ARISTIDES

Aristides, the son of Lysimachus, was of the tribe Antiochis, and

township of Alopece. As to his wealth, statements differ; some say

he passed his life in extreme poverty, and left behind him two

daughters whose indigence long kept them unmarried: but Demetrius,

the Phalerian, in opposition to this general report, professes in his

Socrates, to know a farm at Phalerum going by Aristides's name, where

he was interred; and, as marks of his opulence, adduces first, the

office of archon eponymus, which he obtained by the lot of the bean;

which was confined to the highest assessed families, called the

Pentacosiomedimni; second, the ostracism, which was not usually

inflicted on the poorer citizens, but on those of great houses, whose

elation exposed them to envy; third and last, that he left certain

tripods in the temple of Bacchus, offerings for his victory in

conducting the representation of dramatic performances, which were

even in our age still to be seen, retaining this inscription upon

them, "The tribe Antiochis obtained the victory: Aristides defrayed

the charges: Archestratus's play was acted." But this argument,

though in appearance the strongest, is of the least moment of any.

For Epaminondas, who all the world knows was educated, and lived his

whole life, in much poverty, and also Plato, the philosopher,

exhibited magnificent shows, the one an entertainment of flute-players

the other of dithyrambic singers; Dion, the Syracusan, supplying the

expenses of the latter, and Pelopidas those of Epaminondas. For good

men do not allow themselves in any inveterate and irreconcilable

hostility to receiving presents from their friends, but while looking

upon those that are accepted to be hoarded up and with avaricious

intentions, as sordid and mean, they do not refuse such as, apart from

all profit, gratify the pure love of honor and magnificence.

Panaetius, again, shows that Demetrius was deceived concerning the

tripod by an identity of name. For, from the Persian war to the end

of the Peloponnesian, there are upon record only two of the name of

Aristides, who defrayed the expense of representing plays and gained

the prize neither of which was the same with the son of Lysimachus;

but the father of the one was Xenophilus, and the other lived at a

much later time, as the way of writing, which is that in use since the

time of Euclides, and the addition of the name of Archestratus prove,

a name which, in the time of the Persian war, no writer mentions, but

which several, during the Peloponnesian war, record as that of a

dramatic poet. The argument of Panaetius requires to be more closely

considered. But as for the ostracism, everyone was liable to it,

whom his reputation, birth, or eloquence raised above the common

level; insomuch that even Damon, preceptor to Pericles, was thus

banished, because he seemed a man of more than ordinary sense. And,

moreover, Idomeneus says, that Aristides was not made archon by the

lot of the bean, but the free election of the people. And if he held

the office after the battle of Plataea, as Demetrius himself has

written, it is very probable that his great reputation and success in

the war, made him be preferred for his virtue to an office which

others received in consideration of their wealth. But Demetrius

manifestly is eager not only to exempt Aristides but Socrates

likewise, from poverty, as from a great evil; telling us that the

latter had not only a house of his own, but also seventy minae put out

at interest with Crito.

Aristides being the friend and supporter of that Clisthenes, who

settled the government after the expulsion of the tyrants, and

emulating and admiring Lycurgus the Lacedaemonian above all

politicians, adhered to the aristocratical principles of government;

and had Themistocles, son to Neocles, his adversary on the side of the

populace. Some say that, being boys and bred up together from their

infancy, they were always at variance with each other in all their

words and actions as well serious as playful, and that in this their

early contention they soon made proof of their natural inclinations;

the one being ready, adventurous, and subtle, engaging readily and

eagerly in everything; the other of a staid and settled temper,

intent on the exercise of justice, not admitting any degree of

falsity, indecorum, or trickery, no, not so much as at his play.

Ariston of Chios says the first origin of the enmity which rose to so

great a height, was a love affair; they were rivals for the affection

of the beautiful Stesilaus of Ceos, and were passionate beyond all

moderation, and did not lay aside their animosity when the beauty that

had excited it passed away; but, as if it had only exercised them in

it, immediately carried their heats and differences into public

business.

Themistocles, therefore, joining an association of partisans,

fortified himself with considerable strength; insomuch that when some

one told him that were he impartial, he would make a good magistrate;

"I wish," replied he, "I may never sit on that tribunal where my

friends shall not plead a greater privilege than strangers." But

Aristides walked, so to say, alone on his own path in politics, being

unwilling, in the first place, to go along with his associates in ill

doing, or to cause them vexation by not gratifying their wishes; and,

secondly, observing that many were encouraged by the support they had

in their friends to act injuriously, he was cautious; being of opinion

that the integrity of his words and actions was the only right

security for a good citizen.

However, Themistocles making many dangerous alterations, and

withstanding and interrupting him in the whole series of his actions,

Aristides also was necessitated to set himself against all

Themistocles did, partly in self-defense, and partly to impede his

power from still increasing by the favor of the multitude; esteeming

it better to let slip some public conveniences, rather than that he by

prevailing should become powerful in all things. In fine, when he

once had opposed Themistocles in some measures that were expedient,

and had got the better of him, he could not refrain from saying, when

he left the assembly, that unless they sent Themistocles and himself

to the barathrum, there could be no safety for Athens. Another time,

when urging some proposal upon the people, though there were much

opposition and stirring against it, he yet was gaining the day; but

just as the president of the assembly was about to put it to the vote,

perceiving by what had been said in debate the inexpediency of his

advice, he let it fall. Also he often brought in his bills by other

persons, lest Themistocles, through party spirit against him, should

be any hindrance to the good of the public.

In all the vicissitudes of public affairs, the constancy he showed was

admirable, not being elated with honors, and demeaning himself

tranquilly and sedately in adversity; holding the opinion that he

ought to offer himself to the service of his country without mercenary

news and irrespectively of any reward, not only of riches, but even of

glory itself. Hence it came, probably, that at the recital of these

verses of Aeschylus in the theater, relating to Amphiaraus,

For not at seeming just, but being so

He aims; and from his depth of soil below,

Harvests of wise and prudent counsels grow,

the eyes of all the spectators turned on Aristides, as if this virtue,

in an especial manner, belonged to him.

He was a most determined champion for justice, not only against

feelings of friendship and favor, but wrath and malice. Thus it is

reported of him that when prosecuting the law against one who was his

enemy, on the judges after accusation refusing to hear the criminal,

and proceeding immediately to pass sentence upon him, he rose in haste

from his seat and joined in petition with him for a hearing, and that

he might enjoy the privilege of the law. Another time, when judging

between two private persons, on the one declaring his adversary had

very much injured Aristides; "Tell me rather, good friend," he said,

"what wrong he has done you: for it is your cause, not my own, which

I now sit judge of." Being chosen to the charge of the public

revenue, he made it appear that not only those of his time, but the

preceding officers, had alienated much treasure, and especially

Themistocles:--

Well known he was an able man to be,

But with his fingers apt to be too flee.

