Add to these natural gifts a good medical training in the Schools of

Paris, a fair knowledge of Greek and Latin, considerable literary

ability and a generous and undisguised use of cosmetics, and you have a

strange but powerful combination. Edward Maitland met her in 1874 (he

was then fifty and she twenty-eight), and practically thenceforward

dedicated his life to her. (It must however be remembered that the

intimacy caused no estrangement from Mr. Kingsford, the husband, who

remained a close friend to them both.) The reinforcement of Anna

Kingsford’s intuitive and prophetic gift by Maitland’s incisive and

logical mentality certainly had a valuable result, and their combined

work left a notable mark on the time. Jointly from 1881 (to 1888 when

Anna Kingsford died) they carried on a strong Crusade against

Vivisection—one of the earliest protests made; and they published

besides a series of works—_The Perfect Way_, _Clothed with the Sun_,

_The Virgin of the World_, etc.—bearing the esoteric and theosophic

message to which I have already alluded. Of these _The Perfect Way_,

which shows both the systematic clearness of the one mind and the

inspiration of the other, is perhaps the most important. It embodies in

fairly clear outline those ideas of Indian and Gnostic origin which were

at that time curiously descending upon the Western world, and which no

doubt quite independently began about the same time to be spread abroad

by Mme. Blavatsky and the Theosophic Society. Portions of this book, and

large portions of _Clothed with the Sun_ were apparently spoken by Mrs.

Kingsford under trance conditions, and have a certain fine quality and

atmosphere about them. They seem to indicate things actually seen in the

inner world of being; but they suffer, as such communications must do,

from the medium through which they come. Large portions of _The Perfect

Way_ degenerate into mere drivel, and large portions of _Clothed with

the Sun_ are offensive (as their authoress herself often personally was)

with a kind of spiritual arrogance. It is curious that those two

prophetesses Anna Kingsford and Sophie Blavatsky—though so very

different in personal exterior—should have been so like each other in

many respects. Both undoubtedly had access to trance-conditions and to

some region of astral intelligence or earth memory; both (as happens in

such cases) dug out for us some shining jewels of truth, but mixed at

the same time with a huge mass of rubbish. (No words can describe the

general rot and confusion of Blavatsky’s _Secret Doctrine_.) Both were

emotional in their different ways to an abnormal degree; and both were,

fortunately for themselves, associated with coadjutors of cool and

intellectual temperament—Mrs. Kingsford with Maitland, and Blavatsky

with Mrs. Besant. Both had really great and remarkable gifts; and both,

notwithstanding their high calling, descended to strange and unworthy

subterfuges—Blavatsky to common juggleries and Anna Kingsford to a most

deliberate and disagreeable ‘pose.’ At the Hermetic Society’s meetings

the latter would take the chair in state—after the style of the Great

Panjandrum—and if any humble member of the audience asked a simple

question like “Do you think, Mrs. Kingsford, that the soul survives

after death?”—she would draw herself up, close her eyes, and say “_I

know_,” and sit down again! On one celebrated occasion I remember that

at the close of the meeting, Edward Maitland rose and referring to the

epoch-making speech of the Lady-president on “The finding of the

Christ,” pointed out that that very meeting was indeed a world-event.

For just as the _Kings_ of the East came across the _ford_ of the Jordan

to lay their treasures at the feet of the infant Saviour, so now the

treasures of Eastern thought were being brought across the world for the

birth of a new Redeemer in the West, and by one whose name was most

appropriately and prophetically none other than _Kingsford_!! After that

we could naturally do nothing but dissolve along our different lines—in

tears, or laughter, or through the doorways and passages, as the case

might be. We poor little mortals must be grateful for what illuminations

we can get, however quaint or queer the mediating personalities may be.

The years from 1881 onward were certainly a new era for me. They not

only brought me _Towards Democracy_, but they marked the oncoming of a

great new tide of human life over the Western World, and so—partly

through the book itself—brought me into touch with a number of people

and movements. It was a fascinating and enthusiastic period—preparatory,

as we now see, to even greater developments in the twentieth century.

The Socialist and Anarchist propaganda, the Feminist and Suffragist

upheaval, the huge Trade-union growth, the Theosophic movement, the new

currents in the Theatrical, Musical and Artistic worlds, the torrent

even of change in the Religious world—all constituted so many streams

and headwaters converging, as it were, to a great river. To be in fairly

close touch, as time went on, with these movements and their (English)

representatives—with men and women like John Burns, Cunninghame Graham,

Mrs. Despard, H. M. Hyndman, Bernard Shaw, Keir Hardie, the Bruce

Glasiers, Pete Curran, Ramsay Macdonald, Walter Crane, Sydney Olivier,

H. W. Nevinson, H. G. Wells, Annie Besant, F. R. Benson, Granville

Barker, Iden Payne, Mona Limerick, Isadora Duncan, Margaret Macmillan,

Lowes Dickinson, G. P. Gooch, G. M. Trevelyan, Roger Fry, Rutland

Boughton, Granville Bantock, Laurence Housman, William Rothenstein, R.

