YORKTOWN AND THE KING'S DEFEAT.
In 1780 England's enemies increased in number and her isolation was
complete. From early times all belligerent nations subjected to capture
the goods of an enemy in neutral ships. This usage was interrupted only
by treaties. It was specially disliked by the Dutch, as great carriers
by sea, and they made many treaties with different powers, stipulating
that goods carried in their ships, not being contraband, should be free.
In 1778 France, in order to injure England, declared its adoption of the
principle that neutral ships made neutral goods. The lesser Baltic
nations, which largely exported naval material, were anxious to protect
their commerce from England, specially as she was rigorous in her view
with regard to contraband goods; and they looked to Russia to help them.
Frederick of Prussia, always eager to do England a bad turn, used his
influence with the Empress Catherine in the cause of the freedom of
commerce in neutral ships, and was supported by her minister, Panin.
Catherine, though not unfriendly towards England, yielded to his
representations, and in March, 1780, notified England, France, and Spain
that, while in other respects she would maintain strict neutrality, she
would enforce by her fleets four propositions: (1) that neutral ships
may freely sail from port to port of a belligerent nation; (2) that
goods carried by them, not being contraband, should be free from
seizure; (3) that only certain specified goods were contraband; and (4)
that no blockade should be recognised which was not effectual. France,
Spain, and the Americans at once accepted these propositions; Denmark,
Sweden, Prussia, and the Emperor joined the league of "armed neutrality"
in the course of the year, and the accession of Holland was only
prevented by its becoming a belligerent. England did not accept these
new rules, which were detrimental to her as a naval power. The alliance
isolated her, threatened to increase the number of her enemies, and
forced her to be cautious in her dealings with neutral ships. War with
the Baltic powers would have ruined her, for since the American revolt
she was dependent on these countries for timber and other naval stores.
Happily, Catherine was by no means inclined to quarrel with her.
[Sidenote: _THE QUARREL WITH HOLLAND._]
The Dutch complained that England violated a treaty made with them in
1674, which provided that either power should hold all goods conveyed in
the ships of the other, not being contraband, as free from liability of
seizure, and that either should be free to trade with the enemies of the
other. Many Dutch ships were searched and their cargoes seized by
English ships, in some cases lawfully, because they were carrying
contraband of war, in others merely because they were carrying French
goods or were trading with our enemies. England contended that the
treaty of 1674 was superseded by the treaties of 1678 and 1716, which
provided that, when either power was attacked, the other should come to
its aid; and that, though the aid of the Dutch was not demanded, they
were at least bound to abstain from helping her enemies. The Dutch,
however, supplied the Americans with vast quantities of naval and
military stores, supplied naval stores also to France and Spain, and
allowed American privateers, and notably Paul Jones, to refit and equip
their ships and to sell their prizes in Dutch ports. The British
ambassador, Sir Joseph Yorke, remonstrated strongly against these
unfriendly acts on the part of a nation in close alliance with his
sovereign. He could gain no satisfaction; for though the party of the
stadholder was anxious to keep on friendly terms, the pensionary and the
city of Amsterdam were violently opposed to England, and the merchants
generally were on their side. Late in 1779 a fleet of Dutch merchantmen,
laden with timber and naval stores for France, and sailing under the
convoy of an admiral, was met by an English squadron. The Dutch fired on
the boats sent to search their ships; the English returned the fire,
captured some of the ships, and brought them into Spithead. Bitter
complaints were made on both sides, and the Dutch, encouraged by the
declaration of the armed neutrality and the influence of France and
Prussia, showed no inclination to yield to Yorke's remonstrances.
At last England had an opportunity of putting an end to this course of
unacknowledged hostility. In October, 1780, a British frigate captured
an American packet which was carrying Laurens, lately president of
congress, as ambassador to Holland. He threw his papers overboard, but a
British seaman promptly went after them and brought them back. Among
them was a draft of a proposed treaty of commerce and amity between
Holland and the United States of America, signed by the pensionary of
Amsterdam and Lee, an American envoy, in September, 1778, when Holland
was bound by treaty to a close alliance with Great Britain. England
demanded a disavowal of the treaty and the punishment of the pensionary.
The states-general voted to join the armed neutrality and, while
disavowing the treaty, did not proceed against the pensionary. England
declared war on December 20. The opposition maintained that the
government had behaved arrogantly and was actuated by a desire for
plunder, and that it was unjust to found a war on a mere proposal
emanating from the magistracy of a single city and not confirmed by the
states-general. Yet, if the conduct of Holland is viewed as a whole, it
will be found to justify the course pursued by the government. England,
then, in addition to the war with her rebellious colonies, had to meet
the forces of France, Spain, and Holland. Nevertheless, the new
accession to the number of her foes was of no detriment to her, for the
Dutch were no longer powerful: it was better to have them open enemies
than treacherous friends; England's geographical position enabled her to
prevent their fleet from joining those of her other enemies, and their
commerce and colonies fell an easy prey to her ships.
[Sidenote: _DEFENCE OF GIBRALTAR._]
The recovery of Gibraltar was the principal object for which Spain
fought. During some negotiations for peace carried on by unaccredited
British agents in 1780, the Spanish minister, Florida Blanca, avowed
that for the sake of Gibraltar his master would "break the family
compact and every other engagement with France". Germain was willing
that the question should be discussed, but North forbade the British
agents to let the word Gibraltar pass their lips, and Stormont declared
that the map of Spain's empire contained no equivalent for it, so the
negotiations were ineffectual.[145] The Spaniards made strenuous
efforts to take the fortress. On the night of June 6 they delivered a
sudden attack on the small squadron in the harbour with fire-ships and a
crowd of boats. They were foiled by the valour of the British seamen
who, under a heavy fire, grappled the blazing ships and towed them
ashore. Again Eliott found himself in urgent need of supplies; food and
ammunition alike ran short, and early in 1781 it became evident that the
place would have to be surrendered unless it was speedily relieved.