Therefore, Themistocles associating several persons against

Aristides, and impeaching him when he gave in his accounts, caused him

to be condemned of robbing the public; so Idomeneus states; but the

best and chiefest men of the city much resenting it, he was not only

exempted from the fine imposed upon him, but likewise again called to

the same employment. Pretending now to repent him of his former

practice, and carrying himself with more remissness, he became

acceptable to such as pillaged the treasury, by not detecting or

calling them to an exact account. So that those who had their fill of

the public money began highly to applaud Aristides, and sued to the

people, making interest to have him once more chosen treasurer. But

when they were upon the point of election, he reproved the Athenians.

"When I discharged my office well and faithfully," said he, "I was

insulted and abused; but now that I have allowed the public thieves in

a variety of malpractices, I am considered an admirable patriot. I am

more ashamed, therefore, of this present honor than of the former

sentence; and I commiserate your condition, with whom it is more

praiseworthy to oblige ill men than to conserve the revenue of the

public." Saying thus, and proceeding to expose the thefts that had

been committed, he stopped the mouths of those who cried him up and

vouched for him, but gained real and true commendation from the best

men.

When Datis, being sent by Darius under pretense of punishing the

Athenians for their burning of Sardis, but in reality to reduce the

Greeks under his dominion, landed at Marathon and laid waste the

country, among the ten commanders appointed by the Athenians for the

war, Militiades was of the greatest name; but the second place, both

for reputation and power, was possessed by Aristides: and when his

opinion to join battle was added to that of Miltiades, it did much to

incline the balance. Every leader by his day having the command in

chief when it came to Aristides' turn, he delivered it into the hands

of Miltiades, showing his fellow officers, that it is not dishonorable

to obey and follow wise and able men, but, on the contrary, noble and

prudent. So appeasing their rivalry, and bringing them to acquiesce

in one and the best advice, he confirmed Miltiades in the strength of

an undivided and unmolested authority. For now everyone, yielding

his day of command, looked for orders only to him. During the fight

the main body of the Athenians being the hardest put to it, the

barbarians, for a long time, making opposition there against the

tribes Leontis and Antiochis, Themistocles and Aristides being ranged

together, fought valiantly; the one being of the tribe Leontis, the

other of the Antiochis. But after they had beaten the barbarians back

to their ships, and perceived that they sailed not for the isles, but

were driven in by the force of sea and wind towards the country of

Attica; fearing lest they should take the city, unprovided of defense,

they hurried away thither with nine tribes, and reached it the same

day. Aristides, being left with his tribe at Marathon to guard the

plunder and prisoners, did not disappoint the opinion they had of him.

Amidst the profusion of gold and silver, all sorts of apparel, and

other property, more than can be mentioned, that were in the tents and

the vessels which they had taken, he neither felt the desire to meddle

with anything himself, nor suffered others to do it; unless it might

be some who took away anything unknown to him; as Callias, the

torchbearer, did. One of the barbarians, it seems, prostrated

himself before this man, supposing him to be a king by his hair and

fillet; and, when he had so done, taking him by the hand, showed him a

great quantity of gold hid in a ditch. But Callias, most cruel and

impious of men, took away the treasure, but slew the man, lest he

should tell of him. Hence, they say, the comic poets gave his family

the name of Laccopluti, or enriched by the ditch, alluding to the

place where Callias found the gold. Aristides, immediately after

this, was archon; although Demetrius, the Phalerian, says he held the

office a little before he died, after the battle of Plataea. But in

the records of the successors of Xanthippides, in whose year Mardonius

was overthrown at Plataea, amongst very many there mentioned, there is

not so much as one of the same name as Aristides: while immediately

after Phaenippus, during whose term of office they obtained the

victory of Marathon, Aristides is registered.

Of all his virtues, the common people were most affected with his

justice, because of its continual and common use; and thus, although

of mean fortune and ordinary birth, he possessed himself of the most

kingly and divine appellation of Just; which kings, however, and

tyrants have never sought after; but have taken delight to be surnamed

besiegers of cities, thunderers, conquerors, or eagles again, and

hawks ; affecting, it seems, the reputation which proceeds from power

and violence, rather than that of virtue. Although the divinity, to

whom they desire to compare and assimilate themselves, excels, it is

supposed, in three things, immortality, power, and virtue; of which

three, the noblest and divinest is virtue. For the elements and

vacuum have an everlasting existence; earthquakes, thunders, storms,

and torrents have great power; but in justice and equity nothing

participates except by means of reason and the knowledge of that which

is divine. And thus, taking the three varieties of feeling commonly

entertained towards the deity, the sense of his happiness, fear, and

honor of him, people would seem to think him blest and happy for his

exemption from death and corruption, to fear and dread him for his

power and dominion, but to love, honor, and adore him for his justice.

Yet though thus disposed, they covet that immortality which our nature

is not capable of, and that power the greatest part of which is at the

disposal of fortune; but give virtue, the only divine good really in

our reach, the last place, most unwisely; since justice makes the life

of such as are in prosperity, power, and authority the life of a god,

and injustice turns it to that of a beast.

Aristides, therefore, had at first the fortune to be beloved for this

surname, but at length envied. Especially when Themistocles spread a

rumor amongst the people, that, by determining and judging all matters

privately, he had destroyed the courts of judicature, and was secretly

making way for a monarchy in his own person, without the assistance of

guards. Moreover, the spirit of the people, now grown high, and

confident with their late victory, naturally entertained feelings of

dislike to all of more than common fame and reputation. Coming

together, therefore, from all parts into the city, they banished

Aristides by the ostracism, giving their jealousy of his reputation

the name of fear of tyranny. For ostracism was not the punishment of

any criminal act, but was speciously said to be the mere depression

and humiliation of excessive greatness and power; and was in fact a

gentle relief and mitigation of envious feeling, which was thus

allowed to vent itself in inflicting no intolerable injury, only a ten

years' banishment. But after it came to be exercised upon base and

villainous fellows, they desisted from it; Hyperbolus, being the last

whom they banished by the ostracism.

The cause of Hyperbolus's banishment is said to have been this.

Alcibiades and Nicias, men that bore the greatest sway in the city,

were of different factions. As the people, therefore, were about to

vote the ostracism, and obviously to decree it against one of them,

consulting together and uniting their parties, they contrived the

banishment of Hyperbolus. Upon which the people, being offended, as

if some contempt or affront was put upon the thing, left off and quite

abolished it. It was performed, to be short, in this manner. Every

one taking an ostracon, a sherd, that is, or piece of earthenware,

wrote upon it the citizen's name he would have banished, and carried

it to a certain part of the market-place surrounded with wooden rails.