J. Campbell, E. W. Lewis, the Sidney Webbs, Olive Schreiner, Isabel

Margesson, Edith Ellis, Alfred Russel Wallace, Oliver Lodge, George

Barnes of the A.S.E., C. T. Cramp of the A.S.R.S., Stephen Reynolds of

the Fisheries, Raymond Unwin of Garden Suburbs, Cecil Reddie of

Abbotsholme, James Devon of the Prisons Commission, Edward Westermarck,

Havelock Ellis, and so forth—was indeed an extraordinary inspiration and

encouragement. Practically all these (and I have not mentioned the

foreign friends and coadjutors) were giving their lives to the

furtherance of some tributary of the great movement, and each of them

represented hundreds or perhaps thousands of others who were doing the

same. One felt that something massive must surely emerge from it all.

It was no wonder that Hyndman—whose name I have put near the beginning

of this list—becoming conscious as early as 1881 of the new forces all

around in the social world was filled with a kind of fervour of

revolutionary anticipation. We used to chaff him because at every crisis

in the industrial situation he was confident that the Millennium was at

hand—that the S.D.F. would resolve itself into a Committee of Public

Safety, and that it would be for him as Chairman of that body to guide

the ship of the State into the calm haven of Socialism! The S.F.D. was

constituted in the early eighties; when 1889 was impending it was

obvious that that year, as centenary of the first outbreak of the French

Revolution would be the fateful date. I remember his telling me, not

without gleeful rubbing of hands, that the whole Society of London

Stevedores (whom he had been addressing at the Docks) was behind him to

a man, and would come without fail to his support. 1889 however passed,

with nothing more effectual than the Socialist Congress at Paris—at

which a great deal of dissension and difference of opinion was

manifested. Then came ’99, the last year of the century and clearly big

with destiny; and he piled his hopes upon that. But it alas! only gave

birth to the Boer War—which put things back for many a year. And after

that 1909 and other dates did but provide further material for

disappointment. And yet all the time the Socialist clock was really

going forward, and though there was no sudden revolution or conversion,

the nation steadily and almost unconsciously became saturated with the

new ideas. Hyndman—though no doubt disappointed from time to time—stuck

gamely to his ‘cause’—and it was largely through his personal exertions

that the educational work begun by him in ’81 was carried to such

fruition that in 1914 with the German War the Government and the country

suddenly adopted large sections of the Socialist programme (without

calling them Socialist of course) as the most natural thing in the

world!

That neither Hyndman in his time, nor Morris in his, nor the Fabian

Society in theirs, nor Keir Hardie, nor Kropotkin, nor Blatchford, nor

any other individual or body, succeeded in capturing the social movement

during these years and moulding it to his or their hearts’ desire, must

always be matter for congratulation. For once pocketed by any clique it

would have pined and dwindled into an insignificant thing; but, as I

have just tried to show, the real movement of this period has been far

too great for such a destiny. It is like a great river, fed by currents

and streams flowing into it from the most various directions and

gathering a force which no man can now control and a volume too great to

be confined.

One regrets that Hyndman’s efforts to get into Parliament have never

been crowned with success. Not that he would have been any use in the

House as a party-leader (Labour or Socialist). Much the reverse; for

though personally the most good-natured man in the world he had an

extraordinary gift for falling foul of all his friends in the political

arena. But because it would have been a satisfaction—and there would

have been a certain poetical justice in it—to see Hyndman face to face

with the bogeys of his own propaganda, the representatives of the

established order, and trouncing them to his heart’s content. With an

excellent command of statistics and finance, a good knowledge of

political conditions and the diplomatic _personnel_ over Europe, two

great causes close to his heart in the championship of our colored

subjects in India and our white wage-slaves at home, and with a vigorous

and ready tongue, he would surely, off his own bat, have made the House

sit up, and compelled its attention to some neglected things.

Nevertheless he would never I think under any circumstances have been a

great force in politics; for curiously enough notwithstanding his mental

vigour and energy there was a certain want of _weight_ about his

personality which prevented his influence carrying very far. On the

platform, with his waving beard and flowing frock-coat, his high and

spacious forehead and head somewhat low and weak behind, he gave one

rather the impression of a shop whose goods are all in the front window;

and though a good and incisive speaker his frequent gusts of invective

seemed out of keeping with the obvious natural kindliness of the man and

rather suggested the idea that he was lashing himself up with his own

tail.

The frock-coat and tall hat were always of course _de rigueur_ with

him—not I imagine that they were particularly congenial to his Socialist

ideals, but because they were a necessary part of his outfit and

‘make-up’ on the stage of the Stock Exchange; for no doubt the Stock

Exchange as the centre of our Commercial system will cling to these old

symbols of the industrial capitalist era to the very last.

A young friend of mine, who was at one time clerk to Albert Grant of

City fame, told me the following story. One day while he was sitting in

Grant’s office H. M. Hyndman was announced, and walked in, frock-coat

and all. My friend left the room while the two conferred—the well-known

Socialist with the even more well-known German Jew and Company-promoter.