Admiral Darby, then in command of the channel fleet, took out a convoy
with supplies. The French were occupied with their own schemes of
conquest, the Spanish fleet did not dare to meet him, and the relief was
accomplished on April 12. The Spaniards then tried to reduce the place
by a continuous bombardment, and between the 10th of that month and the
end of June threw into it 75,000 shot and 25,000 shells. At first Eliott
replied even more fiercely; but, always careful of his ammunition, he
relaxed his fire on finding that the Spanish bombardment did him small
harm, for though the town was virtually destroyed, the garrison lost
only fifty-three killed and 260 wounded, and the fortifications were not
seriously damaged. While Spain was thus foiled in her principal effort,
she completed the reduction of West Florida, and her ships increased the
risks which attended the commerce of England. In August, 1780, a fleet
of East and West Indiamen, convoyed by Captain Moutray, was attacked by
the combined fleets of France and Spain, under Don Luis de Cordova;
fifty-five were taken and brought into Cadiz harbour, at a loss to Great
Britain of about L2,000,000, besides 1,800 soldiers who were on their
way to India.
Near home the enemies of England accomplished little. In January about
800 French soldiers landed in Jersey and surprised St. Heliers. The
island was saved by Major Pierson of the 95th, gallantly supported by
such troops and militia as he could gather at once. All the invaders
were either killed or taken prisoners, but Pierson fell at the moment of
victory. In July the combined fleets of France and Spain convoyed 14,000
troops on their way to Minorca, where they besieged Fort St. Philip,
which held out until the next year. They then sailed, forty-nine ships
of the line, into the mouth of the Channel and cruised about on the
look-out for convoys. Darby lay in Torbay with thirty ships of the
line, and they did not dare to attack him; many of their ships were
unseaworthy, and in September the fleets for a second time retreated
from the Channel without accomplishing anything. Meanwhile the Dutch
were rendered incapable of acting with them. As Admiral Hyde Parker, in
command of a squadron, was convoying the Baltic trade homeward on August
5, he met with a Dutch squadron on the Dogger Bank convoying their trade
to the north. The two squadrons were nominally nearly equal, but several
of the English ships were in bad condition. There was no manoeuvring;
both sides went at it in the old fashion, fighting ship with ship all
along the line. Both squadrons were desperately hammered, and at last
parted without definite result. The Dutch loss in men was heavy; one of
their best ships was sunk and two others totally ruined. They became
little more than spectators of the war, and their possessions in the
East, Sumatra, Negapatam, and Trincomali, fell into the hands of the
English. Parker was furious with Sandwich for sending him out with an
insufficient and badly found force. George went down to the Nore and
visited his ship in the hope of appeasing him, but the old admiral
insisted on resigning his command, and when pressed to remain, bluntly
told the king that he wished him "younger men and newer ships".
[Sidenote: _THE NEW PARLIAMENT._]
The temporary success of the opposition in the spring of 1780 showed the
king that he could no longer reckon with certainty on the support of the
house of commons. On September 1 he suddenly dissolved the parliament
elected in 1774, and writs were issued for a new parliament to meet on
October 31. The suddenness of the dissolution and the shortness of the
time allowed for the new elections were held to operate in favour of the
court. Nor did George neglect other means of securing his authority, for
he told North that the general election cost at least twice as much as
any other since his accession.[146] Rodney headed the poll for
Westminster, but Fox secured the second seat, defeating a ministerial
candidate. Bristol, doubly offended by Burke's efforts on behalf of
Irish trade and catholic relief, rejected him as its member, and he was
provided with a seat by Rockingham. Windsor refused to re-elect Keppel,
and it is asserted that George so far forgot his position as to go into
the shop of a silk-mercer of the borough, and say in his hurried way:
"The queen wants a gown, wants a gown. No Keppel! No Keppel!"[147] Among
the new members were Sheridan, the dramatist, and manager and part-owner
of Drury lane theatre, one of Fox's friends, who became famous as an
orator, and William Pitt, the second son of the great Chatham, who was
returned for Appleby on Sir James Lowther's nomination in January, 1781,
when he was in his twenty-second year. From early youth Pitt showed
signs of a remarkable genius which was carefully cultivated by his
father. Conscious of his ability, he was reserved in manner, though he
was warmly attached to his intimate friends and talked freely with them.
He lived wholly for the service of his country, and took no part in the
pleasures or vices of his contemporaries, save that he habitually drank
far too much port wine. He joined the opposition, and ranged himself
with his father's old followers who acted under Shelburne's leadership.
On all questions of importance he spoke with lofty eloquence, and his
speeches, often splendid as oratory, had the surpassing excellence of
appealing to his hearers by raising them to a higher level of thought
and feeling than that from which they had previously regarded the matter
in debate. His voice was rich, his words well chosen, and he was
singularly happy in sarcasm.
