He offered also to Apollo a golden crown, with this inscription: --

This golden crown upon thy locks divine,

O blest Latona's son, was set to shine

By the great captain of the Aenean name.

O Phoebus, grant the noble Titus fame!

The same event has twice occurred to the Greeks in the city of

Corinth. Titus, then, and Nero again in our days, both at Corinth,

and both alike at the celebration of the Isthmian games, permitted

the Greeks to enjoy their own laws and liberty. The former (as has

been said) proclaimed it by the crier; but Nero did it in the public

meeting place from the tribunal, in a speech which he himself made to

the people. This, however, was long after.

Titus now engaged in a most gallant and just war upon Nabis, that

most profligate and lawless tyrant of the Lacedaemonians, but in the

end disappointed the expectations of the Greeks. For when he had an

opportunity of taking him, he purposely let it slip, and struck up a

peace with him, leaving Sparta to bewail an unworthy slavery; whether

it were that he feared, if the war should be protracted, Rome would

send a new general who might rob him of the glory of it; or that

emulation and envy of Philopoemen (who had signalized himself among

the Greeks upon all other occasions, but in that war especially had

done wonders both for matter of courage and counsel, and whom the

Achaeans magnified in their theaters, and put into the same balance

of glory with Titus,) touched him to the quick; and that he scorned

that an ordinary Arcadian, who had but commanded in a few re-

encounters upon the confines of his native district, should be spoken

of in terms of equality with a Roman consul, waging war as the

protector of Greece in general. But, besides, Titus was not without

an apology too for what he did, namely, that he put an end to the war

only when he foresaw that the tyrant's destruction must have been

attended with the ruin of the other Spartans.

The Achaeans, by various decrees, did much to show Titus honor: none

of these returns, however, seemed to come up to the height of the

actions that merited them, unless it were one present they made him,

which affected and pleased him beyond all the rest; which was this.

The Romans, who in the war with Hannibal had the misfortune to be

taken captives, were sold about here and there, and dispersed into

slavery; twelve hundred in number were at that time in Greece. The

reverse of their fortune always rendered them objects of

compassion; but more particularly, as well might be, when they now

met, some with their sons, some with their brothers, others with

their acquaintance; slaves with their free, and captives with their

victorious countrymen. Titus, though deeply concerned on their

behalf, yet took none of them from their masters by constraint. But

the Achaeans, redeeming them at five pounds a man, brought them

altogether into one place, and made a present of them to him, as he

was just going on shipboard, so that he now sailed away with the

fullest satisfaction; his generous actions having procured him as

generous returns, worthy a brave man and a lover of his country.

This seemed the most glorious part of all his succeeding triumph; for

these redeemed Romans (as it is the custom for slaves, upon their

manumission, to shave their heads and wear felt-hats) followed in

that habit in the procession. To add to the glory of this show,

there were the Grecian helmets, the Macedonian targets and long

spears, borne with the rest of the spoils in public view, besides

vast sums of money; Tuditanus says, 3,713 pounds weight of massy

gold, 43,270 of silver, 14,514 pieces of coined gold, called

Philippics, which was all over and above the thousand talents which

Philip owed, and which the Romans were afterwards prevailed upon,

chiefly by the mediation of Titus, to remit to Philip, declaring him

their ally and confederate, and sending him home his hostage son.

Shortly after, Antiochus entered Greece with a numerous fleet, and a

powerful army, soliciting the cities there to sedition and revolt;