First, the magistrates numbered all the sherds in gross (for if there

were less than six thousand, the ostracism was imperfect); then,

laying every name by itself, they pronounced him whose name was

written by the larger number, banished for ten years, with the

enjoyment of his estate. As, therefore, they were writing the names

on the sherds, it is reported that an illiterate clownish fellow,

giving Aristides his sherd, supposing him a common citizen, begged him

to write Aristides upon it; and he being surprised and asking if

Aristides had ever done him any injury, "None at all," said he,

"neither know I the man; but I am tired of hearing him everywhere

called the Just." Aristides, hearing this, is said to have made no

reply, but returned the sherd with his own name inscribed. At his

departure from the city, lifting up his hands to heaven, he made a

prayer, (the reverse, it would seem, of that of Achilles,) that the

Athenians might never have any occasion which should constrain them to

remember Aristides.

Nevertheless, three years after, when Xerxes marched through Thessaly

and Boeotia into the country of Attica, repealing the law, they

decreed the return of the banished: chiefly fearing Aristides, lest,

joining himself to the enemy, he should corrupt and bring over many of

his fellow-citizens to the party of the barbarians; much mistaking the

man, who, already before the decree, was exerting himself to excite

and encourage the Greeks to the defense of their liberty. And

afterwards, when Themistocles was general with absolute power, he

assisted him in all ways both in action and counsel; rendering, in

consideration of the common security, the greatest enemy he had the

most glorious of men. For when Eurybiades was deliberating to desert

the isle of Salamis, and the gallies of the barbarians putting out by

night to sea surrounded and beset the narrow passage and islands, and

nobody was aware how they were environed, Aristides, with great

hazard, sailed from Aegina through the enemy's fleet; and coming by

night to Themistocles's tent, and calling him out by himself; "If we

have any discretion," said he, "Themistocles, laying aside at this

time our vain and childish contention, let us enter upon a safe and

honorable dispute, vying with each other for the preservation of

Greece; you in the ruling and commanding, I in the subservient and

advising part; even, indeed, as I now understand you to be alone

adhering to the best advice, in counseling without any delay to engage

in the straits. And in this, though our own party oppose, the enemy

seems to assist you. For the sea behind, and all around us, is

covered with their fleet; so that we are under a necessity of

approving ourselves men of courage, and fighting, whether we will or

no; for there is no room left us for flight." To which Themistocles

answered, "I would not willingly, Aristides, be overcome by you on

this occasion; and shall endeavor, in emulation of this good

beginning, to outdo it in my actions." Also relating to him the

stratagem he had framed against the barbarians, he entreated him to

persuade Eurybiades and show him how it was impossible they should

save themselves without an engagement; as he was the more likely to be

believed. Whence, in the council of war, Cleocritus, the Corinthian,

telling Themistocles that Aristides did not like his advice, as he was

present and said nothing, Aristides answered, That he should not have

held his peace if Themistocles had not been giving the best advice;

and that he was now silent not out of any good-will to the person, but

in approbation of his counsel.

Thus the Greek captains were employed. But Aristides perceiving

Psyttalea, a small island that lies within the straits over against

Salamis, to be filled by a body of the enemy, put aboard his small

boats the most forward and courageous of his countrymen, and went

ashore upon it; and, joining battle with the barbarians, slew them

all, except such more remarkable persons as were taken alive. Amongst

these were three children of Sandauce, the king's sister, whom he

immediately sent away to Themistocles, and it is stated that in

accordance with a certain oracle, they were, by the command of

Euphrantides, the seer, sacrificed to Bacchus, called Omestes, or the

devourer. But Aristides, placing armed men all around the island, lay

in wait for such as were cast upon it, to the intent that none of his

friends should perish, nor any of his enemies escape. For the closest

engagement of the ships, and the main fury of the whole battle, seems

to have been about this place; for which reason a trophy was erected

in Psyttalea.

After the fight, Themistocles, to sound Aristides, told him they had

performed a good piece of service, but there was a better yet to be

done, the keeping Asia in Europe, by sailing forthwith to the

Hellespont, and cutting in sunder the bridge. But Aristides, with an

exclamation, bid him think no more of it, but deliberate and find out

means for removing the Mede, as quickly as possible, out of Greece;

lest being enclosed, through want of means to escape, necessity should

compel him to force his way with so great an army. So Themistocles

once more dispatched Arnaces, the eunuch, his prisoner, giving him in

command privately to advertise the king that he had diverted the

Greeks from their intention of setting sail for the bridges, out of

the desire he felt to preserve him.

Xerxes, being much terrified with this, immediately hasted to the

Hellespont. But Mardonius was left with the most serviceable part of

the army, about three hundred thousand men, and was a formidable

enemy, confident in his infantry, and writing messages of defiance to

the Greeks: "You have overcome by sea men accustomed to fight on

land, and unskilled at the oar; but there lies now the open country of

Thessaly; and the plains of Boeotia offer a broad and worthy field for

brave men, either horse or foot, to contend in." But he sent

privately to the Athenians, both by letter and word of mouth from the

king, promising to rebuild their city, to give them a vast sum of

money, and constitute them lords of all Greece on condition they were

not engaged in the war. The Lacedaemonians, receiving news of this,

and fearing, dispatched an embassy to the Athenians, entreating that

they would send their wives and children to Sparta, and receive

support from them for their superannuated. For, being despoiled both

of their city and country, the people were suffering extreme distress.

Having given audience to the ambassadors, they returned an answer,

upon the motion of Aristides, worthy of the highest admiration;

declaring, that they forgave their enemies if they thought all things

purchasable by wealth, than which they knew nothing of greater value;

but that they felt offended at the Lacedaemonians, for looking only to

their present poverty and exigence, without any remembrance of their

valor and magnanimity, offering them their victuals, to fight in the

cause of Greece. Aristides, making this proposal and bringing back

the ambassadors into the assembly, charged them to tell the

Lacedaemonians that all the treasure on the earth or under it, was of

less value with the people of Athens, than the liberty of Greece.

And, showing the sun to those who came from Mardonius, "as long as

that retains the same course, so long," said he, "shall the citizens

of Athens wage war with the Persians for the country which has been

wasted, and the temples that have been profaned and burnt by them."

Moreover, he proposed a decree, that the priests should anathematize

him who sent any herald to the Medes, or deserted the alliance of

Greece.

When Mardonius made a second incursion into the country of Attica, the

people passed over again into the isle of Salamis. Aristides, being

sent to Lacedaemon, reproved them for their delay and neglect in

abandoning Athens once more to the barbarians; and demanded their

assistance for that part of Greece, which was not yet lost. The

Ephori, hearing this, made show of sporting all day, and of carelessly

keeping holy day, (for they were then celebrating the Hyacinthian

festival,) but in the night, selecting five thousand Spartans, each of

whom was attended by seven Helots, they sent them forth unknown to

those from Athens. And when Aristides again reprehended them, they

told him in derision that he either doted or dreamed, for the army was

already at Oresteum, in their march towards the strangers; as they

called the Persians. Aristides answered that they jested

unseasonably, deluding their friends, instead of their enemies. Thus

says Idomeneus. But in the decree of Aristides, not himself, but

Cimon, Xanthippus, and Myronides are appointed ambassadors.