The king's influence was strong in the new parliament. Sir Fletcher
Norton, a bad-tempered and unprincipled man, who had deeply offended him
by his speech with reference to the civil list in 1777, was again
proposed as speaker by the opposition, and was rejected by 203 votes to
134 in favour of Cornwall, the ministerial candidate. The session opened
languidly and the attendance of the opposition was scanty. After the
Christmas recess the struggle with the government was carried on with
more energy. Little ground was gained. Burke's bill for a reform of the
civil list establishment was rejected by 233 to 190, and a like fate
attended other efforts to destroy the means by which parliament was
subjected to corrupt influences. Though the Dutch war was popular
specially with the mercantile class, which expected to benefit by it,
both the nation and the parliament were thoroughly weary of the
American war, and the opponents of it in the commons were strengthened
by the accession of Pitt who pronounced it "a most accursed, wicked,
barbarous, cruel, unnatural, unjust, and diabolical war".[148] Yet the
news of successes in the south, of a mutiny of the Pennsylvania troops
in January, 1781, and of the distress and financial difficulties of the
Americans encouraged the government party. Motions hostile to the war
were feebly supported, and Fox's jeers at British victories, and his
declarations that the money spent on the war was plundered from the
nation, that the cause of the Americans was "the cause of freedom, of
the constitution, and of whiggism, and that he had in its origin wished
it success," excited justifiable indignation.
The most serious attack on the government was caused by North's
disgraceful manipulation of a loan of L12,000,000. Though more than
three times the amount was offered, the loan was arranged on terms so
advantageous to the lenders that the price of the new stock rose at once
from 9 per cent. to 11 per cent. above par. The profits were calculated
by Fox to amount to L900,000, and, as in 1763, the loan was distributed
among the supporters of the government, half of it, so it was said,
going to members of the house of commons, whether as compensation for
election expenses or generally as a means of maintaining a corrupt
influence. North's conduct was severely reprehended in both chambers,
and in two divisions on the question in the commons the opposition voted
106 to 137 and 163 to 209. The life of the government depended on the
fortunes of the war in America; it was prolonged by gleams of success;
it was soon to be terminated by an overwhelming disaster.
In the summer of 1780 the Americans were, perhaps, more disheartened
than at any other period of the war. They were, as we shall see, losing
in the south, and their hope of decisive help from France was again
disappointed. Congress continued to issue paper money until its notes
became of so little value that ten paper dollars were exchanged for a
cent; there was no money and no credit, and Washington was forced to
levy contributions on the surrounding country to supply his army. The
people generally were sick of the war. France was almost bankrupt; even
Vergennes was weary of American demands for help, and suggested putting
an end to the war by a long truce, the English surrendering New York and
keeping Georgia and South Carolina. The idea was equally displeasing to
the king and to the Americans. It was not without reason that George
believed that "America was distressed to the greatest degree," and that
if his ministers persevered in the war they would wear down its power of
resistance.[149]
[Sidenote: _MAJOR ANDRE._]
The depression of the Americans was deepened by the treachery of Arnold.
Conspicuous among their generals for energy and dash, he was a
vulgar-minded, irritable man, ruined in fortune by his own extravagance,
and with many enemies. He had been treated badly by congress, and was
finally maddened by receiving a public reprimand ordered by a
court-martial which was held to examine charges affecting his probity.
Washington felt kindly towards him, and gave him the command of West
Point, a highland fortress which was the key of the line of the Hudson.
He had for some time contemplated deserting to the British, and was in
correspondence with Clinton, receiving replies through Major Andre, a
gallant and popular young officer, Clinton's adjutant-general, who wrote
under the name of John Anderson. Determined to avenge himself on
congress, he offered to betray West Point to the British. An attack was
to be made on September 25, and Arnold was to arrange the American
troops in such a way as to ensure its success. Had the plot succeeded,
the Americans would have lost communication between the northern and
southern provinces, and would probably have been forced to give up the
struggle. An interview was necessary, and Andre sailed up the river in
the _Vulture_ sloop, and met Arnold secretly on the night of the 21st.
After the interview Arnold persuaded him to take shelter in a house
which, though he was not aware of it, stood within the American lines,
and gave him papers containing arrangements for the attack. The next day
Andre could not find a boatman to take him to the _Vulture_, and was
forced to set out for New York by land. He had a pass from Arnold made
out for John Anderson, he changed his uniform for a civilian dress, and
passed the American lines in safety. On the 23rd he fell into the hands
of some American cattle-stealers; Arnold's papers were found in his
boots, and his captors handed him over to a militia officer. Arnold
received tidings of his capture and made his escape on board the
_Vulture_.
Andre was tried by a court-martial consisting of fourteen general
officers, and was sentenced to death as a spy. Clinton made every effort
to obtain his pardon; Washington was inexorable, and would not even
grant Andre's request that he might die a soldier's death. He was hanged
on October 2, and met his fate with dignity and courage. Inexpressibly
sad as his end was, he was not treated unjustly; he entered the enemy's
lines while attempting to assist their commander to betray his post, he
was within their lines in disguise, and he was taken with papers upon
him arranging the details of the betrayal. Washington would have been
held to have acted with generosity if he had treated him as a prisoner
of war, or even if he had granted his pathetic request that he might be
spared the ignominy of the gallows. But an officer in command should not
allow any consideration to hinder him from doing what he believes to be
best for his army, provided it is not contrary to the usages of
civilised warfare. That Washington was guided by this principle in
sending Andre to the gallows may fairly be inferred from all we know of
his character, and of the condition of the American army at the time.
His conduct needs no other defence.[150] The traitor Arnold received
L6,300 from the British government, and, it is painful to remember, a
commission in the army, which he entered with a brevet of
brigadier-general.
