As soon as Ariminum was taken, wide gates, so to say, were

thrown open, to let in war upon every land alike and sea, and

with the limits of the province, the boundaries of the laws were

transgressed. Nor would one have thought that, as at other

times, the mere men and women fled from one town of Italy to

another in their consternation, but that the very towns

themselves left their sites, and fled for succor to each other.

The city of Rome was overrun as it were with a deluge, by the

conflux of people flying in from all the neighboring places.

Magistrates could no longer govern, nor the eloquence of any

orator quiet it; it was all but suffering shipwreck by the

violence of its own tempestuous agitation. The most vehement

contrary passions and impulses were at work everywhere. Nor

did those who rejoiced at the prospect of the change altogether

conceal their feelings, but when they met, as in so great a city

they frequently must, with the alarmed and dejected of the other

party, they provoked quarrels by their bold expressions of

confidence in the event. Pompey, sufficiently disturbed of

himself; was yet more perplexed by the clamors of others; some

telling him that he justly suffered for having armed Caesar

against himself and the government; others blaming him for

permitting Caesar to be insolently used by Lentulus, when he

made such ample concessions, and offered such reasonable

proposals towards an accommodation. Favonius bade him now stamp

upon the ground; for once talking big in the senate, he desired

them not to trouble themselves about making any preparations for

the war, for that he himself, with one stamp of his foot, would

fill all Italy with soldiers. Yet still Pompey at that time had

more forces than Caesar; but he was not permitted to pursue his

own thoughts, but being continually disturbed with false reports

and alarms, as if the enemy was close upon him and carrying all

before him, he gave way, and let himself be borne down by the

general cry. He put forth an edict declaring the city to be in

a state of anarchy, and left it with orders that the senate

should follow him, and that no one should stay behind who did

not prefer tyranny to their country and liberty.

The consuls at once fled, without making even the usual

sacrifices; so did most of the senators, carrying off their own

goods in as much haste as if they had been robbing their

neighbors. Some, who had formerly much favored Caesar's cause,

in the prevailing alarm, quitted their own sentiments, and

without any prospect of good to themselves, were carried along

by the common stream. It was a melancholy thing to see the city

tossed in these tumults, like a ship given up by her pilots, and

left to run, as chance guides her, upon any rock in her way.

Yet, in spite of their sad condition, people still esteemed the

place of their exile to be their country for Pompey's sake, and

fled from Rome, as if it had been Caesar's camp. Labienus even,

who had been one of Caesar's nearest friends, and his

lieutenant, and who had fought by him zealously in the Gallic

wars, now deserted him, and went over to Pompey. Caesar sent

all his money and equipage after him, and then sat down before

Corfinium, which was garrisoned with thirty cohorts under the

command of Domitius. He, in despair of maintaining the defense,

requested a physician, whom he had among his attendants, to give

him poison; and taking the dose, drank it, in hopes of being

dispatched by it. But soon after, when he was told that Caesar

showed the utmost clemency towards those he took prisoners, he

lamented his misfortune, and blamed the hastiness of his

resolution. His physician consoled him, by informing him that

he had taken a sleeping draught, not a poison; upon which, much

rejoiced, and rising from his bed, he went presently to Caesar,

and gave him the pledge of his hand, yet afterwards again

went over to Pompey. The report of these actions at Rome,

quieted those who were there, and some who had fled thence

returned.

Caesar took into his army Domitius's soldiers, as he did all

those whom he found in any town enlisted for Pompey's service.

Being now strong and formidable enough, he advanced against

Pompey himself, who did not stay to receive him, but fled to

Brundisium, having sent the consuls before with a body of troops

to Dyrrhachium. Soon after, upon Caesar's approach, he set to

sea, as shall be more particularly related in his Life. Caesar

would have immediately pursued him, but wanted shipping, and

therefore went back to Rome, having made himself master of all

Italy without bloodshed in the space of sixty days. When he

came thither, he found the city more quiet than he expected, and

many senators present, to whom he addressed himself with

courtesy and deference, desiring them to send to Pompey about

any reasonable accommodations towards a peace. But nobody

complied with this proposal; whether out of fear of Pompey, whom

they had deserted, or that they thought Caesar did not mean what

he said, but thought it his interest to talk plausibly.

Afterwards, when Metellus, the tribune, would have hindered him

from taking money out of the public treasure, and adduced some

laws against it, Caesar replied, that arms and laws had each

their own time; "If what I do displeases you, leave the place;

war allows no free talking. When I have laid down my arms, and

made peace, come back and make what speeches you please. And

this," he added, "I tell you in diminution of my own just right,

as indeed you and all others who have appeared against me and

are now in my power, may be treated as I please." Having said

this to Metellus, he went to the doors of the treasury, and the

keys being not to be found, sent for smiths to force them open.

Metellus again making resistance, and some encouraging him in

it, Caesar, in a louder tone, told him he would put him to

death, if he gave him any further disturbance. "And this," said

he, "you know, young man, is more disagreeable for me to say,

than to do." These words made Metellus withdraw for fear, and

obtained speedy execution henceforth for all orders that Caesar

gave for procuring necessaries for the war.

He was now proceeding to Spain, with the determination of first

crushing Afranius and Varro, Pompey's lieutenants, and making

himself master of the armies and provinces under them, that he

might then more securely advance against Pompey, when he had no

enemy left behind him. In this expedition his person was often

in danger from ambuscades, and his army by want of provisions,

yet he did not desist from pursuing the enemy, provoking them to

fight, and hemming them with his fortifications, till by main

force he made himself master of their camps and their forces.

Only the generals got off, and fled to Pompey.

When Caesar came back to Rome, Piso, his father-in-law, advised

him to send men to Pompey, to treat of a peace; but Isauricus,

to ingratiate himself with Caesar, spoke against it. After

this, being created dictator by the senate, he called home the

exiles, and gave back then rights as citizens to the children of

those who had suffered under Sylla; he relieved the debtors by

an act remitting some part of the interest on their debts, and

passed some other measures of the same sort, but not many. For

within eleven days he resigned his dictatorship, and having

declared himself consul, with Servilius Isauricus, hastened

again to the war. He marched so fast, that he left all his army

behind him, except six hundred chosen horse, and five legions,

with which he put to sea in the very middle of winter, about

the beginning of the month January, (which corresponds pretty

nearly with the Athenian month Posideon,) and having past the

Ionian Sea, took Oricum and Apollonia, and then sent back the

ships to Brundisium, to bring over the soldiers who were left

behind in the march. They, while yet on the march, their bodies

now no longer in the full vigor of youth, and they themselves

weary with such a multitude of wars, could not but exclaim

against Caesar, "When at last, and where, will this Caesar let

us be quiet? He carries us from place to place, and uses us as

if we were not to be worn out, and had no sense of labor. Even

our iron itself is spent by blows, and we ought to have some

pity on our bucklers and breastplates, which have been used so

long. Our wounds, if nothing else, should make him see that we

are mortal men, whom he commands, subject to the same pains and

sufferings as other human beings. The very gods themselves

cannot force the winter season, or hinder the storms in their

time; yet he pushes forward, as if he were not pursuing, but

flying from an enemy." So they talked as they marched leisurely

towards Brundisium. But when they came thither, and found

Caesar gone off before them, their feelings changed, and they

blamed themselves as traitors to their general. They now railed

at their officers for marching so slowly, and placing themselves

on the heights overlooking the sea towards Epirus, they kept

watch to see if they could espy the vessels which were to

transport them to Caesar.