Being chosen general for the war, he repaired to Plattea, with eight

thousand Athenians, where Pausanias, generalissimo of all Greece,

joined him with the Spartans; and the forces of the other Greeks came

in to them. The whole encampment of the barbarians extended all along

the bank of the river Asopus, their numbers being so great, there was

no enclosing them all, but their baggage and most valuable things were

surrounded with a square bulwark, each side of which was the length of

ten furlongs.

Tisamenus, the Elean, had prophesied to Pausanias and all the Greeks,

and foretold them victory if they made no attempt upon the enemy, but

stood on their defense. But Aristides sending to Delphi, the god

answered, that the Athenians should overcome their enemies, in case

they made supplication to Jupiter and Juno of Cithaeron, Pan, and the

nymphs Sphragitides, and sacrificed to the heroes Androcrates, Leucon,

Pisander, Damocrates, Hypsion, Actaeon, and Polyidus; and if they

fought within their own territories in the plain of Ceres Eleusinia

and Proserpine. Aristides was perplexed upon the tidings of this

oracle: since the heroes to whom it commanded him to sacrifice had

been chieftains of the Plataeans, and the cave of the nymphs

Sphragitides was on the top of Mount Cithaeron, on the side facing the

setting sun of summer time; in which place, as the story goes, there

was formerly an oracle, and many that lived in the district were

inspired with it, whom they called Nympholepti, possessed with the

nymphs. But the plain of Ceres Eleusinia, and the offer of victory to

the Athenians, if they fought in their own territories, recalled them

again, and transferred the war into the country of Attica. In this

juncture, Arimnestus, who commanded the Plataeans, dreamed that

Jupiter, the Saviour, asked him what the Greeks had resolved upon; and

that he answered, "Tomorrow, my Lord, we march our army to Eleusis,

and there give the barbarians battle according to the directions of

the oracle of Apollo." And that the god replied, they were utterly

mistaken, for that the places spoken of by the oracle were within the

bounds of Plataea, and if they sought there they should find them.

This manifest vision having appeared to Arimnestus, when he awoke he

sent for the most aged and experienced of his countrymen, with whom

communicating and examining the matter, he found that near Hysiae, at

the foot of Mount Cithaeron, there was a very ancient temple called

the temple of Ceres Eleusinia and Proserpine. He therefore forthwith

took Aristides to the place, which was very convenient for drawing up

an army of foot, because the slopes at the bottom of the mountain

Cithaeron rendered the plain, where it comes up to the temple, unfit

for the movements of cavalry. Also, in the same place, there was the

fane of Androcrates, environed with a thick shady grove. And that the

oracle might be accomplished in all particulars for the hope of

victory, Arimnestus proposed, and the Plataeans decreed, that the

frontiers of their country towards Attica should be removed, and the

land given to the Athenians, that they might fight in defense of

Greece in their own proper territory. This zeal and liberality of the

Plataeans became so famous, that Alexander, many years after, when he

had obtained the dominion of all Asia, upon erecting the walls of

Plataea, caused proclamation to be made by the herald at the Olympic

games, that the king did the Plataeans this favor in consideration of

their nobleness and magnanimity, because, in the war with the Medes,

they freely gave up their land and zealously fought with the Greeks.

The Tegeatans, contesting the post of honor with the Athenians,

demanded, that, according to custom, the Lacedaemonians being ranged

on the right wing of the battle, they might have the left, alleging

several matters in commendation of their ancestors. The Athenians

being indignant at the claim, Aristides came forward; "To contend with

the Tegeatans," said he, "for noble descent and valor, the present

time permits not: but this we say to you, O you Spartans, and you the

rest of the Greeks, that place neither takes away nor contributes

courage: we shall endeavor by crediting and maintaining the post you

assign us, to reflect no dishonor on our former performances. For we

are come, not to differ with our friends, but to fight our enemies;

not to extol our ancestors, but ourselves to behave as valiant men.

This battle will manifest how much each city, captain, and private

soldier is worth to Greece." The council of war, upon this address,

decided for the Athenians, and gave them the other wing of the battle.

All Greece being in suspense, and especially the affairs of the

Athenians unsettled, certain persons of great families and possessions

having been impoverished by the war, and seeing all their authority

and reputation in the city vanished with their wealth, and others in

possession of their honors and places, convened privately at a house

in Plataea, and conspired for the dissolution of the democratic

government; and, if the plot should not succeed, to ruin the cause and

betray all to the barbarians. These matters being in agitation in the

camp, and many persons already corrupted, Aristides, perceiving the

design, and dreading the present juncture of time, determined neither

to let the business pass unanimadverted upon, nor yet altogether to

expose it; not knowing how many the accusation might reach, and

willing to set bounds to his justice with a view to the public

convenience. Therefore, of many that were concerned, he apprehended

eight only, two of whom, who were first proceeded against and most

guilty, Aeschines of Lampra, and Agesias of Acharnae, made their

escape out of the camp. The rest he dismissed; giving opportunity to

such as thought themselves concealed, to take courage and repent;

intimating that they had in the war a great tribunal, where they might

clear their guilt by manifesting their sincere and good intentions

towards their country.

After this, Mardonius made trial of the Grecian courage, by sending

his whole number of horse, in which he thought himself much the

stronger, against them, while they were all pitched at the foot of

Mount Cithaeron, in strong and rocky places, except the Megarians.

They, being three thousand in number, were encamped on the plain,

where they were damaged by the horse charging and making inroads upon

them on all hands. They sent, therefore, in haste to Pausanias,

demanding relief, as not being able alone to sustain the great numbers

of the barbarians. Pausanias, hearing this, and perceiving the tents

of the Megarians already hid by the multitude of darts and arrows, and

themselves driven together into a narrow space, was at a loss himself

how to aid them with his battalion of heavy-armed Lacedaemonians. He

proposed it, therefore, as a point of emulation in valor and love of

distinction, to the commanders and captains who were around him, if

any would voluntarily take upon them the defense and succor of the

Megarians. The rest being backward, Aristides undertook the

enterprise for the Athenians, and sent Olympiodorus, the most valiant

of his inferior officers, with three hundred chosen men and some

archers under his command. These being soon in readiness, and running

upon the enemy, as soon as Masistius, who commanded the barbarians'

horse, a man of wonderful courage and of extraordinary bulk and

comeliness of person, perceived it, turning his steed he made towards

them. And they sustaining the shock and joining battle with him,

there was a sharp conflict, as though by this encounter they were to

try the success of the whole war. But after Masistius's horse

received a wound, and flung him, and he falling could hardly raise

himself through the weight of his armor, the Athenians, pressing upon

him with blows, could not easily get at his person, armed as he was,

his breast, his head, and his limbs all over, with gold and brass and

iron; but one of them at last, running him in at the visor of his

helmet, slew him; and the rest of the Persians, leaving the body, fled.