abetted in all and seconded by the Aetolians, who for this long time

had borne a grudge and secret enmity to the Romans, and now suggested

to him, by way of a cause and pretext of war, that he came to bring

the Greeks liberty. When, indeed, they never wanted it less, as they

were free already, but, in lack of really honorable grounds, he was

instructed to employ these lofty professions. The Romans, in the

interim, in great apprehension of revolutions and revolt in Greece,

and of his great reputation for military strength, dispatched the

consul Manius Acilius to take the charge of the war, and Titus, as

his lieutenant, out of regard to the Greeks; some of whom he no

sooner saw, but he confirmed them in the Roman interests; others, who

began to falter, like a timely physician, by the use of the strong

remedy of their own affection for himself, he was able to arrest in

the first stage of the disease, before they had committed themselves

to any great error. Some few there were whom the Aetolians were

beforehand with, and had so wholly perverted that he could do no good

with them; yet these, however angry and exasperated before, he saved

and protected when the engagement was over. For Antiochus, receiving

a defeat at Thermopylae, not only fled the field, but hoisted sail

instantly for Asia. Manius, the consul, himself invaded and besieged

a part of the Aetolians, while king Philip had permission to reduce

the rest. Thus while, for instance, the Dolopes and Magnetians on

the one hand, the Athamanes and Aperantians on the other, were

ransacked by the Macedonians, and while Manius laid Heraclea waste,

and besieged Naupactus, then in the Aetolians' hands, Titus, still

with a compassionate care for Greece, sailed across from Peloponnesus

to the consul; and began first of all to chide him, that the victory

should be owing alone to his arms, and yet he should suffer Philip to

bear away the prize and profit of the war, and sit wreaking his anger

upon a single town, whilst the Macedonians overran several nations

and kingdoms. But as he happened to stand then in view of the

besieged, they no sooner spied him out, but they call to him from

their wall, they stretch forth their hands, they supplicate and

entreat him. At the time, he said not a word more, but turning about

with tears in his eyes, went his way. Some little while after, he

discussed the matter so effectually with Manius, that he won him over

from his passion, and prevailed with him to give a truce and time to

the Aetolians, to send deputies to Rome to petition the senate for

terms of moderation.

But the hardest task, and that which put Titus to the greatest

difficulty was, to entreat with Manius for the Chalcidians, who had

incensed him on account of a marriage which Antiochus had made in

their city, even whilst the war was on foot; a match noways suitable

in point of age, he an elderly man being enamored with a mere girl;

and as little proper for the time, in the midst of a war. She was

the daughter of one Cleoptolemus, and is said to have been

wonderfully beautiful. The Chalcidians, in consequence, embraced the

king's interests with zeal and alacrity, and let him make their city

the basis of his operations during the war. Thither, therefore, he

made with all speed, when he was routed, and fled; and reaching

Chalcis, without making any stay, taking this young lady, and his

money and friends with him, away he sails to Asia. And now Manius's

indignation carrying him in all haste against the Chalcidians, Titus

hurried after him, endeavoring to pacify and to entreat him; and, at

length, succeeded both with him and the chief men among the Romans.

The Chalcidians, thus owing their lives to Titus, dedicated to him

all the best and most magnificent of their sacred buildings,

inscriptions upon which may be seen to run thus to this day: THE

PEOPLE DEDICATE THIS GYMNASIUM TO TITUS AND TO HERCULES; so again:

THE PEOPLE CONSECRATE THE DELPHINIUM TO TITUS AND TO HERCULES; and

what is yet more, even in our time, a priest of Titus was formally

elected and declared; and after sacrifice and libation, they sing a

set song, much of which for the length of it we omit, but shall

transcribe the closing verses: --

The Roman Faith, whose aid of yore,

Our vows were offered to implore,

We worship now and evermore.

To Rome, to Titus, and to Jove,

O maidens, in the dances move.

Dances and Io-Paeans too

Unto the Roman Faith are due,

O Savior Titus, and to you.

Other parts of Greece also heaped honors upon him suitable to his

merits, and what made all those honors true and real, was the

surprising good-will and affection which his moderation and equity of

character had won for him. For if he were at any time at variance

with anybody in matters of business, or out of emulation and rivalry,

(as with Philopoemen, and again with Diophanes, when in office as

General of the Achaeans,) his resentment never went far, nor did it

ever break out into acts; but when it had vented itself in some

citizen-like freedom of speech, there was an end of it. In fine,

nobody charged malice or bitterness upon his nature, though many

imputed hastiness and levity to it; in general, he was the most

attractive and agreeable of companions, and could speak too, both

with grace, and forcibly. For instance, to divert the Achaeans from

the conquest of the isle of Zacynthus, "If," said he, "they put their

head too far out of Peloponnesus, they may hazard themselves as much

as a tortoise out of its shell." Again, when he and Philip first met

to treat of a cessation and peace, the latter complaining that Titus

came with a mighty train, while he himself came alone and unattended,

"Yes," replied Titus, "you have left yourself alone by killing your

friends." At another time, Dinocrates the Messenian, having drunk

too much at a merry-meeting in Rome, danced there in woman's clothes,

and the next day addressed himself to Titus for assistance in his

design to get Messene out of the hands of the Achaeans. "This,"

replied Titus, "will be matter for consideration; my only surprise is

that a man with such purposes on his hands should be able to dance

and sing at drinking parties." When, again, the ambassadors of

Antiochus were recounting to those of Achaea, the various multitudes

composing their royal master's forces, and ran over a long catalog of

hard names, "I supped once," said Titus, "with a friend, and could

not forbear expostulating with him at the number of dishes he had

provided, and said I wondered where he had furnished himself with

such a variety; 'Sir,' replied he, 'to confess the truth, it is all

hog's flesh differently cooked.' And so, men of Achaea, when you are

told of Antiochus's lancers, and pikemen, and foot guards, I advise

you not to be surprised; since in fact they are all Syrians

differently armed."