He in the meantime was posted in Apollonia, but had not an army

with him able to fight the enemy, the forces from Brundisium

being so long in coming, which put him to great suspense and

embarrassment what to do. At last he resolved upon a most

hazardous experiment, and embarked, without anyone's knowledge,

in a boat of twelve oars, to cross over to Brundisium, though

the sea was at that time covered with a vast fleet of the

enemies. He got on board in the night time, in the dress of a

slave, and throwing himself down like a person of no

consequence, lay along at the bottom of the vessel. The river

Anius was to carry them down to sea, and there used to blow a

gentle gale every morning from the land, which made it calm at

the mouth of the river, by driving the waves forward; but this

night there had blown a strong wind from the sea, which

overpowered that from the land, so that where the river met the

influx of the sea-water and the opposition of the waves, it was

extremely rough and angry; and the current was beaten back with

such a violent swell, that the master of the boat could not make

good his passage, but ordered his sailors to tack about and

return. Caesar, upon this, discovers himself, and taking the

man by the hand, who was surprised to see him there, said, "Go

on, my friend, and fear nothing; you carry Caesar and his

fortune in your boat." The mariners, when they heard that,

forgot the storm, and laying all their strength to their oars,

did what they could to force their way down the river. But when

it was to no purpose, and the vessel now took in much water,

Caesar finding himself in such danger in the very mouth of the

river, much against his will permitted the master to turn back.

When he was come to land, his soldiers ran to him in a

multitude, reproaching him for what he had done, and indignant

that he should think himself not strong enough to get a victory

by their sole assistance, but must disturb himself, and expose

his life for those who were absent, as if he could not trust

those who were with him.

After this, Antony came over with the forces from Brundisium,

which encouraged Caesar to give Pompey battle, though he was

encamped very advantageously, and furnished with plenty of

provisions both by sea and land, whilst he himself was at the

beginning but ill-supplied, and before the end was extremely

pinched for want of necessaries, so that his soldiers were

forced to dig up a kind of root which grew there, and tempering

it with milk, to feed on it. Sometimes they made a kind of

bread of it, and advancing up to the enemy's outposts, would

throw in these loaves, telling them, that as long as the earth

produced such roots they would not give up blockading Pompey.

But Pompey took what care he could, that neither the loaves nor

the words should reach his men, who were out of heart and

despondent, through terror at the fierceness and hardiness of

their enemies, whom they looked upon as a sort of wild beasts.

There were continual skirmishes about Pompey's outworks, in all

which Caesar had the better, except one, when his men were

forced to fly in such a manner that he had like to have lost his

camp. For Pompey made such a vigorous sally on them that not a

man stood his ground; the trenches were filled with the

slaughter, many fell upon their own ramparts and bulwarks,

whither they were driven in flight by the enemy. Caesar met

them, and would have turned them back, but could not. When he

went to lay hold of the ensigns, those who carried them threw

them down, so that the enemies took thirty-two of them. He

himself narrowly escaped; for taking hold of one of his

soldiers, a big and strong man, that was flying by him, he bade

him stand and face about; but the fellow, full of apprehensions

from the danger he was in, laid hold of his sword, as if he

would strike Caesar, but Caesar's armor-bearer cut off his arm.

Caesar's affairs were so desperate at that time, that when

Pompey, either through over-cautiousness, or his ill fortune,

did not give the finishing stroke to that great success, but

retreated after he had driven the routed enemy within their

camp, Caesar, upon seeing his withdrawal, said to his friends,

"The victory to-day had been on the enemies' side, if they had

had a general who knew how to gain it." When he was retired

into his tent, he laid himself down to sleep, but spent that

night as miserably as ever he did any, in perplexity and

consideration with himself, coming to the conclusion that he had

conducted the war amiss. For when he had a fertile country

before him, and all the wealthy cities of Macedonia and

Thessaly, he had neglected to carry the war thither, and had sat

down by the seaside, where his enemies had such a powerful

fleet, so that he was in fact rather besieged by the want of

necessaries, than besieging others with his arms. Being thus

distracted in his thoughts with the view of the difficulty and

distress he was in, he raised his camp, with the intention of

advancing towards Scipio, who lay in Macedonia; hoping either to

entice Pompey into a country where he should fight without the

advantage he now had of supplies from the sea, or to overpower

Scipio, if not assisted.

This set all Pompey's army and officers on fire to hasten and

pursue Caesar, whom they concluded to be beaten and flying. But

Pompey was afraid to hazard a battle on which so much depended,

and being himself provided with all necessaries for any length

of time, thought to tire out and waste the vigor of Caesar's

army, which could not last long. For the best part of his men,

though they had great experience and showed an irresistible

courage in all engagements, yet by their frequent marches,

changing their camps, attacking fortifications, and keeping

long night-watches, were getting worn-out and broken; they being

now old, their bodies less fit for labor, and their courage,

also, beginning to give way with the failure of their strength.

Besides, it was said that an infectious disease, occasioned by

their irregular diet, was prevailing in Caesar's army, and what

was of greatest moment, he was neither furnished with money nor

provisions, so that in a little time he must needs fall of

himself.

For these reasons Pompey had no mind to fight him, but was

thanked for it by none but Cato, who rejoiced at the prospect of

sparing his fellow-citizens. For he when he saw the dead bodies

of those who had fallen in the last battle on Caesar's side, to

the number of a thousand, turned away, covered his face, and

shed tears. But everyone else upbraided Pompey for being

reluctant to fight, and tried to goad him on by such nicknames

as Agamemnon, and king of kings, as if he were in no hurry to

lay down his sovereign authority, but was pleased to see so many

commanders attending on him, and paying their attendance at his

tent. Favonius, who affected Cato's free way of speaking his

mind, complained bitterly that they should eat no figs even this

year at Tusculum, because of Pompey's love of command.

Afranius, who was lately returned out of Spain, and on account

of his ill success there, labored under the suspicion of having

been bribed to betray the army, asked why they did not fight

this purchaser of provinces. Pompey was driven, against his own

will, by this kind of language, into offering battle, and

proceeded to follow Caesar. Caesar had found great difficulties

in his march, for no country would supply him with provisions,

his reputation being very much fallen since his late defeat.

But after he took Gomphi, a town of Thessaly, he not only found

provisions for his army, but physic too. For there they met

with plenty of wine, which they took very freely, and heated

with this, sporting and reveling on their march in bacchanalian

fashion, they shook off the disease, and their whole

constitution was relieved and changed into another habit.

