forum, as he used to do,
without his shoes or his tunic, and there walked about with his
acquaintance. Cicero blames him, for that when affairs required
such a consul, he would not take more pains, nor condescend to
pay some court to the people, as also because that he afterwards
neglected to try again; whereas he had stood a second time to be
chosen praetor. Cato answered, that he lost the praetorship the
first time, not by the voice of the people, but by the violence
and corrupt dealing of his adversaries; whereas in the election
of consuls, there had been no foul play. So that he plainly saw
the people did not like his manners, which an honest man ought
not to alter for their sake; nor yet would a wise man attempt the
same thing again, while liable to the same prejudices.
Caesar was at this time engaged with many warlike nations, and
was subduing them at great hazards. Among the rest, it was
believed he had set upon the Germans, in a time of truce, and had
thus slain three hundred thousand of them. Upon which, some of
his friends moved the senate for a public thanksgiving; but Cato
declared, they ought to deliver Caesar into the hands of those
who had been thus unjustly treated, and so expiate the offense
and not bring a curse upon the city; "Yet we have reason," said
he, "to thank the gods, for that they spared the commonwealth,
and did not take vengeance upon the army, for the madness and
folly of the general." Hereupon Caesar wrote a letter to the
senate, which was read openly, and was full of reproachful
language and accusations against Cato; who, standing up, seemed
not at all concerned, and without any heat or passion, but in a
calm and, as it were, premeditated discourse, made all Caesar's
charges against him show like mere common scolding and abuse, and
in fact a sort of pleasantry and play on Caesar's part; and
proceeding then to go into all Caesar's political courses, and to
explain and reveal (as though he had been not his constant
opponent, but his fellow-conspirator,) his whole conduct and
purpose from its commencement, he concluded by telling the
senate, it was not the sons of the Britons or the Gauls they need
fear, but Caesar himself, if they were wise. And this discourse
so moved and awakened the senate, that Caesar's friends repented
they had had a letter read, which had given Cato an opportunity
of saying so many reasonable things, and such severe truths
against him. However, nothing was then decided upon; it was
merely said, that it would be well to send him a successor. Upon
that Caesar's friends required, that Pompey also should lay down
his arms, and resign his provinces, or else that Caesar might not
be obliged to either. Then Cato cried out, what he had foretold
was come to pass; now it was manifest he was using his forces to
compel their judgment, and was turning against the state those
armies he had got from it by imposture and trickery. But out of
the Senate-house Cato could do but little, as the people were
ever ready to magnify Caesar and the senate, though convinced by
Cato, were afraid of the people.
But when the news was brought that Caesar had seized Ariminum,
and was marching with his army toward Rome, then all men, even
Pompey, and the common people too, cast their eyes on Cato, who
had alone foreseen and first clearly declared Caesar's
intentions. He, therefore, told them, "If you had believed me,
or regarded my advice, you would not now have been reduced to
stand in fear of one man, or to put all your hopes in one alone."
Pompey acknowledged, that Cato indeed had spoken most like a
prophet, while he himself had acted too much like a friend. And
Cato advised the senate to put all into the hands of Pompey; "For
those who can raise up great evils," said he, "can best allay
them."
Pompey, finding he had not sufficient forces, and that those he
could raise, were not very resolute, forsook the city. Cato,
resolving to follow Pompey into exile, sent his younger son to
Munatius, who was then in the country of Bruttium, and took his
eldest with him; but wanting somebody to keep his house and take
care of his daughters, he took Marcia again, who was now a rich
widow, Hortensius being dead, and having left her all his estate.
Caesar afterward made use of this action also, to reproach him
with covetousness, and a mercenary design in his marriage.
"For," said he, "if he had need of wife, why did he part with
her? And if he had not, why did he take her again? Unless he
gave her only as a bait to Hortensius; and lent her when she was
young, to have her again when she was rich." But in answer to
this, we might fairly apply the saying of Euripides.
To speak of mysteries -- the chief of these
Surely were cowardice in Hercules.
For it is much the same thing to reproach Hercules for cowardice,
and to accuse Cato of covetousness; though otherwise, whether he
did altogether right in this marriage, might be disputed. As
soon, however, as he had again taken Marcia, he committed his
house and his daughters to her, and himself followed Pompey. And
it is said, that from that day he never cut his hair, nor shaved
his beard, nor wore a garland, but was always full of sadness,
grief, and dejectedness for the calamities of his country, and
continually showed the same feeling to the last, whatever party
had misfortune or success.