[Sidenote: _RODNEY AT ST. EUSTATIUS._]
As soon as war was declared with the Dutch, orders were sent to Rodney,
who returned from America to the Antilles at the end of 1780, to capture
St. Eustatius. From a mass of barren rock this Dutch island had suddenly
become a place of first-rate commercial importance. In order to supply
our West India planters with food for their slaves, parliament allowed
trade to be carried on there with the Americans. In St. Eustatius the
goods of all nations were bought and sold; and British and French
planters, American dealers and Dutch merchants traded with one another
as in a time of peace. English planters and merchants also used it as a
place of deposit, believing that their goods would be safer there than
in their own islands, which were open to attacks from the French. The
wealth of the island was prodigious; the rents of the dwellings and
warehouses hastily constructed on it amounted to a million a year; it
had, as Burke said, risen from the waters like another Tyre to become
the mart of the world. Like the British island of Nassau during the
American civil war, it carried on along with legitimate commerce a brisk
contraband trade, and its merchants supplied the Americans and French,
their principal and most favoured customers, with vast quantities of
naval stores and ammunition. It was practically undefended, and,
together with its dependencies, St. Martin and Saba, was surrendered to
Rodney without resistance on February 3, 1781. Over 150 vessels were
taken in the bay, besides a richly laden convoy of Dutch ships which had
lately put to sea. Rodney held that the island was a "nest of villains,"
and that its "infamous and deceitful inhabitants" owed their wealth to
their support of the king's enemies by contraband trading; they
"deserved scourging," and he vowed that they should get it. He
confiscated all the property on the island, private as well as public,
save what belonged to the French, who were open enemies. There was much
truth in his indictment, but his indiscriminate confiscation was
monstrously unjust.
The spoil of the island was estimated at L4,000,000. The king granted
his rights over the booty to the captors. Rodney was a poor man, and was
greedy for wealth; he seized more than the king could grant, or he could
lawfully hold, for part of the booty belonged to English merchants. His
conduct was severely and, though with some exaggeration, justly attacked
by Burke in parliament, and in after years he was harassed by suits
brought against him for unlawful spoliation. The booty sold on the spot
fetched far less than its value, and much that was sent home fell into
the hands of the French; for while Darby was engaged in the relief of
Gibraltar, a French squadron intercepted the convoy which was bringing
it to England, and carried off several ships laden with spoil. The
capture of the island proved disastrous to England. A French fleet under
Count de Grasse was unfortunately allowed to leave Brest in March, for
England was embarrassed by naval conflicts all over the world. Rodney
expected its coming, and sent Sir Samuel Hood, as fine a seaman as
himself, and with a more single eye to the king's service, to blockade
Fort Royal, in Martinique, in order to prevent four French ships which
lay there from joining Grasse. Hood wished to cruise to windward of the
island, which would have enabled him to force Grasse either to fight or
to give up his junction with the four ships. Rodney, who remained at St.
Eustatius looking after the loot, would not consent to this, because, so
Hood asserts, he was afraid that the ships would slip out and attack the
island.[151] Hood was forced to keep to leeward; Grasse got between him
and the island, was joined by the ships, and so gained the superiority
in force. Some distant and indecisive fighting took place on April 29
and 30, and finally Hood, being the inferior in force, and no longer
having any reason to risk his ships, sailed away from the enemy. The
French, though failing in an attack on St. Lucia, took Tobago, and, what
was of graver consequence, Grasse was enabled, apparently through
Rodney's anxiety concerning his booty, to maintain a strong fleet in the
West Indies, which before long helped to bring victory within reach of
the Americans. Grasse sailed for the American coast in August. Rodney
was obliged by ill-health to return to England, and left Hood with only
fourteen ships to follow the French fleet, directing him to join Admiral
Graves, then in command in the American waters, in the neighbourhood of
the Chesapeake.
[Sidenote: _CORNWALLIS IN SOUTH CAROLINA._]
As the British forces were divided between New York and the southern
provinces, it is obvious that the issue of the struggle depended on the
command of the sea. So long as the British held the ocean way, the
southern army would be able to receive reinforcements and supplies, and
could be aided by diversions, the French alliance would be of little
profit to the Americans, and the long land journey, expensive and open
to attacks, would cut off the southern provinces from succours from the
north. The navy, as both Clinton and Washington saw, "had the casting
vote in the contest".[152] In July, 1780, soon after Clinton returned to
New York from South Carolina, a French squadron brought nearly 6,000
men, commanded by Count de Rochambeau, to Rhode Island. A few days
after the arrival of Rochambeau, the British fleet under Arbuthnot
received reinforcements which made it stronger than the French. Clinton
took measures for attacking the French by land and sea, but was called
back to New York by a movement on the part of Washington, and a renewal
of the plan was defeated by a quarrel between him and Arbuthnot. The
seven French ships remained at Newport, blocked up by the British fleet,
and though Washington obtained some help from the land force, the
greater part stayed to guard the ships. Rodney should have attacked
these ships as soon as he arrived at New York in September. He probably
thought them of little importance, as they were thoroughly blockaded,
and did not care to risk his ships within reach of the French batteries
on the shore. The destruction of the squadron was within his power and
was well worth some risk. Great as he was on sea, he did not understand
the wide aspects of operations of war. The presence of the French
compelled the British to keep a large force in New York and so hindered
their operations in the south.
Before Clinton left South Carolina, he issued a proclamation which put
an end to all hopes of neutrality; those who would not fulfil the duties
of loyal subjects would be held to be rebels. This step caused many who
would willingly have remained neutral to join the revolutionists rather
than fight against them. The country soon became disturbed; the British
were forced to act with severity, and the Americans, both revolutionists
and loyalists, behaved with great cruelty towards their
fellow-countrymen of the opposite party.[153] Partisan leaders, among
whom Sumter and Marion were conspicuous, raised bands on their own
responsibility, and fought against the British, acting sometimes
independently and sometimes in conjunction with the forces of congress.