When the two armies were come into Pharsalia, and both encamped

there, Pompey's thoughts ran the same way as they had done

before, against fighting, and the more because of some unlucky

presages, and a vision he had in a dream. But those who were

about him were so confident of success, that Domitius, and

Spinther, and Scipio, as if they had already conquered,

quarreled which should succeed Caesar in the pontificate. And

many sent to Rome to take houses fit to accommodate consuls and

praetors, as being sure of entering upon those offices, as soon

as the battle was over. The cavalry especially were obstinate

for fighting, being splendidly armed and bravely mounted, and

valuing themselves upon the fine horses they kept, and upon

their own handsome persons; as also upon the advantage of their

numbers, for they were five thousand against one thousand of

Caesar's. Nor were the numbers of the infantry less

disproportionate, there being forty-five thousand of Pompey's,

against twenty-two thousand of the enemy.

Caesar, collecting his soldiers together, told them that

Corfinius was coming up to them with two legions, and that

fifteen cohorts more under Calenus were posted at Megara and

Athens; he then asked them whether they would stay till these

joined them, or would hazard the battle by themselves. They all

cried out to him not to wait, but on the contrary to do whatever

he could to bring about an engagement as soon as possible. When

he sacrificed to the gods for the lustration of his army, upon

the death of the first victim, the augur told him, within three

days he should come to a decisive action. Caesar asked him

whether he saw anything in the entrails, which promised a

happy event. "That," said the priest, "you can best answer

yourself; for the gods signify a great alteration from the

present posture of affairs. If, therefore, you think yourself

well off now, expect worse fortune; if unhappy, hope for

better." The night before the battle, as he walked the rounds

about midnight, there was a light seen in the heaven, very

bright and flaming, which seemed to pass over Caesar's camp, and

fall into Pompey's. And when Caesar's soldiers came to relieve

the watch in the morning, they perceived a panic disorder among

the enemies. However, he did not expect to fight that day, but

set about raising his camp with the intention of marching

towards Scotussa.

But when the tents were now taken down, his scouts rode up to

him, and told him the enemy would give him battle. With this

news he was extremely pleased, and having performed his

devotions to the gods, set his army in battle array, dividing

them into three bodies. Over the middlemost he placed Domitius

Calvinus; Antony commanded the left wing, and he himself the

right, being resolved to fight at the head of the tenth legion.

But when he saw the enemies' cavalry taking position against

him, being struck with their fine appearance and their number,

he gave private orders that six cohorts from the rear of the

army should come round and join him, whom he posted behind the

right wing, and instructed them what they should do, when the

enemy's horse came to charge. On the other side, Pompey

commanded the right wing, Domitius the left, and Scipio,

Pompey's father-in-law, the center. The whole weight of the

cavalry was collected on the left wing, with the intent that

they should outflank the right wing of the enemy, and rout that

part where the general himself commanded. For they thought no

phalanx of infantry could be solid enough to sustain such a

shock, but that they must necessarily be broken and shattered

all to pieces upon the onset of so immense a force of cavalry.

When they were ready on both sides to give the signal for

battle, Pompey commended his foot who were in the front to stand

their ground, and without breaking their order, receive quietly

the enemy's first attack, till they came within javelin's cast.

Caesar, in this respect, also, blames Pompey's generalship, as

if he had not been aware how the first encounter, when made with

an impetus and upon the run, gives weight and force to the

strokes, and fires the men's spirits into a flame, which the

general concurrence fans to full heat. He himself was just

putting the troops into motion and advancing to the action, when

he found one of his captains, a trusty and experienced soldier,

encouraging his men to exert their utmost. Caesar called him by

his name, and said, "What hopes, Caius Crassinius, and what

grounds for encouragement?" Crassinius stretched out his hand,

and cried in a loud voice, "We shall conquer nobly, Caesar; and

I this day will deserve your praises, either alive or dead." So

he said, and was the first man to run in upon the enemy,

followed by the hundred and twenty soldiers about him, and

breaking through the first rank, still pressed on forwards with

much slaughter of the enemy, till at last he was struck back by

the wound of a sword, which went in at his mouth with such force

that it came out at his neck behind.

Whilst the foot was thus sharply engaged in the main battle, on

the flank Pompey's horse rode up confidently, and opened their

ranks very wide, that they might surround the Fight wing of

Caesar. But before they engaged, Caesar's cohorts rushed out

and attacked them, and did not dart their javelins at a

distance, nor strike at the thighs and legs, as they usually did

in close battle, but aimed at their faces. For thus Caesar had

instructed them, in hopes that young gentlemen, who had not

known much of battles and wounds, but came wearing their hair

long, in the flower of their age and height of their beauty,

would be more apprehensive of such blows, and not care for

hazarding both a danger at present and a blemish for the future.

And so it proved, for they were so far from bearing the stroke

of the javelins, that they could not stand the sight of them,

but turned about, and covered their faces to secure them. Once

in disorder, presently they turned about to fly; and so most

shamefully ruined all. For those who had beat them back, at

once outflanked the infantry, and falling on their rear, cut

them to pieces. Pompey, who commanded the other wing of the

army, when he saw his cavalry thus broken and flying, was no

longer himself, nor did he now remember that he was Pompey the

Great, but like one whom some god had deprived of his senses,

retired to his tent without speaking; a word, and there sat to

expect the event, till the whole army was routed, and the enemy

appeared upon the works which were thrown up before the camp,

where they closely engaged with his men, who were posted there

to defend it. Then first he seemed to have recovered his

senses, and uttering, it is said, only these words, "What, into

the camp too?" he laid aside his general's habit, and putting on

such clothes as might best favor his flight, stole off. What

fortune he met with afterwards, how he took shelter in Egypt,

and was murdered there, we tell you in his Life.

Caesar, when he came to view Pompey's camp, and saw some of his

opponents dead upon the ground, others dying, said, with a

groan, "This they would have; they brought me to this necessity.

I, Caius Caesar, after succeeding in so many wars, had been

condemned, had I dismissed my army." These words, Pollio says,

Caesar spoke in Latin at that time, and that he himself wrote

them in Greek; adding, that those who were killed at the taking

of the camp, were most of them servants; and that not above six

thousand soldiers fell. Caesar incorporated most of the foot

whom he took prisoners, with his own legions, and gave a free

pardon to many of the distinguished persons, and amongst the

rest, to Brutus, who afterwards killed him. He did not

immediately appear after the battle was over, which put Caesar,

it is said, into great anxiety for him; nor was his pleasure

less when he saw him present himself alive.

There were many prodigies that foreshowed this victory, but the

most remarkable that we are told of, was that at Tralles. In

the temple of Victory stood Caesar's statue. The ground on

which it stood was naturally hard and solid, and the stone with

which it was paved still harder; yet it is said that a palm-tree

shot itself up near the pedestal of this statue. In the city of

Padua, one Caius Cornelius, who had the character of a good

augur, the fellow-citizen and acquaintance of Livy, the

historian, happened to be making some augural observations that

very day when the battle was fought. And first, as Livy tells

us, he pointed out the time of the fight, and said to those who

were by him, that just then the battle was begun, and the men

engaged. When he looked a second time, and observed the omens,

he leaped up as if he had been inspired, and cried out, "Caesar,

you are victorious." This much surprised the standers by, but

he took the garland which he had on from his head, and swore he

would never wear it again till the event should give authority

to his art. This Livy positively states for a truth.