The government of Sicily being allotted to him, he passed over to
Syracuse; where understanding that Asinius Pollio was arrived at
Messena, with forces from the enemy, Cato sent to him, to know
the reason of his coming thither: Pollio, on the other side,
called upon him to show reason for the present convulsions. And
being at the same time informed how Pompey had quite abandoned
Italy, and lay encamped at Dyrrhachium, he spoke of the
strangeness and incomprehensibility of the divine government of
things; "Pompey, when he did nothing wisely nor honestly, was
always successful; and now that he would preserve his country,
and defend her liberty, he is altogether unfortunate." As for
Asinius, he said, he could drive him out of Sicily, but as there
were larger forces coming to his assistance, he would not engage
the island in a war. He therefore advised the Syracusans to join
the conquering party and provide for their own safety; and so set
sail from thence.
When he came to Pompey, he uniformly gave advice to protract the
war; as he always hoped to compose matters, and was by no means
desirous that they should come to action; for the commonwealth
would suffer extremely, and be the certain cause of its own ruin,
whoever were conqueror by the sword. In like manner, he
persuaded Pompey and the council to ordain, that no city should
be sacked that was subject to the people of Rome; and that no
Roman should be killed, but in the heat of battle; and hereby he
got himself great honor, and brought over many to Pompey's party,
whom his moderation and humanity attracted. Afterwards being
sent into Asia, to assist those who were raising men, and
preparing ships in those parts, he took with him his sister
Servilia, and a little boy whom she had by Lucullus. For since
her widowhood, she had lived with her brother, and much recovered
her reputation, having put herself under his care, followed him
in his voyages, and complied with his severe way of living. Yet
Caesar did not fail to asperse him upon her account also.
Pompey's officers in Asia, it seems, had no great need of Cato;
but he brought over the people of Rhodes by his persuasions, and
leaving his sister Servilia and her child there, he returned to
Pompey, who had now collected very great forces both by sea and
land. And here Pompey, more than in any other act, betrayed his
intentions. For at first he designed to give Cato the command of
the navy, which consisted of no less than five hundred ships of
war, besides a vast number of light galleys, scouts, and open
boats. But presently bethinking himself, or put in mind by his
friends, that Cato's principal and only aim being to free his
country from all usurpation, if he were master of such great
forces, as soon as ever Caesar should be conquered, he would
certainly call upon Pompey, also, to lay down his arms, and be
subject to the laws, he changed his mind, and though he had
already mentioned it to Cato, nevertheless made Bibulus admiral.
Notwithstanding this, he had no reason to suppose that Cato's
zeal in the cause was in any way diminished. For before one of
the battles at Dyrrhachium, when Pompey himself, we are told,
made an address to the soldiers and bade the officers do the
like, the men listened to them but coldly, and with silence,
until Cato, last of all, came forward, and in the language of
philosophy, spoke to them, as the occasion required, concerning
liberty, manly virtue, death, and a good name; upon all which he
delivered himself with strong natural passion, and concluded with
calling in the aid of the gods, to whom he directed his speech,
as if they were present to behold them fight for their country.
And at this the army gave such a shout and showed such
excitement, that their officers led them on full of hope and
confidence to the danger. Caesar's party were routed, and put to
flight; but his presiding fortune used the advantage of Pompey's
cautiousness and diffidence, to render the victory incomplete.
But of this we have spoken in the life of Pompey. While,
however, all the rest rejoiced, and magnified their success, Cato
alone bewailed his country, and cursed that fatal ambition, which
made so many brave Romans murder one another.
After this, Pompey following Caesar into Thessaly, left at
Dyrrhachium a quantity of munitions, money, and stores, and many
of his domestics and relations; the charge of all which he gave
to Cato, with the command only of fifteen cohorts. For though he
trusted him much, yet he was afraid of him too, knowing full
well, that if he had bad success, Cato would be the last to
forsake him, but if he conquered, would never let him use his
victory at his pleasure. There were, likewise, many persons of
high rank that stayed with Cato at Dyrrhachium. When they heard
of the overthrow at Pharsalia, Cato resolved with himself, that
if Pompey were slain, he would conduct those that were with him
into Italy, and then retire as far from the tyranny of Caesar as
he could, and live in exile; but if Pompey were safe, he would
keep the army together for him. With this resolution he passed
over to Corcyra, where the navy lay, there he would have resigned
his command to Cicero, because he had been consul, and himself
only a praetor: but Cicero refused it, and was going for Italy.