The greatness of the Greek success was known, not by the multitude of

the slain, (for an inconsiderable number were killed,) but by the

sorrow the barbarians expressed. For they shaved themselves, their

horses, and mules for the death of Masistius, and filled the plain

with howling and lamentation; having lost a person, who, next to

Mardonius himself, was by many degrees the chief among them, both for

valor and authority.

After this skirmish of the horse, they kept from fighting a long time;

for the soothsayers, by the sacrifices, foretold the victory both to

Greeks and Persians, if they stood upon the defensive part only, but

if they became aggressors, the contrary. At length Mardonius, when he

had but a few days' provision, and the Greek forces increased

continually by some or other that came in to them, impatient of delay,

determined to lie still no longer, but, passing Asopus by daybreak, to

fall unexpectedly upon the Greeks; and signified the same over night

to the captains of his host. But about midnight, a certain horseman

stole into the Greek camp, and coming to the watch, desired them to

call Aristides, the Athenian, to him. He coming speedily; "I am,"

said the stranger, "Alexander, king of the Macedonians, and am arrived

here through the greatest danger in the world for the good-will I bear

you, lest a sudden onset should dismay you, so as to behave in the

fight worse than usual. For tomorrow Mardonius will give you battle,

urged, not by any hope of success or courage, but by want of victuals;

since, indeed, the prophets prohibit him the battle, the sacrifices

and oracles being unfavorable; and the army is in despondency and

consternation; but necessity forces him to try his fortune, or sit

still and endure the last extremity of want." Alexander, thus saying,

entreated Aristides to take notice and remember him, but not to tell

any other. But he told him, it was not convenient to conceal the

matter from Pausanias (because he was general); as for any other, he

would keep it secret from them till the battle was fought; but if the

Greeks obtained the victory, that then no one should be ignorant of

Alexander's good-will and kindness towards them. After this, the king

of the Macedonians rode back again, and Aristides went to Pausanias's

tent and told him; and they sent for the rest of the captains and gave

orders that the army should be in battle array.

Here, according to Herodotus, Pausanias spoke to Aristides, desiring

him to transfer the Athenians to the right wing of the army opposite

to the Persians, (as they would do better service against them, having

been experienced in their way of combat, and emboldened with former

victories,) and to give him the left, where the Medizing Greeks were

to make their assault. The rest of the Athenian captains regarded

this as an arrogant and interfering act on the part of Pausanias;

because, while permitting the rest of the army to keep their stations,

he removed them only from place to place, like so many Helots,

opposing them to the greatest strength of the enemy. But Aristides

said, they were altogether in the wrong. If so short a time ago they

contested the left wing with the Tegeatans, and gloried in being

preferred before them, now, when the Lacedaemonians give them place in

the right, and yield them in a manner the leading of the army, how is

it they are discontented with the honor that is done them, and do not

look upon it as an advantage to have to fight, not against their

countrymen and kindred, but barbarians, and such as were by nature

their enemies? After this, the Athenians very readily changed places

with the Lacedaemonians, and there went words amongst them as they

were encouraging each other, that the enemy approached with no better

arms or stouter hearts than those who fought the battle of Marathon;

but had the same bows and arrows, and the same embroidered coats and

gold, and the same delicate bodies and effeminate minds within; "while

we have the same weapons and bodies, and our courage augmented by our

victories; and fight not like others in defense of our country only,

but for the trophies of Salamis and Marathon; that they may not be

looked upon as due to Miltiades or fortune, but to the people of

Athens." Thus, therefore, were they making haste to change the order

of their battle. But the Thebans, understanding it by some deserters,

forthwith acquainted Mardonius; and he, either for fear of the

Athenians, or a desire to engage the Lacedaemonians, marched over his

Persians to the other wing, and commanded the Greeks of his party to

be posted opposite to the Athenians. But this change was observed on

the other side, and Pausanias, wheeling about again, ranged himself on

the right, and Mardonius, also, as at first, took the left wing over

against the Lacedaemonians. So the day passed without action.

After this, the Greeks determined in council to remove their camp some

distance, to possess themselves of a place convenient for watering;

because the springs near them were polluted and destroyed by the

barbarian cavalry. But night being come, and the captains setting out

towards the place designed for their encamping, the soldiers were not

very ready to follow, and keep in a body, but, as soon as they had

quitted their first entrenchments, made towards the city of Plataea;

and there was much tumult and disorder as they dispersed to various

quarters and proceeded to pitch their tents. The Lacedaemonians,

against their will, had the fortune to be left by the rest. For

Amompharetus, a brave and daring man, who had long been burning with

desire of the fight, and resented their many lingerings and delays,

calling the removal of the camp a mere running away and flight,

protested he would not desert his post, but would there remain with

his company, and sustain the charge of Mardonius. And when Pausanias

came to him and told him he did these things by the common vote and

determination of the Greeks, Amompharetus taking up a great stone and

flinging it at Pausanias' feet, and "by this token," said he, "do I

give my suffrage for the battle, nor have I any concern with the

cowardly consultations and decrees of other men." Pausanias, not

knowing what to do in the present juncture, sent to the Athenians, who

were drawing off, to stay to accompany him; and so he himself set off

with the rest of the army for Plataea, hoping thus to make

Amompharetus move.

Meantime, day came upon them; and Mardonius (for he was not ignorant

of their deserting their camp) having his army in array, fell upon the

Lacedaemonians with great shouting and noise of barbarous people, as

if they were not about to join battle, but crush the Greeks in their

flight. Which within a very little came to pass. For Pausanias,

perceiving what was done, made a halt, and commanded every one to put

themselves in order for the battle; but either through his anger with

Amompharetus, or the disturbance he was in by reason of the sudden

approach of the enemy, he forgot to give the signal to the Greeks in

general. Whence it was, that they did not come in immediately, or in

a body, to their assistance, but by small companies and straggling,

when the fight was already begun. Pausanias, offering sacrifice,

could not procure favorable omens, and so commanded the

Lacedaemonians, setting down their shields at their feet to abide

quietly and attend his directions, making no resistance to any of

their enemies. And, he sacrificing again a second time, the horse

charged, and some of the Lacedaemonians were wounded. At this time,

also, Callicrates, who, we are told, was the most comely man in the

army, being shot with an arrow and upon the point of expiring, said,

that he lamented not his death (for he came from home to lay down his

life in the defense of Greece) but that he died without action. The

case was indeed hard, and the forbearance of the men wonderful; for

they let the enemy charge without repelling them; and, expecting their

proper opportunity from the gods and their general, suffered

themselves to be wounded and slain in their ranks. And some say, that

while Pausanias was at sacrifice and prayers, some space out of the

battle-array, certain Lydians, falling suddenly upon him, plundered

and scattered the sacrifice: and that Pausanias and his company,

having no arms, beat them with staves and whips; and that in imitation

of this attack, the whipping the boys about the altar, and after it

the Lydian procession, are to this day practiced in Sparta.