After his achievements in Greece, and when the war with Antiochus was

at an end, Titus was created censor; the most eminent office, and, in

a manner, the highest preferment in the commonwealth. The son of

Marcellus, who had been five times consul, was his colleague. These,

by virtue of their office, cashiered four senators of no great

distinction, and admitted to the roll of citizens all freeborn

residents. But this was more by constraint than their own choice;

for Terentius Culeo, then tribune of the people, to spite the

nobility, spurred on the populace to order it to be done. At this

time, the two greatest and most eminent persons in the city,

Africanus Scipio and Marcus Cato, were at variance. Titus named

Scipio first member of the senate; and involved himself in a

quarrel with Cato, on the following unhappy occasion. Titus had a

brother, Lucius Flamininus, very unlike him in all points of

character, and, in particular, low and dissolute in his pleasures,

and flagrantly regardless of all decency. He kept as a companion a

boy whom he used to carry about with him, not only when he had troops

under his charge, but even when the care of a province was committed

to him. One day at a drinking-bout, when the youngster was wantoning

with Lucius, "I love you, Sir, so dearly," said he, "that, preferring

your satisfaction to my own, I came away without seeing the

gladiators, though I have never seen a man killed in my life."

Lucius, delighted with what the boy said, answered, "Let not that

trouble you; I can satisfy that longing," and with that, orders a

condemned man to be fetched out of the prison, and the executioner to

be sent for, and commands him to strike off the man's head, before

they rose from table. Valerius Antias only so far varies the story

as to make it woman for whom he did it. But Livy says that in Cato's

own speech the statement is, that a Gaulish deserter coming with his

wife and children to the door, Lucius took him into the

banqueting-room, and killed him with his own hand, to gratify his

paramour. Cato, it is probable, might say this by way of aggravation

of the crime; but that the slain was no such fugitive, but a

prisoner, and one condemned to die, not to mention other authorities,

Cicero tells us in his treatise On Old Age, where he brings in Cato,

himself, giving that account of the matter.

However, this is certain; Cato during his censorship, made a severe

scrutiny into the senators' lives in order to the purging and

reforming the house, and expelled Lucius, though he had been once

consul before, and though the punishment seemed to reflect dishonor

on his brother also. Both of them presented themselves to the

assembly of the people in a suppliant manner, not without tears in

their eyes, requesting that Cato might show the reason and cause of

his fixing such a stain upon so honorable a family. The citizens

thought it a modest and moderate request. Cato, however, without any

retraction or reserve, at once came forward, and standing up with his

colleague interrogated Titus, as to whether he knew the story of the

supper. Titus answering in the negative, Cato related it, and

challenged Lucius to a formal denial of it. Lucius made no reply,

whereupon the people adjudged the disgrace just and suitable, and

waited upon Cato home from the tribunal in great state. But Titus

still so deeply resented his brother's degradation, that he allied

himself with those who had long borne a grudge against Cato; and

winning over a major part of the senate, he revoked and made void all

the contracts, leases, and bargains made by Cato, relating to the

public revenues, and also got numerous actions and accusations

brought against him; carrying on against a lawful magistrate and

excellent citizen, for the sake of one who was indeed his relation,

but was unworthy to be so, and had but gotten his deserts, a course

of bitter and violent attacks, which it would be hard to say were

either right or patriotic. Afterwards, however, at a public

spectacle in the theater, at which the senators appeared as usual,

sitting, as became their rank, in the first seats, when Lucius was

spied at the lower end, seated in a mean, dishonorable place, it made

a great impression upon the people, nor could they endure the sight,

but kept calling out to him to move, until he did move, and went in

among those of consular dignity, who received him into their seats.

This natural ambition of Titus was well enough looked upon by the

world, whilst the wars we have given a relation of afforded competent

fuel to feed it; as, for instance, when after the expiration of his

consulship, he had a command as military tribune, which nobody

pressed upon him. But being now out of all employ in the government,

and advanced in years, he showed his defects more plainly; allowing

himself, in this inactive remainder of life, to be carried away with

the passion for reputation, as uncontrollably as any youth. Some

such transport, it is thought, betrayed him into a proceeding against

Hannibal, which lost him the regard of many. For Hannibal, having

fled his country, first took sanctuary with Antiochus; but he having

been glad to obtain a peace, after the battle in Phrygia, Hannibal

was put to shift for himself, by a second flight, and, after

wandering through many countries, fixed at length in Bithynia,

proffering his service to king Prusias. Every one at Rome knew where

he was, but looked upon him, now in his weakness and old age, with no

sort of apprehension, as one whom fortune had quite cast off. Titus,

however, coming thither as ambassador, though he was sent from the

senate to Prusias upon another errand, yet, seeing Hannibal resident

there, it stirred up resentment in him to find that he was yet alive.