At which Pompey's son being incensed, would rashly and in heat
have punished all those who were going away, and in the first
place have laid hands on Cicero; but Cato spoke with him in
private, and diverted him from that design. And thus he clearly
saved the life of Cicero, and rescued several others also from
ill-treatment.
Conjecturing that Pompey the Great was fled toward Egypt or
Africa, Cato resolved to hasten after him; and having taken all
his men aboard, he set sail; but first to those who were not
zealous to continue the contest, he gave free liberty to depart.
When they came to the coast of Africa, they met with Sextus,
Pompey's younger son, who told them of the death of his father in
Egypt; at which they were all exceedingly grieved, and declared
that after Pompey they would follow no other leader but Cato.
Out of compassion therefore to so many worthy persons, who had
given such testimonies of their fidelity, and whom he could not
for shame leave in a desert country, amidst so many difficulties,
he took upon him the command, and marched toward the city of
Cyrene, which presently received him, though not long before they
had shut their gates against Labienus. Here he was informed that
Scipio, Pompey's father-in-law, was received by king Juba, and
that Attius Varus, whom Pompey had made governor of Africa, had
joined them with his forces. Cato therefore resolved to march
toward them by land, it being now winter; and got together a
number of asses to carry water, and furnished himself likewise
with plenty of all other provision, and a number of carriages.
He took also with him some of those they call Psylli, who cure
the biting of serpents, by sucking out the poison with their
mouths, and have likewise certain charms, by which they stupefy
and lay asleep the serpents.
Thus they marched seven days together, Cato all the time going on
foot at the head of his men, and never making use of any horse or
chariot. Ever since the battle of Pharsalia, he used to sit at
table, and added this to his other ways of mourning, that he
never lay down but to sleep.
Having passed the winter in Africa, Cato drew out his army, which
amounted to little less than ten thousand. The affairs of Scipio
and Varus went very ill, by reason of their dissensions and
quarrels among themselves, and their submissions and flatteries
to king Juba, who was insupportable for his vanity, and the pride
he took in his strength and riches. The first time he came to a
conference with Cato, he had ordered his own seat to be placed in
the middle, between Scipio and Cato; which Cato observing, took
up his chair, and set himself on the other side of Scipio, to
whom he thus gave the honor of sitting in the middle, though he
were his enemy, and had formerly published some scandalous
writing against him. There are people who speak as if this were
quite an insignificant matter, and who nevertheless find fault
with Cato, because in Sicily, walking one day with Philostratus,
he gave him the middle place, to show his respect for philosophy.
However, he now succeeded both in humbling the pride of Juba, who
was treating Scipio and Varus much like a pair of satraps under
his orders, and also in reconciling them to each other. All the
troops desired him to be their leader; Scipio, likewise, and
Varus gave way to it, and offered him the command; but he said,
he would not break those laws, which he sought to defend, and he,
being, but propraetor, ought not to command in the presence of a
proconsul, (for Scipio had been created proconsul,) besides that
people took it as a good omen; to see a Scipio command in Africa,
and the very name inspired the soldiers with hopes of success.
Scipio, having taken upon him the command, presently resolved, at
the instigation of Juba, to put all the inhabitants of Utica to
the sword, and to raze the city, for having, as they professed,
taken part with Caesar. Cato would by no means suffer this; but
invoking the gods, exclaiming and protesting against it in the
council of war, he with much difficulty delivered the poor people
from this cruelty. And afterwards, upon the entreaty of the
inhabitants, and at the instance of Scipio, Cato took upon
himself the government of Utica, lest, one way or other, it
should fall into Caesar's hands; for it was a strong place, and
very advantageous for either party. And it was yet better
provided and more strongly fortified by Cato, who brought in
great store of corn, repaired the walls, erected towers, and made
deep trenches and palisades around the town. The young men of
Utica he lodged among these works, having first taken their arms
from them; the rest of the inhabitants he kept within the town,
and took the greatest care, that no injury should be done nor
affront offered them by the Romans. From hence he sent great
quantity of arms, money, and provision to the camp, and made this
city their chief magazine.
He advised Scipio, as he had before done Pompey, by no means to
hazard a battle against a man experienced in war, and formidable
in the field, but to use delay; for time would gradually abate
the violence of the crisis, which is the strength of usurpation.