Cornwallis worked energetically at Charleston, enrolling militia and
providing for the administration, while Lord Rawdon with the main body
of the army kept the border at Camden. Anxious to press on, Cornwallis
desired Clinton to send a force to Chesapeake bay, to divert the enemy
while he invaded North Carolina; but before he could advance further he
had to fight for the southern province. Gates was appointed to the
supreme command in the south and was threatening Camden. Cornwallis
hastened thither with his staff and found Rawdon with 700 sick and less
than 2,000 fit for duty. The enemy was greatly superior in number,
without reckoning 1,000 men under Sumter, who was cutting the British
off from their supplies on the west side of the Wateree river.
Cornwallis met them on August 16, and began the engagement with a
vigorous attack on the American left, formed by the Virginia and North
Carolina militia who, as the British advanced, firing and cheering,
threw down their arms and fled. The British victory was complete; the
Americans lost about 1,000 killed and wounded, over 1,000 prisoners, and
their artillery and stores; the British casualties were 324. Two days
later Colonel Tarleton smartly surprised Sumter, and dispersed his band,
retaking a convoy which had fallen into his hands shortly before the
battle of Camden. The defeat of Gates's army drove the Americans almost
to despair.
Cornwallis was encouraged to pursue his grand plan of "conquest from
south to north". Clinton, though he did not approve of his forward
policy,[154] sent General Leslie with 3,200 men to Chesapeake bay to
co-operate with him, and Cornwallis entered North Carolina and advanced
as far as Charlotte. In spite of his brilliant victory he was beset by
difficulties. The loyalists did not give him the help which he expected;
as soon as he left South Carolina it broke into a ferment of
disaffection, and his troops were not suited for the guerilla warfare
largely adopted by the enemy, who were, Rawdon wrote, "mostly mounted
militia not to be overtaken by our infantry, nor to be safely pursued in
this strong country by our cavalry".[155] In this as in many other
respects, the experiences of the war were repeated in South Africa in
our own day. Before Cornwallis left South Carolina he detached a force
of 800 militia and 100 regulars under Major Ferguson to scour the border
and keep the country quiet in the rear of the army. They were met by a
partisan army of 3,000 men under different leaders at King's Mountain on
October 7; Ferguson was killed and all his men were either slain or
captured. So severe a loss, combined with the anxiety of Cornwallis lest
the important post called Ninety-six should be taken, put a stop to any
further advance. Cornwallis fell back on Winnsborough, and bade Leslie
convey his force to Charleston, which he was able to do as England had
command of the sea, and reinforce him. The safety of the border was his
first care. No sooner had Tarleton checked the inroads of Marion in the
east than he was summoned westwards to protect Ninety-six from Sumter.
He engaged Sumter's force at Blackstock on November 20, and claimed to
have defeated him. Tarleton was a dashing cavalry officer, given to
overrating his own achievements. His troops were few and weary, and at
best he escaped defeat; but Sumter's band dispersed, for its leader was
wounded and disabled for a while from further action.[156]
[Sidenote: _BATTLE OF THE COWPENS._]
In December Greene, a general of far greater ability than Gates, took
the chief command in the south. Cornwallis found the enemy on both his
flanks. On the east Marion, then in common with Sumter holding a
commission from congress, Henry Lee, and Greene himself endangered his
communications with the coast, and penetrated as far as Georgetown, and
on the west another division under Morgan threatened Ninety-six.
Disaffection was spreading rapidly through the province. Believing that
his one chance of conquering from south to north lay in pushing forward,
he determined to march into North Carolina. Leslie joined him in
January, 1781, and Clinton sent Arnold and Phillips with a large force
to take Leslie's place in Virginia. On setting out for North Carolina,
Cornwallis detached Tarleton to deal with Morgan. He brought him to bay
at the Cowpens, near King's Mountain, on the 17th. Tarleton's force,
numbering about 1,100, was slightly superior to that of the enemy, but
he engaged while his men were weary after a hard night-march. Some of
his troops behaved badly; he was utterly defeated, and lost nearly 800
men. This defeat was a severe blow to Cornwallis, for it deprived him of
the best part of his light troops, which were specially necessary for
his march through a wooded and thinly populated country where much
foraging had to be done. He determined to advance, hoping to get between
Greene and Virginia, and force him to fight before he received
reinforcements. He burnt his superfluous baggage and crossed the Catawba
river. The two divisions of the American army retreated hastily through
North Carolina, succeeded in forming a junction, and crossed the Dan
into Virginia before the British could come up with them. Having thus
cleared the province of the revolutionary troops, Cornwallis encamped at
Hillsborough, and on February 20 summoned the loyalists to join him.
Some were coming in when, on the 23rd, Greene, who had received
reinforcements, recrossed the Dan. Any further loyalist movement was
stopped by an act of revolting barbarity; 200 loyalists were caught by
Lee's horse on their way to the British quarters; they made no
resistance and asked for quarter, but were butchered by their
fellow-countrymen.
Cornwallis, finding it difficult to support his troops and being anxious
to encourage the loyalists by showing his superiority in the field,
accepted Greene's offer of battle at Guilford courthouse on March 15.
His force scarcely numbered 2,000, while the enemy, regulars and
militia, were 4,300 strong. The battle was begun by the British left,
consisting of the 22nd and 23rd regiments, supported by grenadiers and
guards, which charged and routed the first line of the enemy with the
bayonet. The second line, formed by Virginians, stood steady and was not
driven back without a severe struggle; so too the First Maryland
regiment, in the third line, repulsed the first attack upon it with
heavy loss. The Second Marylanders fell back before a battalion of
guards, who pressed heedlessly after them and were suddenly engaged by
the American dragoons. The guards fought fiercely, but were broken. For
a moment things looked awkward. Then the enemy was checked by the
British artillery and the guards were rallied by their brigadier O'Hara,
who, though severely wounded, was still able to do good service. The
British fought magnificently and won a brilliant victory. Yet it was
dearly bought, for the loss of over 500 rank and file, a full third of
his infantry, left Cornwallis powerless. His little army was in need of
supplies and he marched to Wilmington, where stores brought by sea were
laid up for him.