And though Prusias used much intercession and entreaties in favor of

him, as his suppliant and familiar friend, Titus was not to be

entreated. There was an ancient oracle, it seems, which prophesied

thus of Hannibal's end: --

Libyssan shall Hannibal enclose.

He interpreted this to be meant of the African Libya, and that he

should be buried in Carthage; as if he might yet expect to return and

end his life there. But there is a sandy place in Bithynia,

bordering on the sea, and near it a little village called Libyssa.

It was Hannibal's chance to be staying here, and having ever from the

beginning had a distrust of the easiness and cowardice of Prusias,

and a fear of the Romans, he had, long before, ordered seven

underground passages to be dug from his house, leading from his

lodging, and running a considerable distance in various opposite

directions, all undiscernible from without. As soon, therefore, as

he heard what Titus had ordered, he attempted to make his escape

through these mines; but finding them beset with the king's guards,

he resolved upon making away with himself. Some say that wrapping

his upper garment about his neck, he commanded his servant to set his

knee against his back, and not to cease twisting and pulling it, till

he had completely strangled him. Others say, he drank bull's blood,

after the example of Themistocles and Midas. Livy writes that he had

poison in readiness, which he mixed for the purpose, and that taking

the cup into his hand, "Let us ease," said he, "the Romans of their

continual dread and care, who think it long and tedious to await the

death of a hated old man. Yet Titus will not bear away a glorious

victory, nor one worthy of those ancestors who sent to caution

Pyrrhus, an enemy, and a conqueror too, against the poison prepared

for him by traitors."

Thus venous are the reports of Hannibal's death; but when the news of

it came to the senators' ears, some felt indignation against Titus

for it, blaming as well his officiousness as his cruelty; who, when

there was nothing to urge it, out of mere appetite for distinction,

to have it said that he had caused Hannibal's death, sent him to his

grave when he was now like a bird that in its old age has lost its

feathers, and incapable of flying is let alone to live tamely without

molestation.

They began also now to regard with increased admiration the clemency

and magnanimity of Scipio Africanus, and called to mind how he, when

he had vanquished in Africa the till then invincible and terrible

Hannibal, neither banished him his country, nor exacted of his

countrymen that they should give him up. At a parley just before

they joined battle, Scipio gave him his hand, and in the peace made

after it, he put no hard article upon him, nor insulted over his

fallen fortune. It is told, too, that they had another meeting

afterwards, at Ephesus, and that when Hannibal, as they were walking

together, took the upper hand, Africanus let it pass, and walked on

without the least notice of it; and that then they began to talk of

generals, and Hannibal affirmed that Alexander was the greatest

commander the world had seen, next to him Pyrrhus, and the third was

himself; Africanus, with a smile, asked, "What would you have said,

if I had not defeated you?" "I would not then, Scipio," he replied,

"have made myself the third, but the first commander." Such conduct

was much admired in Scipio, and that of Titus, who had as it were

insulted the dead whom another had slain, was no less generally found

fault with. Not but that there were some who applauded the action,

looking upon a living Hannibal as a fire, which only wanted blowing

to become a flame. For when he was in the prime and flower of his

age, it was not his body, nor his hand, that had been so formidable,

but his consummate skill and experience, together with his innate

malice and rancor against the Roman name, things which do not impair

with age. For the temper and bent of the soul remains constant,

while fortune continually varies; and some new hope might easily

rouse to a fresh attempt those whose hatred made them enemies to the

last. And what really happened afterwards does to a certain extent

tend yet further to the exculpation of Titus. Aristonicus, of the

family of a common musician, upon the reputation of being the son of

Eumenes, filled all Asia with tumults and rebellion. Then again,

Mithridates, after his defeats by Sylla and Fimbria, and vast

slaughter, as well among his prime officers as common soldiers, made

head again, and proved a most dangerous enemy, against Lucullus, both

by sea and land. Hannibal was never reduced to so contemptible a

state as Caius Marius; he had the friendship of a king, and the free

exercise of his faculties, employment and charge in the navy, and

over the horse and foot, of Prusias; whereas those who but now were

laughing to hear of Marius wandering about Africa, destitute and

begging, in no long time after were seen entreating his mercy in

Rome, with his rods at their backs, and his axes at their necks. So

true it is, that looking to the possible future, we can call nothing

that we see either great or small; as nothing puts an end to the

mutability and vicissitude of things, but what puts an end to their

very being. Some authors accordingly tell us, that Titus did not do

this of his own head, but that he was joined in commission with

Lucius Scipio, and that the whole object of the embassy was, to

effect Hannibal's death. And now, as we find no further mention in

history of anything done by Titus, either in war or in the

administration of the government, but simply that he died in peace;

it is time to look upon him as he stands in comparison with

Philopoemen.

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