But Scipio out of pride rejected this counsel, and wrote a letter
to Cato, in which he reproached him with cowardice; and that he
could not be content to lie secure himself within walls and
trenches, but he must hinder others from boldly using their own
good-sense to seize the right opportunity. In answer to this,
Cato wrote word again, that he would take the horse and foot
which he had brought into Africa, and go over into Italy, to make
a diversion there, and draw Caesar off from them. But Scipio
derided this proposition also. Then Cato openly let it be seen
that he was sorry he had yielded the command to Scipio, who he
saw would not carry on the war with any wisdom, and if, contrary
to all appearance, he should succeed, he would use his success as
unjustly at home. For Cato had then made up his mind, and so he
told his friends, that he could have but slender hopes in those
generals that had so much boldness, and so little conduct; yet if
anything should happen beyond expectation, and Caesar should be
overthrown, for his part he would not stay at Rome, but would
retire from the cruelty and inhumanity of Scipio, who had already
uttered fierce and proud threats against many.
But what Cato had looked for, fell out sooner than he expected.
Late in the evening came one from the army, whence he had been
three days coming, who brought word there had been a great battle
near Thapsus; that all was utterly lost; Caesar had taken the
camps, Scipio and Juba were fled with a few only, and all the
rest of the army was lost. This news arriving in time of war,
and in the night, so alarmed the people, that they were almost
out of their wits, and could scarce keep themselves within the
walls of the city. But Cato came forward, and meeting the people
in this hurry and clamor, did all he could to comfort and
encourage them, and somewhat appeased the fear and amazement they
were in, telling them that very likely things were not so bad in
truth, but much exaggerated in the report. And so he pacified
the tumult for the present. The next morning, he sent for the
three hundred, whom he used as his council; these were Romans,
who were in Africa upon business, in commerce and money-lending;
there were also several senators and their sons. They were
summoned to meet in the temple of Jupiter. While they were
coming together, Cato walked about very quietly and unconcerned,
as if nothing new had happened. He had a book in his hand, which
he was reading; in this book was an account of what provision he
had for war, armor, corn, ammunition and soldiers.
When they were assembled, he began his discourse; first, as
regarded the three hundred themselves, and very much commended
the courage and fidelity they had shown, and their having very
well served their country with their persons, money, and counsel.
Then he entreated them by no means to separate, as if each single
man could hope for any safety in forsaking his companions; on
the contrary, while they kept together, Caesar would have less
reason to despise them, if they fought against him, and be more
forward to pardon them, if they submitted to him. Therefore, he
advised them to consult among themselves, nor should he find
fault, whichever course they adopted. If they thought fit to
submit to fortune, he would impute their change to necessity; but
if they resolved to stand firm, and undertake the danger for the
sake of liberty, he should not only commend, but admire their
courage, and would himself be their leader and companion too,
till they had put to the proof the utmost fortune of their
country; which was not Utica or Adrumetum, but Rome, and she had
often, by her own greatness, raised herself after worse
disasters. Besides, as there were many things that would conduce
to their safety, so chiefly this, that they were to fight against
one whose affairs urgently claimed his presence in various
quarters. Spain was already revolted to the younger Pompey; Rome
was unaccustomed to the bridle, and impatient of it, and would
therefore be ready to rise in insurrection upon any turn of
affairs. As for themselves, they ought not to shrink from the
danger; and in this might take example from their enemy, who so
freely exposes his life to effect the most unrighteous designs,
yet never can hope for so happy a conclusion, as they may promise
themselves; for notwithstanding the uncertainty of war, they will
be sure of a most happy life, if they succeed, or a most glorious
death, if they miscarry. However, he said, they ought to
deliberate among themselves, and he joined with them in praying
the gods that in recompense of their former courage and goodwill,
they would prosper their present determinations. When Cato had
thus spoken, many were moved and encouraged by his arguments, but
the greatest part were so animated by the sense of his
intrepidity, generosity, and goodness, that they forgot the
present danger, and as if he were the only invincible leader, and
above all fortune, they entreated him to employ their persons,
arms, and estates, as he thought fit; for they esteemed it far
better to meet death in following his counsel, than to find their
safety in betraying one of so great virtue. One of the assembly
proposed the making a decree, to set the slaves at liberty; and
most of the rest approved the motion. Cato said, that it ought
not to be done, for it was neither just nor lawful; but if any of
their masters would willingly set them free, those that were fit
for service should be received. Many promised so to do; whose
names he ordered to be enrolled, and then withdrew.