[Sidenote: _CORNWALLIS ADVANCES INTO VIRGINIA._]
Being too weak to do anything further without reinforcements, he decided
to leave the Carolinas, effect a junction with Arnold in Virginia, and
attempt the conquest of that province, reckoning that success there
would check disaffection in South Carolina and ultimately tend to the
conquest of North Carolina.[157] He wished Clinton to prosecute the war
in Virginia with all the strength at his command, even at the expense of
giving up New York. Clinton, however, was throughout opposed to his
forward policy; he would have had him attempt nothing beyond the power
of the force which he left with him, "the defence of South, and most
probably the reduction of North, Carolina," and he did not intend the
troops sent to Virginia to engage in "solid" operations, which he judged
to be inadvisable until he should himself take the field. The king and
the cabinet approved Cornwallis's line of action.[158] He advanced into
Virginia on his own responsibility. This step led to unfriendly
relations between the two commanders, and after the war was the subject
of a bitter controversy between them. Cornwallis effected a junction
with Arnold's army on May 20, and in command of over 5,000 troops
overran the province, Lafayette, with a far inferior force, retreating
before him. Meantime Rawdon struggled gallantly, though unsuccessfully,
against Greene in South Carolina. He defeated Greene at Hobskirk hill on
April 25, but was forced to retire from Camden. The loyalists saw that
the British could not protect them; the whole province was disaffected,
and post after post was taken by Greene, Lee, Sumter, Marion, and other
generals. At last, after Rawdon's return to England on account of
ill-health, a hard-fought battle at Eutaw springs on September 8, which
both sides claimed as a victory, so weakened the British force that it
remained in and about Charleston until it was withdrawn at the end of
the war.
To return to the spring of the year, Cornwallis's invasion of Virginia
and the destruction of property there seemed likely to bring the war to
a successful issue. Washington's army was in grievous want of supplies,
the American marine was annihilated, their finances were in a ruinous
state, and their resources generally almost exhausted. Powerful
co-operation with Cornwallis on the part of Clinton was urgently needed.
The issue of the struggle depended on the power of Great Britain to
prevent a French fleet and army from undertaking a joint enterprise with
the Americans. At this critical juncture England lost the superiority at
sea. In May, Washington and Rochambeau agreed that, as soon as Grasse
brought his fleet over, they would join forces, and either attack New
York or, perhaps, march into Virginia, as circumstances might direct.
Clinton discovered their design, would not spare any troops from New
York, and in June called on Cornwallis to send him part of the force
under his command, and ordered him to take up a defensive position.
Cornwallis retired down the James river to Portsmouth. Clinton withdrew
his demand for troops and directed him to fortify a station on the
Yorktown peninsula as a port for ships. He would there be able to take
up a defensive position secured by access to the sea. Cornwallis
concentrated all his forces, about 7,000 men, and fortified Yorktown and
Gloucester. On July 6 Rochambeau, in expectation of the arrival of
Grasse's fleet, brought his troops from Rhode Island (p. 219) and joined
Washington at White Plains. It was agreed between Grasse and Washington
that the united army, 4,000 French and 2,000 Americans, should march
into Virginia and act in co-operation with the French fleet. Clinton,
however, deceived by fictitious letters, written by Washington and
designed to be intercepted, believed that it would attack New York, and
remained quietly there while it marched half through New Jersey. Not
until September 2 did he discover that it was on its way to join in a
combined attack on Cornwallis. On the 5th it reached the head of
Chesapeake bay.
[Sidenote: _CAPITULATION OF CORNWALLIS._]
By that time the inferiority of the British fleet rendered Cornwallis's
situation extremely perilous. When Hood with the fourteen ships of the
line left by Rodney (p. 218) arrived off Cape Henry on August 25, Graves
was not there to meet him; he sailed to Sandy Hook and joined him. The
fleet, nineteen ships of the line, sailed under Graves to Chesapeake
bay, and found that during Hood's absence Grasse had entered the bay
with twenty-eight ships of the line. Grasse at once stood out to sea,
for he was anxious to secure a junction with the squadron from Newport,
under Count de Barras, which Rodney had failed to attack in the previous
September. Graves, who should have caught these ships instead of aiming
at the main fleet, engaged him on September 5, handled his fleet badly,
and got his ships knocked about. While he remained uselessly at sea the
squadron of Barras slipped into the bay. On the 14th the British fleet
returned to New York to refit, and Cornwallis was left without succour.
Lafayette with a large army of French and Americans was already blocking
the neck of the peninsula. Clinton attempted a perfectly useless
diversion in Connecticut under Arnold. Washington's army joined
Lafayette on the 18th, and Cornwallis was soon besieged by a force of
over 16,000 men. On October 19 he was forced to capitulate. Of the
garrison which surrendered at Yorktown and Gloucester, 6,950 men, only
4,017 remained fit for duty. On the day of the surrender, naval
reinforcements having arrived at New York and the fleet at last being
refitted, Clinton sailed with 7,000 troops to the relief of Cornwallis.
They found that they were too late and returned to New York.
