Mr. Bagehot was born in the centre of Somersetshire, that southwestern

county of old England whose coast towns look across Bristol Channel to

the highlands of Wales: a county of small farms, and pastures that keep

their promise of fatness to many generous milkers; a county broken into

abrupt hills, and sodden moors hardly kept from the inroads of the sea,

as well as rural valleys open to the sun; a county visited by mists

from the sea, and bathed in a fine soft atmosphere all its own; visited

also by people of fashion, for it contains Bath; visited now also by

those who have read Lorna Doone, for within it lies part of that Exmoor

Forest in which stalwart John Ridd lived and wrought his mighty deeds

of strength and love: a land which the Celts kept for long against both

Saxon and Roman, but which Christianity easily conquered, building

Wells Cathedral and the monastery at Glastonbury. Nowhere else, in days

of travel, could Bagehot find a land of so great delight save in the

northwest corner of Spain, where a golden light lay upon everything,

where the sea shone with a rare, soft lustre, and where there was a

like varied coast-line to that he knew and loved at home. He called it

“a sort of better Devonshire:” and Devonshire is Somersetshire,--only

more so! The atmospheric effects of his county certainly entered the

boy Bagehot, and colored the nature of the man. He had its glow, its

variety, its richness, and its imaginative depth.

But better than a fair county is a good parentage, and that, too,

Bagehot had; just the parentage one would wish to have who desired

to be a force in the world’s thought. His father, Thomas Watson

Bagehot, was for thirty years managing director and vice-president of

Stuckey’s Banking Company, one of the oldest and best of those sturdy

joint-stock companies which have for so many years stood stoutly up

alongside the Bank of England as managers of the vast English fortune.

But he was something more than a banker. He was a man of mind, of

strong liberal convictions in politics, and of an abundant knowledge

of English history wherewith to back up his opinions. He was one of

the men who think, and who think in straight lines; who see, and

see things. His mother was a Miss Stuckey, a niece of the founder

of the banking company. But it was not her connection with bankers

that made her an invaluable mother. She had, besides beauty, a most

lively and stimulating wit; such a mind as we most desire to see in

a woman,--a mind that stirs without irritating you, that rouses but

does not belabor, amuses and yet subtly instructs. She could preside

over the young life of her son in such a way as at once to awaken his

curiosity and set him in the way of satisfying it. She was brilliant

company for a boy, and rewarding for a man. She had suggestive people,

besides, among her kinsmen, into whose companionship she could bring

her son. Bagehot had that for which no university can ever offer an

equivalent,--the constant and intelligent sympathy of both his parents

in his studies, and their companionship in his tastes. To his father’s

strength his mother added vivacity. He would have been wise, perhaps,

without her; but he would not have been wise so delightfully.

Bagehot got his schooling in Bristol, his university training in

London. In Bristol lived Dr. Prichard, his mother’s brother-in-law,

and author of a notable book on the Physical History of Men. From him

Bagehot unquestionably got his bent towards the study of race origins

and development. In London, Cobden and Bright were carrying on an

important part of their great agitation for the repeal of the corn

laws, and were making such speeches as it stirred and bettered young

men to hear. Bagehot had gone to University Hall, London, rather than

to Oxford or Cambridge, because his father was a Unitarian, and would

not have his son submit to the religious tests then required at the

great universities. But there can be no doubt that there was more to be

had at University Hall in that day than at either Oxford or Cambridge.

Oxford and Cambridge were still dragging the very heavy chains of a

hindering tradition; the faculty of University Hall contained many

thorough and some eminent scholars; what was more, University Hall was

in London, and London itself was a quickening and inspiring teacher for

a lad in love with both books and affairs, as Bagehot was. He could

ask penetrating questions of his professors, and he could also ask

questions of London, seek out her secrets of history, and so experience

to the full the charm of her abounding life. In after years, though

he loved Somersetshire and clung to it with a strong home-keeping

affection, he could never stay away from London for more than six weeks

at a time. Eventually he made it his place of permanent residence.