Presently after this, he received letters from Juba and Scipio.
Juba, with some few of his men, was retired to a mountain, where
he waited to hear what Cato would resolve upon; and intended to
stay there for him, if he thought fit to leave Utica, or to come
to his aid with his troops, if he were besieged. Scipio was on
shipboard, near a certain promontory, not far from Utica,
expecting an answer upon the same account. But Cato thought fit
to retain the messengers, till the three hundred should come to
some resolution,
As for the senators that were there, they showed great
forwardness, and at once set free their slaves, and furnished
them with arms. But the three hundred being men occupied in
merchandise and money-lending, much of their substance also
consisting in slaves, the enthusiasm that Cato's speech had
raised in them, did not long continue. As there are substances
that easily admit heat, and as suddenly lose it, when the fire is
removed, so these men were heated and inflamed, while Cato was
present; but when they began to reason among themselves, the
fear they had of Caesar, soon overcame their reverence for Cato
and for virtue. "For who are we," said they, "and who is it we
refuse to obey? Is it not that Caesar, who is now invested with
all the power of Rome? and which of us is a Scipio, a Pompey, or
a Cato? But now that all men make their honor give way to their
fear, shall we alone engage for the liberty of Rome, and in Utica
declare war against him, before whom Cato and Pompey the Great
fled out of Italy? Shall we set free our slaves against Caesar,
who have ourselves no more liberty than he is pleased to allow?
No, let us, poor creatures, know ourselves, submit to the victor,
and send deputies to implore his mercy." Thus said the most
moderate of them; but the greatest part were for seizing the
senators, that by securing them, they might appease Caesar's
anger. Cato, though he perceived the change, took no notice of
it; but wrote to Juba and Scipio to keep away from Utica, because
he mistrusted the three hundred.
A considerable body of horse, which had escaped from the late
fight, riding up towards Utica, sent three men before to Cato,
who yet did not all bring the same message; for one party was for
going to Juba, another for joining with Cato, and some again were
afraid to go into Utica. When Cato heard this, he ordered Marcus
Rubrius to attend upon the three hundred, and quietly take the
names of those who of their own accord set their slaves at
liberty, but by no means to force anybody. Then, taking with him
the senators, he went out of the town, and met the principal
officers of these horsemen, whom he entreated not to abandon so
many Roman senators, nor to prefer Juba for their commander
before Cato, but consult the common safety, and to come into the
city, which was impregnable, and well furnished with corn and
other provision, sufficient for many years. The senators,
likewise, with tears besought them to stay. Hereupon the
officers went to consult their soldiers, and Cato with the
senators sat down upon an embankment, expecting their resolution.
In the meantime comes Rubrius in great disorder, crying out, the
three hundred were all in commotion, and exciting revolt and
tumult in the city. At this all the rest fell into despair,
lamenting and bewailing their condition. Cato endeavored to
comfort them, and sent to the three hundred, desiring them to
have patience. Then the officers of the horse returned with no
very reasonable demands. They said, they did not desire to serve
Juba, for his pay, nor should they fear Caesar, while they
followed Cato, but they dreaded to be shut up with the Uticans,
men of traitorous temper, and Carthaginian blood; for though they
were quiet at present, yet as soon as Caesar should appear,
without doubt they would conspire together, and betray the
Romans. Therefore, if he expected they should join with him, he
must drive out of the town or destroy all the Uticans, that he
might receive them into a place clear both of enemies and
barbarians. This Cato thought utterly cruel and barbarous; but
he mildly answered, he would consult the three hundred.
Then he returned to the city, where he found the men, not framing
excuses, or dissembling out of reverence to him, but openly
declaring that no one should compel them to make war against
Caesar; which, they said, they were neither able nor willing to
do. And some there were who muttered words about retaining the
senators till Caesar's coming; but Cato seemed not to hear this,
as indeed he had the excuse of being a little deaf. At the same
time came one to him, and told him the horse were going away.
And now, fearing lest the three hundred should take some
desperate resolution concerning the senators, he presently went
out with some of his friends, and seeing they were gone some way,
he took horse, and rode after them. They, when they saw him
coming, were very glad, and received him very kindly, entreating
him to save himself with them. At this time, it is said, Cato
shed tears, while entreating them on behalf of the senators, and
stretching out his hands in supplication. He turned some of
their horses' heads, and laid hold of the men by their armor,
till in fine he prevailed with them, out of compassion, to stay
only that one day, to procure a safe retreat for the senators.