With this disaster the war in America virtually ended. Cornwallis in his
attempt to recover the southern provinces showed a vigour and capacity
which might, perhaps, have brought matters to a different issue if he
had held the chief command. But his means were inadequate to meet the
wastage caused by battle and sickness; he found the loyalists a broken
reed, and his troops not well suited to the kind of warfare in which
they were engaged. "Had Lord Cornwallis staid in Carolina, as I had
ordered him," wrote Clinton, "and I had even assembled my forces at New
York, and remained there with my arms across without affront, negative
victory would have insured American Dependence."[159] "Arms across"
seems indeed to have been Clinton's favourite attitude.[160]
Cornwallis's advance into Virginia was certainly a risky movement, but
it was a choice of evils and did not in itself entail disaster. Clinton
reckoned, not without reason, that the Americans were too exhausted to
prolong the struggle; he was in favour of desultory operations on the
Chesapeake, against Baltimore and Philadelphia, with the view of gaining
loyalist support, and of waiting until he had received reinforcements
large enough to enable him to undertake a "solid" campaign in Virginia,
without leaving New York insufficiently defended. Cornwallis believed
that the best chance of success lay in securing a firm hold on Virginia.
Germain, who still persisted in directing operations in America from
London, considered Cornwallis's plan more promising than that of
Clinton. He treated Cornwallis as though he had an entirely independent
command, with the result that serious misunderstandings arose between
Cornwallis and Clinton, the commander-in-chief, which hindered their
co-operation; and while he approved of the plan adopted by Cornwallis he
did not discountenance Clinton's proposals, with the result that neither
course of action was vigorously pursued. It was by Clinton's order that
Cornwallis retired to the York peninsula, where his safety depended on
the continued command of the sea; the choice of Yorktown as his post was
his own. It was not a good choice; but he had little reason to expect
that he would have to hold it against an overwhelming force of French
and Americans, with a French fleet in command of the sea. Clinton should
not have been misled by Washington's simple trick into allowing the
combined force to advance beyond his reach on its way to crush
Cornwallis's army.
The true cause of the catastrophe, however, lay in naval mismanagement.
The mistaken policy of employing the British fleet in various and
distant enterprises instead of off the ports of the enemy enabled Grasse
to sail from Brest unopposed. Rodney let slip a grand opportunity of
baulking his plans off Fort Royal, and sent, perhaps was forced to send,
Hood after him to America with an insufficient fleet. Partly through
accident and partly through an error of judgment, Graves missed his
junction with Hood. Grasse was consequently allowed quietly to enter
Chesapeake bay, and Graves afterwards failed to use his ships to the
best advantage. The loss of the command at sea was fatal to Cornwallis.
[Sidenote: _THE MINISTRY LOSES GROUND._]
Tidings of the disaster reached London on November 25, two days before
the meeting of parliament. On receiving them North's habitual calmness
broke down; he threw up his arms as though he were shot, and repeatedly
exclaimed, "O God! it is all over!" The king's fortitude was unshaken,
and he showed no sign of agitation, save that, in acknowledging
Germain's letter informing him of the surrender, he omitted to note the
exact moment of his writing, as his custom was. The speech from the
throne at the opening of parliament, while acknowledging disaster,
contained no hint of giving way. Parliament for a while upheld the
ministers, and the address was carried in the lords by 75 to 31, and in
the commons by 218 to 129. Fox and Burke threatened the ministers with
impeachment and the scaffold; and Pitt condemned their policy in
speeches not less effective for being more moderate in tone. North
announced that the war would no longer be carried on with a design of
conquest, but only for the possession of posts on the coast which would
be useful in the war with France and Spain. Crowded meetings in London
and Westminster condemned the government. It was evident that there was
dissension in the cabinet; North was anxious for an acknowledgment of
American independence, Germain declared that he would never agree to it.
By Christmas the government lost many supporters in parliament.
Its position was further weakened by continued ill-success in war. The
Marquis de Bouille retook St. Eustatius on October 25. Grasse returned
to Martinique, and in January, 1782, the two commanders landed a force
on St. Kitts and besieged the garrison. Hood followed Grasse with
twenty-two ships, out-manoeuvred him brilliantly, beat him off on the
26th, and held his station against a fleet of thirty-three ships of the
line until February 14, when, as he was unable to prevent the fall of
the island, he sailed away. The capture of St. Kitts and Nevis reduced
the British possessions in the West Indies to Jamaica, Antigua, and
Barbadoes. A joint attack on Jamaica was planned by France and Spain.
Rodney, however, again arrived at the Antilles with twelve ships, was
joined by Hood, and, as we shall see in the next chapter, restored the
British flag to its proper place at sea. Nearer home, Kempenfeldt, the
admiral whose tragic end is famous in Cowper's verse, dealt the enemy a
severe blow. He was sent, in December, 1781, with only twelve ships to
intercept a French fleet consisting, as the admiralty knew, or ought to
have known, of seventeen ships with a convoy bound for the West Indies.
Kempenfeldt took at least twenty of the convoy with troops and stores,
but, overmatched as he was, he was forced to let the fleet sail on. It
was dispersed by a storm shortly afterwards, and many of the ships
returned home. The loss of this convoy seriously crippled the French in
the West Indies.[161] In the Mediterranean, the garrison of St. Philips,
in Minorca, which had been besieged since August by a French and Spanish
army, was forced to surrender on February 5, after being reduced by
sickness and war from 2,692 to 600 men fit for duty, and eighty years
after its conquest the island was lost to England.
During the recess the ministers, convinced of the folly of prolonging
the war, arranged to go on without Germain. Carleton succeeded Clinton
at New York, and Germain was succeeded as third secretary of state by
the insignificant Welbore Ellis, and was created Viscount Sackville,
much to the wrath of the whig peers, who tried in vain to obtain a vote
that the presence of a cashiered officer was derogatory to the dignity
of their house. The opposition gathered strength. A powerful attack by
Fox on the administration of the navy failed by twenty-two votes, a
motion by Conway for putting an end to the American war only by one, and
a like motion was carried a few days later by a majority of nineteen.