His university career over, Bagehot did what so many thousands of

young graduates before him had done,--he studied for the bar; and

then, having prepared himself to practice law, followed another large

body of young men in deciding to abandon it. He joined his father in

his business as ship-owner and banker in Somersetshire, and in due

time took his place among the directors of Stuckey’s Company. For the

rest of his life, this man, whom the world knows as a man of letters,

was first of all a man of business. In his later years, however,

he identified himself with what may be called the literary side of

business by becoming editor of that great financial authority, the

“London Economist.” He had, so to say, married into this position.

His wife was the daughter of the Rt. Hon. James Wilson, who was

the mind and manager, as well as the founder of the “Economist.”

Wilson’s death seemed to leave the great financial weekly by natural

succession to Bagehot; and certainly natural selection never made a

better choice. It was under Bagehot that the “Economist” became a

sort of financial providence for business men on both sides of the

Atlantic. Its sagacious prescience constituted Bagehot himself a sort

of supplementary chancellor of the exchequer, the chancellors of

both parties resorting to him with equal confidence and solicitude.

His constant contact with London, and with the leaders of politics

and opinion there, of course materially assisted him also to those

penetrating judgments touching the structure and working of English

institutions which have made his volume on the English Constitution and

his essays on Bolingbroke and Brougham and Peel, on Mr. Gladstone and

Sir George Cornewall Lewis, the admiration and despair of all who read

them.

Those who know Bagehot only as the writer of some of the most

delightful and suggestive literary criticisms in the language wonder

that he should have been an authority on practical politics; those who

used to regard the “London Economist” as omniscient, and who knew him

only as the editor of it, marvel that he dabbled in literary criticism,

and incline to ask themselves, when they learn of his vagaries in that

direction, whether he can have been so safe a guide as they deemed him,

after all; those who know him through his political writings alone

venture upon the perusal of his miscellaneous essays with not a little

surprise and misgiving that their master should wander so far afield.

And yet the whole Bagehot is the only Bagehot. Each part of the man

is incomplete, not only, but a trifle incomprehensible, also, without

the other parts. What delights us most in his literary essays is their

broad practical sagacity, so uniquely married as it is with pure taste

and the style of a rapid artist in words. What makes his financial and

political writings whole and sound is the scope of his mind outside

finance and politics, the validity of his observation all around the

circle of thought and affairs. He was the better critic for being a

competent man of business and a trusted financial authority. He was the

more sure-footed in his political judgments because of his play of mind

in other and supplementary spheres of human activity.

The very appearance of the man was a sort of outer index to the

singular variety of capacity that has made him so notable a figure in

the literary annals of England. A mass of black, wavy hair; a dark eye,

with depths full of slumberous, playful fire; a ruddy skin that bespoke

active blood, quick in its rounds; the lithe figure of an excellent

horseman; a nostril full, delicate, quivering, like that of a blooded

racer,--such were the fitting outward marks of a man in whom life and

thought and fancy abounded; the aspect of a man of unflagging vivacity,

of wholesome, hearty humor, of a ready intellectual sympathy, of wide

and penetrative observation. It is no narrow, logical shrewdness or

cold penetration that looks forth at you through that face, even if a

bit of mockery does lurk in the privatest corner of the eye. Among the

qualities which he seeks out for special praise in Shakespeare is a

broad tolerance and sympathy for illogical and common minds. It seems

to him an evidence of size in Shakespeare that he was not vexed with

smallness, but was patient, nay, sympathetic even, in his portrayal

of it. “If every one were logical and literary,” he exclaims, “how

would there be scavengers, or watchmen, or caulkers, or coopers? A

patient sympathy, a kindly fellow-feeling for the narrow intelligence

necessarily induced by narrow circumstances,--a narrowness which, in

some degrees, seems to be inevitable, and is perhaps more serviceable

than most things to the wise conduct of life,--this, though quick and

half-bred minds may despise it, seems to be a necessary constituent

in the composition of manifold genius. ‘How shall the world be

served?’ asks the host in Chaucer. We must have cart-horses as well as

race-horses, draymen as well as poets. It is no bad thing, after all,

to be a slow man and to have one idea a year. You don’t make a figure,

perhaps, in argumentative society, which requires a quicker species of

thought, but is that the worse?”