Pausanias, therefore, being troubled at these things, while the priest

went on offering one sacrifice after another, turns himself towards

the temple with tears in his eyes, and, lifting up his hands to

heaven, besought Juno of Cithaeron, and the other tutelar gods of the

Plataeans, if it were not in the fates for the Greeks to obtain the

victory, that they might not perish, without performing some

remarkable thing, and by their actions demonstrating to their enemies,

that they waged war with men of courage, and soldiers. While

Pausanias was thus in the act of supplication, the sacrifices appeared

propitious, and the soothsayers foretold victory. The word being

given, the Lacedaemonian battalion of foot seemed, on the sudden, like

some one fierce animal, setting up his bristles, and betaking himself

to the combat; and the barbarians perceived that they encountered with

men who would fight it to the death. Therefore, holding their

wicker-shields before them, they shot their arrows amongst the

Lacedaemonians. But they, keeping together in the order of a phalanx,

and falling upon the enemies, forced their shields out of their hands,

and, striking with their pikes at the breasts and faces of the

Persians, overthrew many of them; who, however, fell not either

unrevenged or without courage. For taking hold of the spears with

their bare hands, they broke many of them, and betook themselves not

without effect to the sword; and making use of their falchions and

scimitars, and wresting the Lacedaemonians' shields from them, and

grappling with them, it was a long time that they made resistance.

Meanwhile, for some time, the Athenians stood still, waiting for the

Lacedaemonians to come up. But when they heard much noise as of men

engaged in fight, and a messenger, they say, came from Pausanias, to

advertise them of what was going on, they soon hasted to their

assistance. And as they passed through the plain to the place where

the noise was, the Greeks, who took part with the enemy, came upon

them. Aristides, as soon as he saw them, going a considerable space

before the rest, cried out to them, conjuring them by the guardian

gods of Greece to forbear the fight, and be no impediment or stop to

those, who were going to succor the defenders of Greece. But when he

perceived they gave no attention to him, and had prepared themselves

for the battle, then turning from the present relief of the

Lacedaemonians, he engaged them, being five thousand in number. But

the greatest part soon gave way and retreated, as the barbarians also

were put to flight. The sharpest conflict is said to have been

against the Thebans, the chiefest and most powerful persons among them

at that time siding zealously with the Medes, and leading the

multitude not according to their own inclinations, but as being

subjects of an oligarchy.

The battle being thus divided, the Lacedaemonians first beat off the

Persians; and a Spartan, named Arimnestus, slew Mardonius by a blow on

the head with a stone, as the oracle in the temple of Amphiaraus had

foretold to him. For Mardonius sent a Lydian thither, and another

person, a Carian, to the cave of Trophonius. This latter, the priest of

the oracle answered in his own language. But the Lydian sleeping in

the temple of Amphiaraus, it seemed to him that a minister of the

divinity stood before him and commanded him to be gone; and on his

refusing to do it, flung a great stone at his head, so that he thought

himself slain with the blow. Such is the story. -- They drove the

fliers within their walls of wood; and, a little time after, the

Athenians put the Thebans to flight, killing three hundred of the

chiefest and of greatest note among them in the actual fight itself.

For when they began to fly, news came that the army of the barbarians

was besieged within their palisade: and so giving the Greeks

opportunity to save themselves, they marched to assist at the

fortifications; and coming in to the Lacedaemonians, who were

altogether unhandy and inexperienced in storming, they took the camp

with great slaughter of the enemy. For of three hundred thousand,

forty thousand only are said to have escaped with Artabazus; while on

the Greeks' side there perished in all thirteen hundred and sixty: of

which fifty-two were Athenians, all of the tribe Aeantis, that fought,

says Clidemus, with the greatest courage of any; and for this reason

the men of this tribe used to offer sacrifice for the victory, as

enjoined by the oracle, to the nymphs Sphragitides at the expense of

the public: ninety-one were Lacedaemonians and sixteen Tegeatans. It

is strange, therefore, upon what grounds Herodotus can say, that they

only, and none other, encountered the enemy; for the number of the

slain and their monuments testify that the victory was obtained by all

in general; and if the rest had been standing still, while the

inhabitants of three cities only had been engaged in the fight, they

would not have set on the altar the inscription: --

The Greeks, when by their courage and their might,

They had repelled the Persian in the fight,

The common altar of freed Greece to be,

Reared this to Jupiter who guards the free.

They fought this battle on the fourth day of the month Boedromion,

according to the Athenians, but according to the Boeotians, on the

twenty-seventh of Panemus; -- on which day there is still a convention

of the Greeks at Plataea, and the Plataeans still offer sacrifice for

the victory to Jupiter of freedom. As for the difference of days, it

is not to be wondered at, since even at the present time, when there

is a far more accurate knowledge of astronomy, some begin the month at

one time, and some at another.

After this, the Athenians not yielding the honor of the day to the

Lacedaemonians, nor consenting they should erect a trophy, things were

not far from being ruined by dissension amongst the armed Greeks; had

not Aristides, by much soothing and counseling the commanders,

especially Leocrates and Myronides, pacified and persuaded them to

leave the thing to the decision of the Greeks. And on their

proceeding to discuss the matter, Theogiton, the Megarian, declared

the honor of the victory was to be given some other city, if they

would prevent a civil war; after him Cleocritus of Corinth rising up,

made people think he would ask the palm for the Corinthians, (for next

to Sparta and Athens, Corinth was in greatest estimation); but he

delivered his opinion, to the general admiration, in favor of the

Plataeans; and counseled to take away all contention by giving them

the reward and glory of the victory, whose being honored could be

distasteful to neither party. This being said, first Aristides gave

consent in the name of the Athenians, and Pausanias, then, for the

Lacedaemonians. So, being reconciled, they set apart eighty talents

for the Plataeans, with which they built the temple and dedicated the

image to Minerva, and adorned the temple with pictures, which even to

this very day retain their luster. But the Lacedaemonians and

Athenians each erected a trophy apart by themselves. On their

consulting the oracle about offering sacrifice, Apollo answered that

they should dedicate an altar to Jupiter of freedom, but should not

sacrifice till they had extinguished the fires throughout the country,

as having been defiled by the barbarians, and had kindled unpolluted

fire at the common altar at Delphi. The magistrates of Greece,

therefore, went forthwith and compelled such as had fire to put it

out; and Euchidas, a Plataean, promising to fetch fire, with all

possible speed, from the altar of the god, went to Delphi, and having

sprinkled and purified his body, crowned himself with laurel; and

taking the fire from the altar ran back to Plataea, and got back there

before sunset, performing in one day a journey of a thousand furlongs;

and saluting his fellow-citizens and delivering them the fire, he

immediately fell down, and in a short time after expired. But the

Plataeans, taking him up, interred him in the temple of Diana Euclia,

setting this inscription over him: "Euchidas ran to Delphi and back

again in one day." Most people believe that Euclia is Diana, and call

her by that name. But some say she was the daughter of Hercules, by

Myrto, the daughter of Menoetius, and sister of Patroclus, and, dying

a virgin, was worshipped by the Boeotians and Locrians. Her altar and

image are set up in all their marketplaces, and those of both sexes

that are about marrying, sacrifice to her before the nuptials.