Caesar, as a memorial of his victory, gave the Thessalians

their freedom, and then went in pursuit of Pompey. When he was

come into Asia, to gratify Theopompus, the author of the

collection of fables, he enfranchised the Cnidians, and remitted

one third of their tribute to all the people of the province of

Asia. When he came to Alexandria, where Pompey was already

murdered, he would not look upon Theodotus, who presented him

with his head, but taking only his signet, shed tears. Those of

Pompey's friends who had been arrested by the king of Egypt, as

they were wandering in those parts, he relieved, and offered

them his own friendship. In his letter to his friends at Rome,

he told them that the greatest and most signal pleasure his

victory had given him, was to be able continually to save the

lives of fellow-citizens who had fought against him. As to the

war in Egypt, some say it was at once dangerous and

dishonorable, and noways necessary, but occasioned only by his

passion for Cleopatra. Others blame the ministers of the king,

and especially the eunuch Pothinus, who was the chief favorite,

and had lately killed Pompey, who had banished Cleopatra, and

was now secretly plotting Caesar's destruction, (to prevent

which, Caesar from that time began to sit up whole nights, under

pretense of drinking, for the security of his person,) while

openly he was intolerable in his affronts to Caesar, both by his

words and actions. For when Caesar's soldiers had musty and

unwholesome corn measured out to them, Pothinus told them they

must be content with it, since they were fed at another's cost.

He ordered that his table should be served with wooden and

earthen dishes, and said Caesar had carried off all the gold and

silver plate, under pretense of arrears of debt. For the

present king's father owed Caesar one thousand seven hundred and

fifty myriads of money; Caesar had formerly remitted to his

children the rest, but thought fit to demand the thousand

myriads at that time, to maintain his army. Pothinus told him

that he had better go now and attend to his other affairs of

greater consequence, and that he should receive his money at

another time with thanks. Caesar replied that he did not want

Egyptians to be his counselors, and soon after, privately sent

for Cleopatra from her retirement.

She took a small boat, and one only of her confidents,

Apollodorus, the Sicilian, along with her, and in the dusk of

the evening landed near the palace. She was at a loss how to

get in undiscovered, till she thought of putting herself into

the coverlet of a bed and lying at length, whilst Apollodorus

tied up the bedding and carried it on his back through the gates

to Caesar's apartment. Caesar was first captivated by this

proof of Cleopatra's bold wit, and was afterwards so overcome by

the charm of her society, that he made a reconciliation between

her and her brother, on condition that she should rule as his

colleague in the kingdom. A festival was kept to celebrate this

reconciliation, where Caesar's barber, a busy, listening fellow,

whose excessive timidity made him inquisitive into everything,

discovered that there was a plot carrying on against Caesar by

Achillas, general of the king's forces, and Pothinus, the

eunuch. Caesar, upon the first intelligence of it, set a guard

upon the hall where the feast was kept, and killed Pothinus.

Achillas escaped to the army, and raised a troublesome and

embarrassing war against Caesar, which it was not easy for him

to manage with his few soldiers against so powerful a city and

so large an army. The first difficulty he met with was want of

water, for the enemies had turned the canals. Another was, when

the enemy endeavored to cut off his communication by sea, he was

forced to divert that danger by setting fire to his own ships,

which, after burning the docks, thence spread on and destroyed

the great library. A third was, when in an engagement near

Pharos, he leaped from the mole into a small boat, to assist his

soldiers who were in danger, and when the Egyptians pressed him

on every side, he threw himself into the sea, and with much

difficulty swam off. This was the time when, according to the

story, he had a number of manuscripts in his hand, which, though

he was continually darted at, and forced to keep his head often

under water, yet he did not let go, but held them up safe from

wetting in one hand, whilst he swam with the other. His boat,

in the meantime, was quickly sunk. At last, the king having

gone off to Achillas and his party, Caesar engaged and conquered

them. Many fell in that battle, and the king himself was never

seen after. Upon this, he left Cleopatra queen of Egypt, who

soon after had a son by him, whom the Alexandrians called

Caesarion, and then departed for Syria.

Thence he passed to Asia, where he heard that Domitius was

beaten by Pharnaces, son of Mithridates, and had fled out of

Pontus with a handful of men; and that Pharnaces pursued the

victory so eagerly, that though he was already master of

Bithynia and Cappadocia, he had a further design of attempting

the Lesser Armenia, and was inviting all the kings and tetrarchs

there to rise. Caesar immediately marched against him with

three legions, fought him near Zela, drove him out of Pontus,

and totally defeated his army. When he gave Amantius, a friend

of his at Rome, an account of this action, to express the

promptness and rapidity of it, he used three words, I came, saw,

and conquered, which in Latin having all the same cadence,

carry with them a very suitable air of brevity.

Hence he crossed into Italy, and came to Rome at the end of that

year, for which he had been a second time chosen dictator,

though that office had never before lasted a whole year, and was

elected consul for the next. He was ill spoken of, because upon

a mutiny of some soldiers, who killed Cosconius and Galba, who

had been praetors, he gave them only the slight reprimand of

calling them Citizens, instead of Fellow-Soldiers, and

afterwards assigned to each man a thousand drachmas, besides a

share of lands in Italy. He was also reflected on for

Dolabella's extravagance, Amantius's covetousness, Antony's

debauchery, and Corfinius's profuseness, who pulled down

Pompey's house, and rebuilt it, as not magnificent enough; for

the Romans were much displeased with all these. But Caesar, for

the prosecution of his own scheme of government, though he knew

their characters and disapproved them, was forced to make use of

those who would serve him.

After the battle of Pharsalia, Cato and Scipio fled into Africa,

and there, with the assistance of king Juba, got together a

considerable force, which Caesar resolved to engage. He,

accordingly, passed into Sicily about the winter-solstice, and

to remove from his officers' minds all hopes of delay there,

encamped by the sea-shore, and as soon as ever he had a fair

wind, put to sea with three thousand foot and a few horse. When

he had landed them, he went back secretly, under some

apprehensions for the larger part of his army, but met them upon

the sea, and brought them all to the same camp. There he was

informed that the enemies relied much upon an ancient oracle,

that the family of the Scipios should be always victorious in

Africa. There was in his army a man, otherwise mean and

contemptible, but of the house of the Africani, and his name

Scipio Sallutio. This man Caesar, (whether in raillery, to

ridicule Scipio, who commended the enemy, or seriously to bring

over the omen to his side, it were hard to say,) put at the head

of his troops, as if he were general, in all the frequent

battles which he was compelled to fight. For he was in such

want both of victualing for his men, and forage for his horses,

that he was forced to feed the horses with sea-weed, which he

washed thoroughly to take off its saltiness, and mixed with a

little grass, to give it a more agreeable taste. The Numidians,

in great numbers, and well horsed, whenever he went, came up and

commanded the country. Caesar's cavalry being one day

unemployed, diverted themselves with seeing an African, who

entertained them with dancing and at the same time playing upon

the pipe to admiration. They were so taken with this, that they

alighted, and gave their horses to some boys, when on a sudden

the enemy surrounded them, killed some, pursued the rest, and

fell in with them into their camp; and had not Caesar himself

and Asinius Pollio come to their assistance, and put a stop to

their flight, the war had been then at an end. In another

engagement, also, the enemy had again the better, when Caesar,

it is said, seized a standard-bearer, who was running away, by

the neck, and forcing him to face about, said, "Look, that is

the way to the enemy."