Having thus persuaded them to go along with him, some he placed
at the gates of the town, and to others gave the charge of the
citadel. The three hundred began to fear they should suffer for
their inconstancy, and sent to Cato, entreating him by all means
to come to them; but the senators flocking about him, would not
suffer him to go, and said they would not trust their guardian
and savior to the hands of perfidious traitors.
For there had never, perhaps, been a time when Cato's virtue
appeared more manifestly; and every class of men in Utica could
clearly see, with sorrow and admiration, how entirely free was
everything that he was doing from any secret motives or any
mixture of self-regard; he, namely, who had long before resolved
on his own death, was taking such extreme pains, toil, and care,
only for the sake of others, that when he had secured their
lives, he might put an end to his own. For it was easily
perceived, that he had determined to die, though he did not let
it appear.
Therefore, having pacified the senators, he complied with the
request of the three hundred, and went to them alone without any
attendance. They gave him many thanks, and entreated him to
employ and trust them for the future; and if they were not Catos,
and could not aspire to his greatness of mind, they begged he
would pity their weakness; and told him, they had determined to
send to Caesar and entreat him, chiefly and in the first place,
for Cato, and if they could not prevail for him, they would not
accept of pardon for themselves, but as long as they had breath,
would fight in his defense. Cato commended their good
intentions, and advised them to send speedily, for their own
safety, but by no means to ask anything in his behalf; for those
who are conquered, entreat, and those who have done wrong, beg
pardon; for himself, he did not confess to any defeat in all his
life, but rather, so far as he had thought fit, he had got the
victory, and had conquered Caesar in all points of justice and
honesty. It was Caesar that ought to be looked upon as one
surprised and vanquished; for he was now convicted and found
guilty of those designs against his country, which he had so long
practiced and so constantly denied. When he had thus spoken, he
went out of the assembly, and being informed that Caesar was
coming with his whole army, "Ah," said he, "he expects to find us
brave men." Then he went to the senators, and urged them to make
no delay, but hasten to be gone, while the horsemen were yet in
the city. So ordering all the gates to be shut, except one
towards the sea, he assigned their several ships to those that
were to depart, and gave money and provision to those that
wanted; all which he did with great order and exactness, taking
care to suppress all tumults, and that no wrong should be done to
the people.
Marcus Octavius, coming with two legions, now encamped near
Utica, and sent to Cato, to arrange about the chief command.
Cato returned him no answer; but said to his friends, "Can we
wonder all has gone ill with us, when our love of office survives
even in our very ruin?" In the meantime, word was brought him,
that the horse were going away, and were beginning to spoil and
plunder the citizens. Cato ran to them, and from the first he
met, snatched what they had taken; the rest threw down all they
had gotten, and went away silent, and ashamed of what they had
done. Then he called together all the people of Utica, and
requested them upon the behalf of the three hundred, not to
exasperate Caesar against them, but all to seek their common
safety together with them. After that, he went again to the
port, to see those who were about to embark; and there he
embraced and dismissed those of his friends and acquaintance whom
he had persuaded to go. As for his son, he did not counsel him
to be gone, nor did he think fit to persuade him to forsake his
father. But there was one Statyllius, a young man, in the flower
of his age, of a brave spirit, and very desirous to imitate the
constancy of Cato. Cato entreated him to go away, as he was a
noted enemy to Caesar, but without success. Then Cato looked at
Apollonides, the stoic philosopher, and Demetrius, the
peripatetic; "It belongs to you," said he, "to cool the fever of
this young man's spirit, and to make him know what is good for
him." And thus, in setting his friends upon their way, and in
dispatching the business of any that applied to him, he spent
that night, and the greatest part of the next day.
Lucius Caesar, a kinsman of Caesar's, being appointed to go
deputy for the three hundred, came to Cato, and desired he would
assist him to prepare a persuasive speech for them; "And as to
you yourself," said he, "it will be an honor for me to kiss the
hands and fall at the knees of Caesar, in your behalf." But Cato
would by no means permit him to do any such thing; "For as to
myself," said he, "if I would be preserved by Caesar's favor, I
should myself go to him; but I would not be beholden to a tyrant,
for his acts of tyranny. For it is but usurpation in him to
save, as their rightful lord, the lives of men over whom he has
no title to reign. But if you please, let us consider what you
had best say for the three hundred." And when they had continued
some time together, as Lucius was going away, Cato recommended to
him his son, and the rest of his friends; and taking him by the
hand, bade him farewell.