One of the things which strike us most in Bagehot himself is his

capacity to understand inferior minds; and there can be no better test

of sound genius. He stood in the midst of affairs, and knew the dull

duty and humdrum fidelity which make up the equipment of the ordinary

mind for business, for the business which keeps the world steady in its

grooves and makes it fit for habitation. He perceived quite calmly,

though with an odd, sober amusement, that the world is under the

dominion, in most things, of the average man, and the average man he

knows. He is, he explains, with his characteristic covert humor, “a

cool, common person, with a considerate air, with figures in his mind,

with his own business to attend to, with a set of ordinary opinions

arising from and suited to ordinary life. He can’t bear novelty or

originalities. He says, ‘Sir, I never heard such a thing before in my

life;’ and he thinks this a _reductio ad absurdum_. You may see his

taste by the reading of which he approves. Is there a more splendid

monument of talent and industry than the ‘Times’? No wonder that

the average man--that any one--believes in it.... But did you ever

see anything there you had never seen before?... Where are the deep

theories, and the wise axioms, and the everlasting sentiments which the

writers of the most influential publication in the world have been the

first to communicate to an ignorant species? Such writers are far too

shrewd.... The purchaser desires an article which he can appreciate

at sight, which he can lay down and say, ‘An excellent article, very

excellent; exactly my own sentiments.’ Original theories give trouble;

besides, a grave man on the Coal Exchange does not desire to be an

apostle of novelties among the contemporaneous dealers in fuel; he

wants to be provided with remarks he can make on the topics of the

day which will not be known not to be his, that are not too profound,

which he can fancy the paper only reminded him of. And just in the

same way,”--thus he proceeds with the sagacious moral,--“precisely as

the most popular political paper is not that which is abstractedly the

best or most instructive, but that which most exactly takes up the

minds of men where it finds them, catches the floating sentiment of

society, puts it in such a form as society can fancy would convince

another society which did not believe, so the most influential of

constitutional statesmen is the one who most felicitously expresses

the creed of the moment, who administers it, who embodies it in laws

and institutions, who gives it the highest life it is capable of, who

induces the average man to think, ‘I could not have done it any better

if I had had time myself.’”

See how his knowledge of politics proceeds out of his knowledge of men.

“You may talk of the tyranny of Nero and Tiberius,” he exclaims, “but

the real tyranny is the tyranny of your next-door neighbor. What law is

so cruel as the law of doing what he does? What yoke is so galling as

the necessity of being like him? What espionage of despotism comes to

your door so effectually as the eye of the man who lives at your door?

Public opinion is a permeating influence, and it exacts obedience to

itself; it requires us to think other men’s thoughts, to speak other

men’s words, to follow other men’s habits. Of course, if we do not, no

formal ban issues, no corporeal pain, the coarse penalty of a barbarous

society, is inflicted on the offender, but we are called ‘eccentric;’

there is a gentle murmur of ‘most unfortunate ideas,’ ‘singular young

man,’ ‘well intentioned, I dare say, but unsafe, sir, quite unsafe.’

The prudent, of course, conform.”

There is, no doubt, a touch of mockery in all this, but there is

unquestionable insight in it, too, and a sane knowledge also of the

fact that dull, common judgments are, after all, the cement of society.

It is Bagehot who says somewhere that it is only dull nations, like the

Romans and the English, who can become or remain for any length of time

self-governing nations, because it is only among them that duty is done

through lack of knowledge sufficient or imagination enough to suggest

anything else to do: only among them that the stability of slow habit

can be had.

It would be superficial criticism to put forward Bagehot’s political

opinions as themselves the proof of his extraordinary power as a

student and analyst of institutions. His life, his broad range of

study, his quick versatility, his shrewd appreciation of common

men, his excursions through all the fields that men traverse in

their thought of one another and in their contact with the world’s

business,--these are the soil out of which his political judgments

spring, from which they get their sap and bloom. In order to know

institutions, you must know men; you must be able to imagine histories,

to appreciate characters radically unlike your own, to see into

the heart of society and assess its notions, great and small. Your

average critic, it must be acknowledged, would be the worst possible

commentator on affairs. He has all the movements of intelligence

without any of its reality. But a man who sees authors with a

Chaucerian insight into them as men, who knows literature as a realm of

vital thought conceived by real men, of actual motive felt by concrete

persons, this is a man whose opinions you may confidently ask, if not

on current politics, at any rate on all that concerns the permanent

relations of men in society.