Scipio, flushed with this success at first, had a mind to come to

one decisive action. He therefore left Afranius and Juba in two

distinct bodies not far distant, and marched himself towards

Thapsus, where he proceeded to build a fortified camp above a

lake, to serve as a center-point for their operations, and also

as a place of refuge. Whilst Scipio was thus employed, Caesar

with incredible dispatch made his way through thick woods, and a

country supposed to be impassable, cut off one party of the

enemy, and attacked another in the front. Having routed these,

he followed up his opportunity and the current of his good

fortune, and on the first onset carried Afranius's camp, and

ravaged that of the Numidians, Juba, their king, being glad to

save himself by flight; so that in a small part of a single day

he made himself master of three camps, and killed fifty thousand

of the enemy, with the loss only of fifty of his own men. This

is the account some give of that fight. Others say, he was not

in the action, but that he was taken with his usual distemper

just as he was setting his army in order. He perceived the

approaches of it, and before it had too far disordered his

senses, when he was already beginning to shake under its

influence, withdrew into a neighboring fort, where he reposed

himself. Of the men of consular and praetorian dignity that

were taken after the fight, several Caesar put to death, others

anticipated him by killing themselves.

Cato had undertaken to defend Utica, and for that reason was not

in the battle. The desire which Caesar had to take him alive,

made him hasten thither; and upon the intelligence that he had

dispatched himself, he was much discomposed, for what reason is

not so well agreed. He certainly said, "Cato, I must grudge you

your death, as you grudged me the honor of saving your life."

Yet the discourse he wrote against Cato after his death, is no

great sign of his kindness, or that he was inclined to be

reconciled to him. For how is it probable that he would have

been tender of his life, when he was so bitter against his

memory? But from his clemency to Cicero, Brutus, and many

others who fought against him, it may be divined that Caesar's

book was not written so much out of animosity to Cato, as in his

own vindication. Cicero had written an encomium upon Cato, and

called it by his name. A composition by so great a master upon

so excellent a subject, was sure to be in everyone's hands.

This touched Caesar, who looked upon a panegyric on his enemy,

as no better than an invective against himself; and therefore he

made in his Anti-Cato, a collection of whatever could be said in

his derogation. The two compositions, like Cato and Caesar

themselves, have each of them their several admirers.

Caesar, upon his return to Rome, did not omit to pronounce

before the people a magnificent account of his victory, telling

them that he had subdued a country which would supply the public

every year with two hundred thousand attic bushels of corn, and

three million pounds weight of oil. He then led three triumphs

for Egypt, Pontus, and Africa, the last for the victory over,

not Scipio, but king Juba, as it was professed, whose little son

was then carried in the triumph, the happiest captive that ever

was, who of a barbarian Numidian, came by this means to obtain a

place among the most learned historians of Greece. After the

triumphs, he distributed rewards to his soldiers, and treated

the people with feasting and shows. He entertained the whole

people together at one feast, where twenty-two thousand dining

couches were laid out; and he made a display of gladiators, and

of battles by sea, in honor, as he said, of his daughter Julia,

though she had been long since dead. When these shows were

over, an account was taken of the people, who from three hundred

and twenty thousand, were now reduced to one hundred and fifty

thousand. So great a waste had the civil war made in Rome

alone, not to mention what the other parts of Italy and the

provinces suffered.

He was now chosen a fourth time consul, and went into Spain

against Pompey's sons. They were but young, yet had gathered

together a very numerous army, and showed they had courage and

conduct to command it, so that Caesar was in extreme danger.

The great battle was near the town of Munda, in which Caesar

seeing his men hard pressed, and making but a weak resistance,

ran through the ranks among the soldiers, and crying out, asked

them whether they were not ashamed to deliver him into the hands

of boys? At last, with great difficulty, and the best efforts

he could make, he forced back the enemy, killing thirty thousand

of them, though with the loss of one thousand of his best men.

When he came back from the fight, he told his friends that he

had often fought for victory, but this was the first time that

he had ever fought for life. This battle was won on the feast

of Bacchus, the very day in which Pompey, four years before.

had set out for the war. The younger of Pompey's sons escaped;

but Didius, some days after the fight, brought the head of the

elder to Caesar. This was the last war he was engaged in. The

triumph which he celebrated for this victory, displeased the

Romans beyond any thing. For he had not defeated foreign

generals, or barbarian kings, but had destroyed the children and

family of one of the greatest men of Rome, though unfortunate;

and it did not look well to lead a procession in celebration of

the calamities of his country, and to rejoice in those things

for which no other apology could be made either to gods or men,

than their being absolutely necessary. Besides that, hitherto

he had never sent letters or messengers to announce any victory

over his fellow-citizens, but had seemed rather to be ashamed of

the action, than to expect honor from it.

Nevertheless his countrymen, conceding all to his fortune, and

accepting the bit, in the hope that the government of a single

person would give them time to breathe after so many civil wars

and calamities, made him dictator for life. This was indeed a

tyranny avowed, since his power now was not only absolute, but

perpetual too. Cicero made the first proposals to the senate

for conferring honors upon him, which might in some sort be said

not to exceed the limits of ordinary human moderation. But

others, striving which should deserve most, carried them so

excessively high, that they made Caesar odious to the most

indifferent and moderate sort of men, by the pretension and the

extravagance of the titles which they decreed him. His enemies,

too, are thought to have had some share in this, as well as his

flatterers. It gave them advantage against him, and would be

their justification for any attempt they should make upon him;

for since the civil wars were ended, he had nothing else that he

could be charged with. And they had good reason to decree a

temple to Clemency, in token of their thanks for the mild use he

made of his victory. For he not only pardoned many of those who

fought against him, but, further, to some gave honors and

offices; as particularly to Brutus and Cassius, who both of them

were praetors. Pompey's images that were thrown down, he set up

again, upon which Cicero also said that by raising Pompey's

statues he had fixed his own. When his friends advised him to

have a guard, and several offered their service, he would not

hear of it; but said it was better to suffer death once, than

always to live in fear of it. He looked upon the affections of

the people to be the best and surest guard, and entertained them

again with public feasting, and general distributions of corn;

and to gratify his army, he sent out colonies to several places,

of which the most remarkable were Carthage and Corinth; which as

before they had been ruined at the same time, so now were

restored and repeopled together.