Then he retired to his house again, and called together his son
and his friends, to whom he conversed on various subjects; among
the rest, he forbade his son to engage himself in the affairs of
state. For to act therein as became him, was now impossible; and
to do otherwise, would be dishonorable. Toward evening he went
into his bath. As he was bathing, he remembered Statyllius, and
called out aloud, "Apollonides, have you tamed the high spirit of
Statyllius, and is he gone without bidding us farewell?" "No,"
said Apollonides, "I have said much to him, but to little
purpose; he is still resolute and unalterable, and declares he is
determined to follow your example." At this, it is said, Cato
smiled, and answered, "That will soon be tried."
After he had bathed, he went to supper, with a great deal of
company; at which he sat up, as he had always used to do ever
since the battle of Pharsalia; for since that time he never lay
down, but when he went to sleep. There supped with him all his
own friends and the magistrates of Utica.
After supper, the wine produced a great deal of lively and
agreeable discourse, and a whole series of philosophical
questions was discussed. At length they came to the strange
dogmas of the stoics, called their Paradoxes; and to this in
particular, That the good man only is free, and that all wicked
men are slaves. The peripatetic, as was to be expected, opposing
this, Cato fell upon him very warmly; and somewhat raising his
voice, he argued the matter at great length, and urged the point
with such vehemence, that it was apparent to everybody, he was
resolved to put an end to his life, and set himself at liberty.
And so, when he had done speaking, there was a great silence, and
evident dejection. Cato, therefore, to divert them from any
suspicion of his design, turned the conversation, and began again
to talk of matters of present interest and expectation, showing
great concern for those that were at sea, as also for the others,
who, traveling by land, were to pass through a dry and barbarous
desert.
When the company was broke up, he walked with his friends, as he
used to do after supper, gave the necessary orders to the
officers of the watch, and going into his chamber, he embraced
his son and every one of his friends with more than usual warmth,
which again renewed their suspicion of his design. Then laying
himself down, he took into his hand Plato's dialogue concerning
the soul. Having read more than half the book, he looked up, and
missing his sword, which his son had taken away while he was at
supper, he called his servant, and asked, who had taken away his
sword. The servant making no answer, he fell to reading again;
and a little after, not seeming importunate, or hasty for it, but
as if he would only know what was become of it, he bade it be
brought. But having waited some time, when he had read through
the book, and still nobody brought the sword, he called up all
his servants, and in a louder tone demanded his sword. To one of
them he gave such a blow in the mouth, that he hurt his own hand;
and now grew more angry, exclaiming that he was betrayed and
delivered naked to the enemy by his son and his servants. Then
his son, with the rest of his friends, came running, into the
room, and falling at his feet, began to lament and beseech him.
But Cato raising up himself, and looking fiercely, "When," said
he, "and how did I become deranged, and out of my senses, that
thus no one tries to persuade me by reason, or show me what is
better, if I am supposed to be ill-advised? Must I be disarmed,
and hindered from using my own reason? And you, young man, why
do not you bind your father's hands behind him, that when Caesar
comes, he may find me unable to defend myself? To dispatch
myself I want no sword; I need but hold my breath awhile, or
strike my head against the wall."
When he had thus spoken, his son went weeping out of the chamber,
and with him all the rest, except Demetrius and Apollollides, to
whom, being left alone with him, he began to speak more calmly.
"And you," said he, "do you also think to keep a man of my age
alive by force, and to sit here and silently watch me? Or do you
bring me some reasons to prove, that it will not be base and
unworthy for Cato, when he can find his safety no other way, to
seek it from his enemy? If so, adduce your arguments, and show
cause why we should now unlearn what we formerly were taught, in
order that rejecting all the convictions in which we lived, we
may now by Caesar's help grow wiser, and be yet more obliged to
him, than for life only. Not that I have determined aught
concerning myself, but I would have it in my power to perform
what I shall think fit to resolve; and I shall not fail to take
you as my advisers, in holding counsel, as I shall do, with the
doctrines which your philosophy teaches; in the meantime, do not
trouble yourselves; but go tell my son, that he should not compel
his father to what he cannot persuade him to." They made him no
answer, but went weeping out of the chamber. Then the sword
being brought in by a little boy, Cato took it, drew it out, and
looked at it; and when he saw the point was good, "Now," said he,
"I am master of myself;" and laying down the sword, he took his
book again, which, it is related, he read twice over. After this
he slept so soundly, that he was heard to snore by those that
were without.