The government then introduced a bill to enable the king to make peace,
and North sent envoys to Paris to sound Franklin as to terms. It was
evident that the end was near, and the new government was eagerly
discussed. Pitt, though acting with the opposition, took a somewhat
independent line, and announced in the house that he would not accept a
subordinate office. This from a young member not then twenty-three
excited some amazement, but his assumption soon proved to be well
founded. On March 11 George sent the chancellor, Thurlow, to negotiate
with Rockingham, but would not accept his terms. Three days later the
government escaped a vote of want of confidence only by nine votes, and
on the 20th North announced the resignation of the ministry. George was
in great distress, and talked of retiring to Hanover, for life would be
unendurable to him if he fell into the hands of the Rockingham party.
[Sidenote: _THE SECOND ROCKINGHAM MINISTRY._]
The two parties in the opposition, though acting together against the
government, held widely different views. The Rockinghams aimed at a
homogeneous ministry; they represented the aristocratic whig faction,
were the enemies of prerogative, and were strong advocates of American
independence. Shelburne, like his old chief, Chatham, was opposed to
government by party, held that the king should have an interest in the
government, and so far "be his own minister," and like Chatham had been
hostile to American independence.[162] For political reasons, then,
George was drawn to Shelburne, while personally he despised Rockingham
and hated Fox. He invited Shelburne first, and then Gower, to form a
ministry. Both declined. Shelburne could not afford to split with the
Rockinghams; he knew that they could not stand without him, and he
advised the king to send for Rockingham. George would not see Rockingham
himself, and negotiated with him through Shelburne on the basis of
freedom as regards men and measures, and as to the acknowledgment of
American independence.[163] Rockingham formed his cabinet on the 24th.
He took the treasury. Shelburne was secretary for home, Irish, and
colonial affairs; Fox for foreign affairs, the third secretaryship being
abolished; Keppel, who was created a viscount, first lord of the
admiralty; Richmond, master-general of the ordnance; Lord John
Cavendish, chancellor of the exchequer; Camden, president of the
council; Grafton, privy seal; Conway, commander-in-chief; Dunning, who
was created Baron Ashburton, chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster. To
please the king Thurlow was retained as chancellor. Pitt was offered,
and declined, a subordinate office. Burke was treated by his
aristocratic friends as unworthy of cabinet office, and was made
paymaster of the forces.
The king was defeated. His system of personal government through
ministers supported by his influence in parliament received its
death-blow from the ill-success of the American war. Before long he
adopted a better system; he found a prime minister who could command the
confidence of the nation, and he yielded himself, not always willingly,
to his guidance. Meanwhile the whigs were victorious. How long they were
to remain victors is yet to be seen. George was resolute, skilful in
intrigue, and by that time well versed in politics. He was aided by the
jealousies and mistakes of his opponents. Even in their hour of triumph
they found that he gained an advantage over them. The cabinet was
divided; its new members belonged half to the Rockingham and half to the
Shelburne party, while Thurlow was the king's trusted friend. Rockingham
acted unwisely in accepting office offered to him in a way which showed
that he was not to have the king's confidence. Though he was prime
minister, George gave his apparent confidence to another member of the
cabinet. Shelburne was not unreasonably believed to be ready to make
himself useful to the king with an eye to his own advancement. The seeds
of discord and distrust were at once sown among the new ministers. Even
while the ministry was in process of formation Fox sharply remarked to
Shelburne that he perceived that it "was to consist of two parts--one
belonging to the king, the other to the public".[164]
FOOTNOTES:
[145] Coxe, _Bourbon Kings of Spain_, iii., 424-37.
[146] George III. to North, April 18, 1782, _Corresp._, ii., 423.
[147] _Rockingham Memoirs_, ii., 425.
[148] _Parl. Hist._, xxii., 488.
[149] George to North, Sept. 26, 1780, _Corresp._, ii., 336.
[150] For the contrary view see _Engl. Hist. Rev._, v. (1890), 31 _sq._
[151] _Letters of Sir S. Hood_, Introd., xxxi.-xxxii., pp. 15-16, ed.
Hannay.
[152] Washington to Jefferson, June 8, 1780, _Works_, viii., 71; Clinton
to Germain, Oct. 29, 1780, _Clinton-Cornwallis Controversy_, i., 283.
[153] _Clinton-Cornwallis Controversy_, i., 238, 246, 261, 267.
[154] _Clinton-Cornwallis Controversy_, i., 104 n. 3a.
[155] Rawdon to Leslie, Oct. 24, 1780, _ibid._, p. 274; see also pp.
272, 278.
[156] Cornwallis to Clinton, Dec. 3, 1780, _op. cit._, pp. 304-7;
Tarleton, _Campaigns of 1780, 1781_, pp. 179-80; Stedman, ii., 229-31.
[157] Cornwallis to Germain, April 18, 1781, _Clinton-Cornwallis
Controv._, i., 417-18.
[158] Germain to Cornwallis, March 7, 1781, _ibid._, p. 338; see also
ii., 10.
[159] _Clinton-Cornwallis Controversy_, i., 43, n. 1b.
[160] Rodney to Germain, Dec. 22, 1780, _Hist. MSS. Comm. Rep._, ix.,
App., pp. 108-9.
[161] Chevalier, _Histoire de la Marine Francaise_ (_l'Indep. Amer._),
pp. 278, 280.
[162] _Parl. Hist._, xxii., 987, 1003.
[163] _Life of Shelburne_, iii., 125-32.
[164] _Memorials of C. J. Fox_, i., 292; see also p. 316.