As for the men of high rank, he promised to some of them future

consulships and praetorships, some he consoled with other

offices and honors, and to all held out hopes of favor by the

solicitude he showed to rule with the general good-will;

insomuch that upon the death of Maximus one day before his

consulship was ended, he made Caninius Revilius consul for that

day. And when many went to pay the usual compliments and

attentions to the new consul, "Let us make haste," said Cicero,

"lest the man be gone out of his office before we come."

Caesar was born to do great things, and had a passion after

honor, and the many noble exploits he had done did not now serve

as an inducement to him to sit still and reap the fruit of his

past labors, but were incentives and encouragments to go on, and

raised in him ideas of still greater actions, and a desire of

new glory, as if the present were all spent. It was in fact a

sort of emulous struggle with himself, as it had been with

another, how he might outdo his past actions by his future. In

pursuit of these thoughts, he resolved to make war upon the

Parthians, and when he had subdued them, to pass through

Hyrcania; thence to march along by the Caspian Sea to Mount

Caucasus, and so on about Pontus, till he came into Scythia;

then to overrun all the countries bordering upon Germany, and

Germany itself; and so to return through Gaul into Italy, after

completing the whole circle of his intended empire, and bounding

it on every side by the ocean. While preparations were making

for this expedition, he proposed to dig through the isthmus on

which Corinth stands; and appointed Anienus to superintend the

work. He had also a design of diverting the Tiber, and carrying

it by a deep channel directly from Rome to Circeii, and so into

the sea near Tarracina, that there might be a safe and easy

passage for all merchants who traded to Rome. Besides this, he

intended to drain all the marshes by Pomentium and Setia, and

gain ground enough from the water to employ many thousands of

men in tillage. He proposed further to make great mounds on the

shore nearest Rome, to hinder the sea from breaking in upon the

land, to clear the coast at Ostia of all the hidden rocks and

shoals that made it unsafe for shipping, and to form ports and

harbors fit to receive the large number of vessels that would

frequent them.

These things were designed without being carried into effect;

but his reformation of the calendar, in order to rectify the

irregularity of time, was not only projected with great

scientific ingenuity, but was brought to its completion, and

proved of very great use. For it was not only in ancient times

that the Romans had wanted a certain rule to make the

revolutions of their months fall in with the course of the year,

so that their festivals and solemn days for sacrifice were

removed by little and little, till at last they came to be kept

at seasons quite the contrary to what was at first intended, but

even at this time the people had no way of computing the solar

year; only the priests could say the time, and they, at their

pleasure, without giving any notice, slipped in the intercalary

month, which they called Mercedonius. Numa was the first who

put in this month, but his expedient was but a poor one and

quite inadequate to correct all the errors that arose in the

returns of the annual cycles, as we have shown in his life.

Caesar called in the best philosophers and mathematicians of his

time to settle the point, and out of the systems he had before

him, formed a new and more exact method of correcting the

calendar, which the Romans use to this day, and seem to succeed

better than any nation in avoiding the errors occasioned by the

inequality of the cycles. Yet even this gave offense to those

who looked with an evil eye on his position, and felt oppressed

by his power. Cicero, the orator, when someone in his company

chanced to say, the next morning Lyra would rise, replied, "Yes,

in accordance with the edict," as if even this were a matter of

compulsion.

But that which brought upon him the most apparent and mortal

hatred, was his desire of being king; which gave the common

people the first occasion to quarrel with him, and proved the

most specious pretense to those who had been his secret enemies

all along. Those, who would have procured him that title, gave

it out, that it was foretold in the Sybils' books that the

Romans should conquer the Parthians when they fought against

them under the conduct of a king, but not before. And one day,

as Caesar was coming down from Alba to Rome, some were so bold

as to salute him by the name of king; but he finding the people

disrelish it, seemed to resent it himself, and said his name was

Caesar, not king. Upon this, there was a general silence, and

he passed on looking not very well pleased or contented.

Another time, when the senate had conferred on him some

extravagant honors, he chanced to receive the message as he was

sitting on the rostra, where, though the consuls and praetors

themselves waited on him, attended by the whole body of the

senate, he did not rise, but behaved himself to them as if they

had been private men, and told them his honors wanted rather to

be retrenched than increased. This treatment offended not only

the senate, but the commonalty too, as if they thought the

affront upon the senate equally reflected upon the whole

republic; so that all who could decently leave him went off,

looking much discomposed. Caesar, perceiving the false step he

had made, immediately retired home; and laying his throat bare,

told his friends that he was ready to offer this to anyone who

would give the stroke. But afterwards he made the malady from

which he suffered, the excuse for his sitting, saying that those

who are attacked by it, lose their presence of mind, if they

talk much standing; that they presently grow giddy, fall into

convulsions, and quite lose their reason. But this was not the

reality, for he would willingly have stood up to the senate, had

not Cornelius Balbus, one of his friends, or rather flatterers,

hindered him. "Will you not remember," said he, "you are

Caesar, and claim the honor which is due to your merit?"

He gave a fresh occasion of resentment by his affront to the

tribunes. The Lupercalia were then celebrated, a feast at the

first institution belonging, as some writers say, to the

shepherds, and having some connection with the Arcadian Lycaea.

Many young noblemen and magistrates run up and down the city

with their upper garments off, striking all they meet with

thongs of hide, by way of sport; and many women, even of the

highest rank, place themselves in the way, and hold out their

hands to the lash, as boys in a school do to the master, out of

a belief that it procures an easy labor to those who are with

child, and makes those conceive who are barren. Caesar, dressed

in a triumphal robe, seated himself in a golden chair at the

rostra, to view this ceremony. Antony, as consul, was one of

those who ran this course, and when he came into the forum, and

the people made way for him, he went up and reached to Caesar a

diadem wreathed with laurel. Upon this, there was a shout, but

only a slight one, made by the few who were planted there for

that purpose; but when Caesar refused it, there was universal

applause. Upon the second offer, very few, and upon the second

refusal, all again applauded. Caesar finding it would not take,

rose up, and ordered the crown to be carried into the capitol.

Caesar's statues were afterwards found with royal diadems on

their heads. Flavius and Marullus, two tribunes of the people,

went presently and pulled them off, and having apprehended those

who first saluted Caesar as king, committed them to prison. The

people followed them with acclamations, and called them by the

name of Brutus, because Brutus was the first who ended the

succession of kings, and transferred the power which before was

lodged in one man into the hands of the senate and people.

Caesar so far resented this, that he displaced Marullus and

Flavius; and in urging his charges against them, at the same

time ridiculed the people, by himself giving the men more than

once the names of Bruti, and Cumaei.