A general assembly of all the Greeks being called, Aristides proposed

a decree, that the deputies and religious representatives of the Greek

states should assemble annually at Plataea, and every fifth year

celebrate the Eleutheria, or games of freedom. And that there should

be a levy upon all Greece, for the war against the barbarians, of ten

thousand spearmen, one thousand horse, and a hundred sail of ships;

but the Plataeans to be exempt, and sacred to the service of the gods,

offering sacrifice for the welfare of Greece. These things begin

ratified, the Plataeans undertook the performance of annual sacrifice

to such as were slain and buried in that place; which they still

perform in the following manner. On the sixteenth day of Maemacterion

(which with the Boeotians is Alalcomenus) they make their procession,

which, beginning by break of day, is led by a trumpeter sounding for

onset; then follow certain chariots loaded with myrrh and garlands;

and then a black bull; then come the young men of free birth carrying

libations of wine and milk in large two-handed vessels, and jars of

oil and precious ointments, none of servile condition being permitted

to have any hand in this ministration, because the men died in defense

of freedom; after all comes the chief magistrate of Plataea, (for whom

it is unlawful at other times either to touch iron, or wear any other

colored garment but white,) at that time appareled in a purple robe;

and, taking a water-pot out of the city record-office, he proceeds,

bearing a sword in his hand, through the middle of the town to the

sepulchres. Then drawing water out of a spring, he washes and anoints

the monument, and sacrificing the bull upon a pile of wood, and

making supplication to Jupiter and Mercury of the earth, invites those

valiant men who perished in the defense of Greece, to the banquet and

the libations of blood. After this, mixing a bowl of wine, and

pouring out for himself, he says, "I drink to those who lost their

lives for the liberty of Greece." These solemnities the Plataeans

observe to this day.

Aristides perceived that the Athenians, after their return into the

city, were eager for a democracy; and deeming the people to deserve

consideration on account of their valiant behavior, as also that it

was a matter of difficulty, they being well armed, powerful, and full

of spirit with their victories, to oppose them by force, he brought

forward a decree, that every one might share in the government, and

the archons be chosen out of the whole body of the Athenians. And on

Themistocles telling the people in assembly that he had some advice

for them, which could not be given in public, but was most important

for the advantage and security of the city, they appointed Aristides

alone to hear and consider it with him. And on his acquainting

Aristides that his intent was to set fire to the arsenal of the

Greeks, for by that means should the Athenians become supreme masters

of all Greece, Aristides, returning to the assembly, told them, that

nothing was more advantageous than what Themistocles designed, and

nothing more unjust. The Athenians, hearing this, gave Themistocles

order to desist; such was the love of justice felt by the people, and

such the credit and confidence they reposed in Aristides.

Being sent in joint commission with Cimon to the war, he took notice

that Pausanias and the other Spartan captains made themselves

offensive by imperiousness and harshness to the confederates; and by

being himself gentle and considerate with them and by the courtesy and

disinterested temper which Cimon, after his example, manifested in the

expeditions, he stole away the chief command from the Lacedaemonians,

neither by weapons, ships, or horses, but by equity and wise policy.

For the Athenians being endeared to the Greeks by the justice of

Aristides and by Cimon's moderation, the tyranny and selfishness of

Pausanias rendered them yet more desirable. He on all occasions

treated the commanders of the confederates haughtily and roughly; and

the common soldiers he punished with stripes, or standing under the

iron anchor for a whole day together; neither was it permitted for any

to provide straw for themselves to lie on, or forage for their horses,

or to come near the springs to water before the Spartans were

furnished, but servants with whips drove away such as approached. And

when Aristides once was about to complain and expostulate with

Pausanias, he told him, with an angry look, that he was not at

leisure, and gave no attention to him. The consequence was that the

sea captains and generals of the Greeks, in particular, the Chians,

Samians, and Lesbians, came to Aristides and requested him to be their

general, and to receive the confederates into his command, who had

long desired to relinquish the Spartans and come over to the

Athenians. But he answered, that he saw both equity and necessity in

what they said, but their fidelity required the test of some action,

the commission of which would make it impossible for the multitude to

change their minds again. Upon which Uliades, the Samian, and

Antagoras of Chios, conspiring together, ran in near Byzantium on

Pausanias's galley, getting her between them as she was sailing before

the rest. But when Pausanias, beholding them, rose up and furiously

threatened soon to make them know that they had been endangering not

his galley, but their own countries, they bid him go his way, and

thank Fortune that fought for him at Plataea; for hitherto, in

reverence to that, the Greeks had forborne from indicting on him the

punishment he deserved. In fine, they all went off and joined the

Athenians. And here the magnanimity of the Lacedaemonians was

wonderful. For when they perceived that their generals were becoming

corrupted by the greatness of their authority, they voluntarily laid

down the chief command, and left off sending any more of them to the

wars, choosing rather to have citizens of moderation and consistent in

the observance of their customs, than to possess the dominion of all

Greece.

Even during the command of the Lacedaemonians, the Greeks paid a

certain contribution towards the maintenance of the war; and being

desirous to be rated city by city in their due proportion, they

desired Aristides of the Athenians, and gave him command, surveying

the country and revenue, to assess every one according to their

ability and what they were worth. But he, being so largely empowered,

Greece as it were submitting all her affairs to his sole management,

went out poor, and returned poorer; laying the tax not only without

corruption and injustice, but to the satisfaction and convenience of

all. For as the ancients celebrated the age of Saturn, so did the

confederates of Athens Aristides's taxation, terming it the happy time

of Greece; and that more especially, as the sum was in a short time

doubled, and afterwards trebled. For the assessment which Aristides

made, was four hundred and sixty talents. But to this Pericles added

very near one third part more; for Thucydides says, that in the

beginning of the Peloponnesian war, the Athenians had coming in from

their confederates six hundred talents. But after Pericles's death,

the demagogues, increasing by little and little, raised it to the sum

of thirteen hundred talents; not so much through the war's being so

expensive and chargeable either by its length or ill success, as by

their alluring the people to spend upon largesses and play-house

allowances, and in erecting statues and temples. Aristides,

therefore, having acquired a wonderful and great reputation by this

levy of the tribute, Themistocles is said to have derided him, as if

this had been not the commendation of a man, but a money-bag; a

retaliation, though not in the same kind, for some free words which

Aristides had used. For he, when Themistocles once was saying that he

thought the highest virtue of a general was to understand and foreknow

the measures the enemy would take, replied, "This, indeed,

Themistocles, is simply necessary, but the excellent thing in a

general is to keep his hands from taking money."