About midnight, he called up two of his freedmen, Cleanthes, his
physician, and Butas, whom he chiefly employed in public
business. Him he sent to the port, to see if all his friends had
sailed; to the physician he gave his hand to be dressed, as it
was swollen with the blow he had struck one of his servants. At
this they all rejoiced, hoping that now he designed to live.
Butas, after a while, returned, and brought word they were all
gone except Crassus, who had stayed about some business, but was
just ready to depart; he said, also, that the wind was high, and
the sea very rough. Cato, on hearing this, sighed, out of
compassion to those who were at sea, and sent Butas again, to see
if any of them should happen to return for anything they wanted,
and to acquaint him therewith.
Now the birds began to sing, and he again fell into a little
slumber. At length Butas came back, and told him, all was quiet
in the port. Then Cato, laying himself down, as if he would
sleep out the rest of the night, bade him shut the door after
him. But as soon as Butas was gone out, he took his sword, and
stabbed it into his breast; yet not being able to use his hand so
well, on account of the swelling, he did not immediately die of
the wound; but struggling, fell off the bed, and throwing down a
little mathematical table that stood by, made such a noise, that
the servants, hearing it, cried out. And immediately his son and
all his friends came into the chamber, where seeing him lie
weltering in his blood, great part of his bowels out of his body,
but himself still alive and able to look at them, they all stood
in horror. The physician went to him, and would have put in his
bowels, which were not pierced, and sewed up the wound; but Cato,
recovering himself, and understanding the intention, thrust away
the physician, plucked out his own bowels, and tearing open the
wound, immediately expired.
In less time than one would think his own family could have known
this accident, all the three hundred were at the door. And a
little after, the people of Utica flocked thither, crying out
with one voice, he was their benefactor and their savior, the
only free and only undefeated man. At the very same time, they
had news that Caesar was coming; yet neither fear of the present
danger, nor desire to flatter the conqueror, nor the commotions
and discord among themselves, could divert them from doing honor
to Cato. For they sumptuously set out his body, made him a
magnificent funeral, and buried him by the seaside, where now
stands his statue, holding a sword. And only when this had been
done, they returned to consider of preserving themselves and
their city.
Caesar had been informed that Cato stayed at Utica, and did not
seek to fly; that he had sent away the rest of the Romans, but
himself, with his son and a few of his friends, continued there
very unconcernedly, so that he could not imagine what might be
his design. But having a great consideration for the man, he
hastened thither with his army. When he heard of his death, it
is related he said these words, "Cato, I grudge you your death,
as you have grudged me the preservation of your life." And,
indeed, if Cato would have suffered himself to owe his life to
Caesar, he would not so much have impaired his own honor, as
augmented the other's glory. What would have been done, of
course we cannot know, but from Caesar's usual clemency, we may
guess what was most likely.
Cato was forty-eight years old when he died. His son suffered no
injury from Caesar; but, it is said, he grew idle, and was
thought to be dissipated among women. In Cappadocia, he stayed
at the house of Marphadates, one of the royal family there, who
had a very handsome wife; and continuing his visit longer than
was suitable, he made himself the subject of various epigrams;
such as, for example,
Tomorrow, (being the thirtieth day),
Cato, 't is thought, will go away;
Porcius and Marphadates, friends so true,
One Soul, they say, suffices for the two,
that being the name of the woman, and so again,
To Cato's greatness every one confesses,
A royal Soul he certainly possesses.
But all these stains were entirely wiped off by the bravery of
his death. For in the battle of Philippi, where he fought for
his country's liberty against Caesar and Antony, when the ranks
were breaking, he, scorning to fly, or to escape unknown, called
out to the enemy, showed himself to them in the front, and
encouraged those of his party who stayed; and at length fell, and
left his enemies full of admiration of his valor.
Nor was the daughter of Cato inferior to the rest of her family,
for sober-living and greatness of spirit. She was married to
Brutus, who killed Caesar; was acquainted with the conspiracy,
and ended her life as became one of her birth and virtue. All
which is related in the life of Brutus.
Statyllius, who said he would imitate Cato, was at that time
hindered by the philosophers, when he would have put an end to
his life. He afterward followed Brutus, to whom he was very
faithful and very serviceable, and died in the field of Philippi.