This made the multitude turn their thoughts to Marcus Brutus,

who, by his father's side, was thought to be descended from that

first Brutus, and by his mother's side from the Servilii,

another noble family, being besides nephew and son-in-law to

Cato. But the honors and favors he had received from Caesar,

took off the edge from the desires he might himself have felt

for overthrowing the new monarchy. For he had not only been

pardoned himself after Pompey's defeat at Pharsalia, and had

procured the same grace for many of his friends, but was one in

whom Caesar had a particular confidence. He had at that time

the most honorable praetorship of the year, and was named for

the consulship four years after, being preferred before Cassius,

his competitor. Upon the question as to the choice, Caesar, it

is related, said that Cassius had the fairer pretensions, but

that he could not pass by Brutus. Nor would he afterwards

listen to some who spoke against Brutus, when the conspiracy

against him was already afoot, but laying his hand on his body,

said to the informers, "Brutus will wait for this skin of mine,"

intimating that he was worthy to bear rule on account of his

virtue, but would not be base and ungrateful to gain it. Those

who desired a change, and looked on him as the only, or at least

the most proper, person to effect it, did not venture to speak

with him; but in the night time laid papers about his chair of

state, where he used to sit and determine causes, with such

sentences in them as, "You are asleep, Brutus," "You are no

longer Brutus." Cassius, when he perceived his ambition a

little raised upon this, was more instant than before to work

him yet further, having himself a private grudge against Caesar,

for some reasons that we have mentioned in the Life of Brutus.

Nor was Caesar without suspicions of him, and said once to his

friends, "What do you think Cassius is aiming at? I don't like

him, he looks so pale." And when it was told him that Antony

and Dolabella were in a plot against him, he said he did not

fear such fat, luxurious men, but rather the pale, lean fellows,

meaning Cassius and Brutus.

Fate, however, is to all appearance more unavoidable than

unexpected. For many strange prodigies and apparitions are said

to have been observed shortly before the event. As to the

lights in the heavens, the noises heard in the night, and the

wild birds which perched in the forum, these are not perhaps

worth taking notice of in so great a case as this. Strabo, the

philosopher, tells us that a number of men were seen, looking as

if they were heated through with fire, contending with each

other; that a quantity of flame issued from the hand of a

soldier's servant, so that they who saw it thought he must be

burnt, but that after all he had no hurt. As Caesar was

sacrificing, the victim's heart was missing, a very bad omen,

because no living creature can subsist without a heart. One

finds it also related by many, that a soothsayer bade him

prepare for some great danger on the ides of March. When the

day was come, Caesar, as he went to the senate, met this

soothsayer, and said to him by way of raillery, "The ides of

March are come;" who answered him calmly, "Yes, they are come,

but they are not past." The day before this assassination, he

supped with Marcus Lepidus; and as he was signing some letters,

according to his custom, as he reclined at table, there arose a

question what sort of death was the best. At which he

immediately, before anyone could speak, said, "A sudden one."

After this, as he was in bed with his wife, all the doors and

windows of the house flew open together; he was startled at the

noise, and the light which broke into the room, and sat up in

his bed, where by the moonshine he perceived Calpurnia fast

asleep, but heard her utter in her dream some indistinct words

and inarticulate groans. She fancied at that time she was

weeping over Caesar, and holding him butchered in her arms.

Others say this was not her dream, but that she dreamed that a

pinnacle which the senate, as Livy relates, had ordered to be

raised on Caesar's house by way of ornament and grandeur, was

tumbling down, which was the occasion of her tears and

ejaculations. When it was day, she begged of Caesar, if it were

possible, not to stir out, but to adjourn the senate to another

time; and if he slighted her dreams, that he would be pleased to

consult his fate by sacrifices, and other kinds of divination.

Nor was he himself without some suspicion and fears; for he

never before discovered any womanish superstition in Calpurnia,

whom he now saw in such great alarm. Upon the report which the

priests made to him, that they had killed several sacrifices,

and still found them inauspicious, he resolved to send Antony to

dismiss the senate.

In this juncture, Decimus Brutus, surnamed Albinus, one whom

Caesar had such confidence in that he made him his second heir,

who nevertheless was engaged in the conspiracy with the other

Brutus and Cassius, fearing lest if Caesar should put off the

senate to another day, the business might get wind, spoke

scoffingly and in mockery of the diviners, and blamed Caesar for

giving the senate so fair an occasion of saying he had put a

slight upon them, for that they were met upon his summons, and

were ready to vote unanimously, that he should be declared king

of all the provinces out of Italy, and might wear a diadem in

any other place but Italy, by sea or land. If anyone should be

sent to tell them they might break up for the present, and meet

again when Calpurnia should chance to have better dreams, what

would his enemies say? Or who would with any patience hear his

friends, if they should presume to defend his government as not

arbitrary and tyrannical? But if he was possessed so far as to

think this day unfortunate, yet it were more decent to go

himself to the senate, and to adjourn it in his own person.

Brutus, as he spoke these words, took Caesar by the hand, and

conducted him forth. He was not gone far from the door, when a

servant of some other person's made towards him, but not being

able to come up to him, on account of the crowd of those who

pressed about him, he made his way into the house, and committed

himself to Calpurnia, begging of her to secure him till Caesar

returned, because he had matters of great importance to

communicate to him.

Artemidorus, a Cnidian, a teacher of Greek logic, and by that

means so far acquainted with Brutus and his friends as to have

got into the secret, brought Caesar in a small written memorial,

the heads of what he had to depose. He had observed that

Caesar, as he received any papers, presently gave them to the

servants who attended on him; and therefore came as near to him

as he could, and said, "Read this, Caesar, alone, and quickly,

for it contains matter of great importance which nearly concerns

you." Caesar received it, and tried several times to read it,

but was still hindered by the crowd of those who came to speak

to him. However, he kept it in his hand by itself till he came

into the senate. Some say it was another who gave Caesar this

note, and that Artemidorus could not get to him, being all along

kept off by the crowd.

All these things might happen by chance. But the place which

was destined for the scene of this murder, in which the senate

met that day, was the same in which Pompey's statue stood, and

was one of the edifices which Pompey had raised and dedicated

with his theater to the use of the public, plainly showing that

there was something of a supernatural influence which guided the

action, and ordered it to that particular place. Cassius, just

before the act, is said to have looked towards Pompey's statue,

and silently implored his assistance, though he had been

inclined to the doctrines of Epicurus. But this occasion, and

the instant danger, carried him away out of all his reasonings,

and filled him for the time with a sort of inspiration. As for

Antony, who was firm to Caesar, and a strong man, Brutus Albinus

kept him outside the house, and delayed him with a long

conversation contrived on purpose. When Caesar entered, the

senate stood up to show their respect to him, and of Brutus's

confederates, some came about his chair and stood behind it,

others met him, pretending to add their petitions to those of

Tillius Cimber, in behalf of his brother, who was in exile; and

they followed him with their joint supplications till he came to

his seat. When he was sat down, he refused to comply with their

requests, and upon their urging him further, began to reproach

them severally for their importunities, when Tillius, laying

hold of his robe with both his hands, pulled it down from his

neck, which was the signal for the assault. Casca gave him the

first cut, in the neck, which was not mortal nor dangerous, as

coming from one who at the beginning of such a bold action was

probably very much disturbed. Caesar immediately turned about,

and laid his hand upon the dagger and kept hold of it. And both

of them at the same time cried out, he that received the blow,

in Latin, "Vile Casca, what does this mean?" and he that gave

it, in Greek, to his brother, "Brother, help!" Upon this first

onset, those who were not privy to the design were astonished

and their horror and amazement at what they saw were so great,

that they durst not fly nor assist Caesar, nor so much as speak

a word. But those who came prepared for the business enclosed

him on every side, with their naked daggers in their hands.