It is for such reasons that one must first make known the most masterly

of the critics of English political institutions as a man of catholic

tastes and attainments, shrewdly observant of many kinds of men and

affairs. Know him once in this way, and his mastery in political

thought is explained. If I were to make choice, therefore, of extracts

from his works with a view to recommend him as a politician, I should

choose those passages which show him a man of infinite capacity to

see and understand men of all kinds, past and present. By showing in

his case the equipment of a mind open on all sides to the life and

thought of society, and penetrative of human secrets of many sorts, I

should authenticate his credentials as a writer upon politics, which is

nothing else than the public and organic life of society.

Examples may be taken almost at random. There is the passage on Sydney

Smith, in the essay on the First Edinburgh Reviewers. We have all

laughed with that great-hearted clerical wit; but it is questionable

whether we have all appreciated him as a man who wrote and wrought

wisdom. Indeed, Sydney Smith may be made a very delicate test of sound

judgment, the which to apply to friends of whom you are suspicious.

There was a man beneath those excellent witticisms, a big, wholesome,

thinking man; but none save men of like wholesome natures can see and

value his manhood and his mind at their real worth.

“Sydney Smith was an after-dinner writer. His words have a flow, a

vigor, an expression, which is not given to hungry mortals.... There

is little trace of labor in his composition; it is poured forth like an

unceasing torrent, rejoicing daily to run its course. And what courage

there is in it! There is as much variety of pluck in writing across a

sheet as in riding across a country. Cautious men ... go tremulously,

like a timid rider; they turn hither and thither; they do not go

straight across a subject, like a masterly mind. A few sentences are

enough for a master of sentences. The writing of Sydney Smith is suited

to the broader kind of important questions. For anything requiring fine

nicety of speculation, long elaborateness of deduction, evanescent

sharpness of distinction, neither his style nor his mind was fit. He

had no patience for long argument, no acuteness for delicate precision,

no fangs for recondite research. Writers, like teeth, are divided into

incisors and grinders. Sydney Smith was a molar. He did not run a long,

sharp argument into the interior of a question; he did not, in the

common phrase, go deeply into it; but he kept it steadily under the

contract of a strong, capable, jawlike understanding,--pressing its

surface, effacing its intricacies, grinding it down. Yet this is done

without toil. The play of the molar is instinctive and placid; he could

not help it; it would seem that he had an enjoyment in it.”

One reads this with a feeling that Bagehot both knows and likes

Sydney Smith, and heartily appreciates him as an engine of Whig

thought; and with the conviction that Bagehot himself, knowing thus

and enjoying Smith’s freehand method of writing, could have done the

like himself,--could himself have made English ring to all the old

Whig tunes, like an anvil under the hammer. And yet you have only to

turn back a page in the same essay to find quite another Bagehot,--a

Bagehot such as Sydney Smith could not have been. He is speaking of

that other militant Edinburgh reviewer, Lord Jeffrey, and is recalling,

as every one recalls, Jeffrey’s review of Wordsworth’s “Excursion.”