Aristides, moreover, made all the people of Greece swear to keep the

league, and himself took the oath in the name of the Athenians,

flinging wedges of red hot iron into the sea, after curses against

such as should make breach of their vow. But afterwards, it would

seem, when things were in such a state as constrained them to govern

with a stronger hand, he bade the Athenians to throw the perjury upon

him, and manage affairs as convenience required. And, in general,

Theophrastus tells us, that Aristides was, in his own private affairs,

and those of his fellow-citizens, rigorously just, but that in public

matters he acted often in accordance with his country's policy, which

demanded, sometimes, not a little injustice. It is reported of him

that he said in a debate, upon the motion of the Samians for removing

the treasure from Delos to Athens, contrary to the league, that the

thing indeed was not just, but was expedient.

In fine, having established the dominion of his city over so many

people, he himself remained indigent; and always delighted as much in

the glory of being poor, as in that of his trophies; as is evident

from the following story. Callias, the torchbearer, was related to

him: and was prosecuted by his enemies in a capital cause, in which,

after they had slightly argued the matters on which they indicted him,

they proceeded, beside the point, to address the judges: "You know,"

said they, "Aristides, the son of Lysimachus, who is the admiration of

all Greece. In what a condition do you think his family is in at his

house, when you see him appear in public in such a threadbare cloak?

Is it not probable that one who, out of doors, goes thus exposed to

the cold, must want food and other necessaries at home? Callias, the

wealthiest of the Athenians, does nothing to relieve either him or his

wife and children in their poverty, though he is his own cousin, and

has made use of him in many cases, and often reaped advantage by his

interest with you." But Callias, perceiving the judges were moved

more particularly by this, and were exasperated against him, called in

Aristides, requiring him to testify that when he frequently offered

him divers presents, and entreated him to accept them, he had refused,

answering, that it became him better to be proud of his poverty than

Callias of his wealth: since there are many to be seen that make a

good, or a bad use of riches, but it is difficult, comparatively, to

meet with one who supports poverty in a noble spirit; those only

should be ashamed of it who incurred it against their wills. On

Aristides deposing these facts in favor of Callias, there was none who

heard them, that went not away desirous rather to be poor like

Aristides, than rich as Callias. Thus Aeschines, the scholar of

Socrates, writes. But Plato declares, that of all the great and

renowned men in the city of Athens, he was the only one worthy of

consideration; for Themistocles, Cimon, and Pericles filled the city

with porticoes, treasure, and many other vain things, but Aristides

guided his public life by the rule of justice. He showed his

moderation very plainly in his conduct towards Themistocles himself.

For though Themistocles had been his adversary in all his

undertakings, and was the cause of his banishment, yet when he

afforded a similar opportunity of revenge, being accused to the city,

Aristides bore him no malice; but while Alcmaeon, Cimon, and many

others, were prosecuting and impeaching him, Aristides alone, neither

did, nor said any ill against him, and no more triumphed over his

enemy in his adversity, than he had envied him his prosperity.

Some say Aristides died in Pontus, during a voyage upon the affairs of

the public. Others that he died of old age at Athens, being in great

honor and veneration amongst his fellow-citizens. But Craterus, the

Macedonian, relates his death as follows. After the banishment of

Themistocles, he says, the people growing insolent, there sprung up a

number of false and frivolous accusers, impeaching the best and most

influential men and exposing them to the envy of the multitude, whom

their good fortune and power had filled with self-conceit. Amongst

these, Aristides was condemned of bribery, upon the accusation of

Diophantus of Amphitrope, for taking money from the Ionians when he

was collector of the tribute; and being unable to pay the fine, which

was fifty minae, sailed to Ionia, and died there. But of this

Craterus brings no written proof, neither the sentence of his

condemnation, nor the decree of the people; though in general it is

tolerably usual with him to set down such things and to cite his

authors. Almost all others who have spoken of the misdeeds of the

people towards their generals, collect them all together, and tell us

of the banishment of Themistocles, Miltiades's bonds, Pericles's fine,

and the death of Paches in the judgment hall, who, upon receiving

sentence, killed himself on the hustings, with many things of the like

nature. They add the banishment of Aristides; but of this his

condemnation, they make no mention.

Moreover, his monument is to be seen at Phalerum, which they say was

built him by the city, he not having left enough even to defray

funeral charges. And it is stated, that his two daughters were

publicly married out of the prytaneum, or state-house, by the city,

which decreed each of them three thousand drachmas for her portion;

and that upon his son Lysimachus, the people bestowed a hundred minas

of money, and as many acres of planted land, and ordered him besides,

upon the motion of Alcibiades, four drachmas a day. Furthermore,

Lysimachus leaving a daughter, named Polycrite, as Callisthenes says,

the people voted her, also, the same allowance for food with those

that obtained the victory in the Olympic Games. But Demetrius the

Phalerian, Hieronymus the Rhodian, Aristoxenus the musician, and

Aristotle, (if the Treatise of Nobility is to be reckoned among the

genuine pieces of Aristotle,) say that Myrto, Aristides's

granddaughter, lived with Socrates the philosopher, who indeed had

another wife, but took her into his house, being a widow, by reason of

her indigence, and want of the necessaries of life. But Panaetius

sufficiently confutes this in his books concerning Socrates.

Demetrius the Phalerian, in his Socrates, says, he knew one

Lysimachus, son to the daughter of Aristides, extremely poor, who used

to sit near what is called the Iaccheum, and sustained himself by a

table for interpreting dreams; and that, upon his proposal and

representations, a decree was passed by the people, to give the mother

and aunt of this man half a drachma a day. The same Demetrius, when

he was legislating himself, decreed each of these women a drachma per

diem. And it is not to be wondered at, that the people of Athens

should take such care of people living in the city, since hearing the

granddaughter of Aristogiton was in a low condition in the isle of

Lemnos, and so poor nobody would marry her they brought her back to

Athens, and, marrying her to a man of good birth, gave a farm at

Potamus as her marriage-portion; and of similar humanity and bounty

the city of Athens, even in our age, has given numerous proofs, and is

justly admired and respected in consequence.