Which way soever he turned, he met with blows, and saw their

swords leveled at his face and eyes, and was encompassed, like a

wild beast in the toils, on every side. For it had been agreed

they should each of them make a thrust at him, and flesh

themselves with his blood; for which reason Brutus also gave him

one stab in the groin. Some say that he fought and resisted all

the rest, shifting his body to avoid the blows, and calling out

for help, but that when he saw Brutus's sword drawn, he covered

his face with his robe and submitted, letting himself fall,

whether it were by chance, or that he was pushed in that

direction by his murderers, at the foot of the pedestal on which

Pompey's statue stood, and which was thus wetted with his blood.

So that Pompey himself seemed to have presided, as it were, over

the revenge done upon his adversary, who lay here at his feet,

and breathed out his soul through his multitude of wounds, for

they say he received three and twenty. And the conspirators

themselves were many of them wounded by each other, whilst they

all leveled their blows at the same person.

When Caesar was dispatched, Brutus stood forth to give a reason

for what they had done, but the senate would not hear him, but

flew out of doors in all haste, and filled the people with so

much alarm and distraction, that some shut up their houses,

others left their counters and shops. All ran one way or the

other, some to the place to see the sad spectacle, others back

again after they had seen it. Antony and Lepidus, Caesar's

most faithful friends, got off privately, and hid themselves in

some friends' houses. Brutus and his followers, being yet hot

from the deed, marched in a body from the senate-house to the

capitol with their drawn swords, not like persons who thought of

escaping, but with an air of confidence and assurance, and as

they went along, called to the people to resume their liberty,

and invited the company of any more distinguished people whom

they met. And some of these joined the procession and went up

along with them, as if they also had been of the conspiracy, and

could claim a share in the honor of what had been done. As, for

example, Caius Octavius and Lentulus Spinther, who suffered

afterwards for their vanity, being taken off by Antony and the

young Caesar, and lost the honor they desired, as well as their

lives, which it cost them, since no one believed they had any

share in the action. For neither did those who punished them

profess to revenge the fact, but the ill-will. The day after,

Brutus with the rest came down from the capitol, and made a

speech to the people, who listened without expressing either any

pleasure or resentment, but showed by their silence that they

pitied Caesar, and respected Brutus. The senate passed acts of

oblivion for what was past, and took measures to reconcile all

parties. They ordered that Caesar should be worshipped as a

divinity, and nothing, even of the slightest consequence, should

be revoked, which he had enacted during his government. At the

same time they gave Brutus and his followers the command of

provinces, and other considerable posts. So that all people now

thought things were well settled, and brought to the happiest

adjustment.

But when Caesar's will was opened, and it was found that he had

left a considerable legacy to each one of the Roman citizens,

and when his body was seen carried through the market-place all

mangled with wounds, the multitude could no longer contain

themselves within the bounds of tranquillity and order, but

heaped together a pile of benches, bars, and tables, which they

placed the corpse on, and setting fire to it, burnt it on them.

Then they took brands from the pile, and ran some to fire the

houses of the conspirators, others up and down the city, to find

out the men and tear them to pieces, but met, however, with none

of them, they having taken effectual care to secure themselves.

One Cinna, a friend of Caesar's, chanced the night before to

have an odd dream. He fancied that Caesar invited him to

supper, and that upon his refusal to go with him, Caesar took

him by the hand and forced him, though he hung back. Upon

hearing the report that Caesar's body was burning in the

market-place, he got up and went thither, out of respect to his

memory, though his dream gave him some ill apprehensions, and

though he was suffering from a fever. One of the crowd who saw

him there, asked another who that was, and having learned his

name, told it to his next neighbor. It presently passed for a

certainty that he was one of Caesar's murderers, as, indeed,

there was another Cinna, a conspirator, and they, taking this to

be the man, immediately seized him, and tore him limb from limb

upon the spot.

Brutus and Cassius, frightened at this, within a few days

retired out of the city. What they afterwards did and suffered,

and how they died, is written in the Life of Brutus. Caesar

died in his fifty-sixth year, not having survived Pompey above

four years. That empire and power which he had pursued through

the whole course of his life with so much hazard, he did at last

with much difficulty compass, but reaped no other fruits from it

than the empty name and invidious glory. But the great genius

which attended him through his lifetime, even after his death

remained as the avenger of his murder, pursuing through every

sea and land all those who were concerned in it, and suffering

none to escape, but reaching all who in any sort or kind were

either actually engaged in the fact, or by their counsels any

way promoted it.

The most remarkable of mere human coincidences was that which

befell Cassius, who, when he was defeated at Philippi, killed

himself with the same dagger which he had made use of against

Caesar. The most signal preternatural appearances were the

great comet, which shone very bright for seven nights after

Caesar's death, and then disappeared, and the dimness of the

sun, whose orb continued pale and dull for the whole of that

year, never showing its ordinary radiance at its rising, and

giving but a weak and feeble heat. The air consequently was

damp and gross, for want of stronger rays to open and rarify it.

The fruits, for that reason, never properly ripened, and began

to wither and fall off for want of heat, before they were fully

formed. But above all, the phantom which appeared to Brutus

showed the murder was not pleasing to the gods. The story of it

is this.

Brutus being to pass his army from Abydos to the continent on

the other side, laid himself down one night, as he used to do,

in his tent, and was not asleep, but thinking of his affairs,

and what events he might expect. For he is related to have been

the least inclined to sleep of all men who have commanded

armies, and to have had the greatest natural capacity for

continuing awake, and employing himself without need of rest.

He thought he heard a noise at the door of his tent, and looking

that way, by the light of his lamp, which was almost out, saw a

terrible figure, like that of a man, but of unusual stature and

severe countenance. He was somewhat frightened at first, but

seeing it neither did nor spoke anything to him, only stood

silently by his bed-side, he asked who it was. The specter

answered him, "Thy evil genius, Brutus, thou shalt see me at

Philippi." Brutus answered courageously, "Well, I shall see

you," and immediately the appearance vanished. When the time

was come, he drew up his army near Philippi against Antony and

Caesar, and in the first battle won the day, routed the enemy,

and plundered Caesar's camp. The night before the second

battle, the same phantom appeared to him again, but spoke not a

word. He presently understood his destiny was at hand, and

exposed himself to all the danger of the battle. Yet he did not

die in the fight, but seeing his men defeated, got up to the top

of a rock, and there presenting his sword to his naked breast,

and assisted, as they say, by a friend, who helped him to give

the thrust, met his death.

Plutarch: Lives of the noble Grecians and Romans · 第 63 / 87 题