The first words of that review, as everybody remembers, were, “This

will never do;” and there followed upon those words, though not a

little praise of the poetical beauties of the poem, a thoroughly

meant condemnation of the school of poets of which Wordsworth was the

greatest representative. Very celebrated in the world of literature is

the leading case of Jeffrey _v._ Wordsworth. It is in summing up this

case that Bagehot gives us a very different taste of his quality:--

“The world has given judgment. Both Mr. Wordsworth and Lord Jeffrey

have received their reward. The one had his own generation, the

laughter of men, the applause of drawing-rooms, the concurrence of

the crowd; the other a succeeding age, the fond enthusiasm of secret

students, the lonely rapture of lonely minds. And each has received

according to his kind. If all cultivated men speak differently because

of the existence of Wordsworth and Coleridge; if not a thoughtful

English book has appeared for forty years without some trace for good

or evil of their influence; if sermon-writers subsist upon their

thoughts; if ‘sacred poets’ thrive by translating their weaker portions

into the speech of women; if, when all this is over, some sufficient

part of their writing will ever be found fitting food for wild musing

and solitary meditation, surely this is because they possessed the

inner nature,--‘an intense and glowing mind,’ ‘the vision and the

faculty divine.’ But if, perchance, in their weaker moments, the great

authors of the ‘Lyrical Ballads’ did ever imagine that the world was

to pause because of their verses, that ‘Peter Bell’ would be popular

in drawing-rooms, that ‘Christabel’ would be perused in the city, that

people of fashion would make a handbook of ‘The Excursion,’ it was well

for them to be told at once that this was not so. Nature ingeniously

prepared a shrill artificial voice, which spoke in season and out of

season, enough and more than enough, what will ever be the idea of

the cities of the plain concerning those who live alone among the

mountains, of the frivolous concerning the grave, of the gregarious

concerning the recluse, of those who laugh concerning those who laugh

not, of the common concerning the uncommon, of those who lend on usury

concerning those who lend not; the notion of the world of those whom it

will not reckon among the righteous,--it said, ‘This won’t do!’ And so

in all time will the lovers of polished Liberalism speak concerning the

intense and lonely prophet.”

This is no longer the Bagehot who could “write across a sheet” with

Sydney Smith. It is now a Bagehot whose heart is turned away from the

cudgeling Whigs to see such things as are hidden from the bearers of

cudgels, and revealed only to those who can await in the sanctuary of a

quiet mind the coming of the vision.

Single specimens of such a man’s writing do not suffice, of course,

even as specimens. They need their context to show their appositeness,

the full body of the writing from which they are taken to show the mass

and system of the thought. Even separated pieces of his matter prepare

us, nevertheless, for finding in Bagehot keener, juster estimates of

difficult historical and political characters than it is given the

merely exact historian, with his head full of facts and his heart

purged of all imagination, to speak. There is his estimate of the

cavalier, for example: “A cavalier is always young. The buoyant life

arises before us, rich in hope, strong in vigor, irregular in action:

men young and ardent, ‘framed in the prodigality of nature;’ open

to every enjoyment, alive to every passion, eager, impulsive; brave

without discipline, noble without principle; prizing luxury, despising

danger; capable of high sentiment, but in each of whom the

‘addiction was to courses vain;

His companies unlettered, rude, and shallow;

His hours filled up with riots, banquets, sports,

And never noted in him any study,

Any retirement, any sequestration

From open haunts and popularity.’

The political sentiment is part of the character; the essence of

Toryism is enjoyment.... The way to keep up old customs is to enjoy old

customs; the way to be satisfied with the present state of things is to

enjoy the present state of things. Over the cavalier mind this world

passes with a thrill of delight; there is an exultation in a daily

event, zest in the ‘regular thing,’ joy at an old feast.”

Is it not most natural that the writer of a passage like that should

have been a consummate critic of politics, seeing institutions through

men, the only natural way? It was as necessary that he should be able

to enjoy Sydney Smith and recognize the seer in Wordsworth as that he

should be able to conceive the cavalier life and point of view; and

in each perception there is the same power. He is as little at fault

in understanding men of his own day. What would you wish better than

his celebrated character of a “constitutional statesman,” for example?

“A constitutional statesman is a man of common opinions and uncommon

abilities.” Peel is his example. “His opinions resembled the daily

accumulating insensible deposits of a rich alluvial soil. The great

stream of time flows on with all things on its surface; and slowly,

grain by grain, a mould of wise experience is unconsciously left on the

still, extended intellect.... The stealthy accumulating words of Peel

seem like the quiet leavings of some outward tendency, which brought

these, but might as well have brought others. There is no peculiar

stamp, either, on the ideas. They might have been any one’s ideas. They

belong to the general diffused stock of observations which are to be

found in the civilized world.... He insensibly takes in and imbibes the

ideas of those around him. If he were left in a vacuum, he would have

no ideas.”

Mere literature, and other essays · 第 4 / 13 段