Grant’s reputation was not of the highest—or if it could be called

“high” at all it was only in the sense in which game is sometimes so

called. When the visitor was gone and my young friend returned to the

room, Grant said, rubbing his hands “Do you know who that is? Do you

know who that is? That is Mr. Hyndman, the great Socialist. You see, you

see, with all their talk, even _they_ cannot get on without _me_.”

I do not for a moment suppose that Hyndman’s dealings on this occasion

were anything to be ashamed of; but Albert Grant’s transactions were

commonly thought to be of a shady character. Perhaps to make up for

that, he bought with some of his gains the site of Leicester Square,

converted it into a public garden, and presented it to the public. In

consideration of this, and possibly other things, he was made a

Baron—Baron Grant. Whereupon some wag wrote the following distich:—

Princes can Rank confer, but Honour can’t;

Rank without honour is a barren (Baron) grant.

I have mentioned Walt Whitman more than once in the foregoing pages, and

I think I ought not to let this chapter pass without referring to the

ardent little coterie at Bolton in Lancashire who for many years

celebrated his birthday with songs and speeches and recitations, with

decorations of lilac-boughs and blossoms and the passing of loving cups

to his memory. J. W. Wallace was the president, and Dr. Johnston, Fred.

Wild, J. W. Dixon, Charles F. Sixsmith, were some of the earlier members

of this little club, which met quite frequently from 1885 onward for

twenty years or more. If there was a somewhat Pickwickian note about its

revels still no one could doubt the sincerity of its enthusiasm. It

helped largely to spread the study and appreciation of Whitman’s work in

the North of England; it welcomed Dr. Bucke on his arrival from Canada

with congratulatory addresses and hymns of its own composing; some of

its members (the two first-mentioned) crossed the Atlantic on a

pilgrimage to the good grey poet; and Dr. Johnston wrote a quite

excellent little book _A Visit to Walt Whitman_ descriptive of Whitman’s

personality and surroundings, which I believe is now being reissued from

the Press in conjunction with some Notes on the same subject by Wallace.

In later years I have been able to count Dr. Johnston and Charlie

Sixsmith among my own constant friends.

I will conclude this chapter with a few brief notes on my almost

lifelong friend Arunáchalam. I feel that I owe a great debt to him

because long ago, in ’80 perhaps or ’81 he gave me a translation of a

book, then little known in England, the _Bhagavat Gita_—the reading of

which as I think I have said before, curiously liberated and set in

movement the mass of material which had already formed within me, and

which was then waiting to take shape as _Towards Democracy_. As when a

ship is ready to launch, a very little thing, the mere knocking away of

a prop, will set her going; so—though it was something more than

that—did the push of the _Bhagavat Gita_ act on _Towards Democracy_. It

gave me the needed cue, and concatenated my work to the Eastern

tradition.

I first came across Arunáchalam at a meeting of the _Chitchat_ or some

such society at Cambridge, when he was an undergraduate of Christ’s and

I a newly made Fellow of Trinity Hall. As in the case of other Hindus

his extraordinary quickness and receptiveness of mind had very quickly

rendered him _au fait_ in all our British ways and institutions. With

engagingly good and natural manners, humorous and with some of the Tamil

archness and bedevilment about him, he was already a favorite in his own

college—and at that time these early comers to the Universities from

India were certainly received by our students with more friendliness and

sense of equality than they are to-day. His father having been a wealthy

man and occupying a good position in Ceylon, Arunáchalam had received a

good education and was fairly well up in Greek and Latin, French and

German, and their literatures, besides his own Eastern languages, like

Tamil and Sanskrit. Altogether he was a very taking, all-round sort of

fellow, capable of talking on most subjects, and full of interested

inquiry about all. Many were the afternoons or evenings we spent

together—walking or boating or sitting by the fireside in College

rooms—and I learned much from him about the literature of India and the

manners and customs of the mainland and Ceylon. When he left Cambridge

he went to London and studied Law for some years, and then going out to

Ceylon joined the Civil Service there, and in due time became Judge,

Registrar-General, and finally Member of the Legislative Council. In

1890 he wrote to me about the Gñani Ramaswamy whose acquaintance he had

made, and asked me to come out and meet him; and I gladly went—for it

just chimed in with my wishes at the time; and, as I have told in my

_Visit to a Gñani_ and elsewhere, for six weeks or so we called on the

Guru every day and absorbed all he had to say on the traditional

esoteric philosophy of India in general and of the Tamils in particular.

After settling in Ceylon, Arunáchalam paid from time to time various

visits to England, at one time to bring his wife over, at another to put

his sons to College, and so on. The last occasion was in 1913 when he

received a tardy recognition of his really important services to the

Crown in the form of a knighthood.

On these occasions, whether he was conversing with the humblest of my

friends at Millthorpe or at Sheffield, or with high officials and “great

ladies” in London his manners had always just the same charming

frankness and grace about them, which established at once the _human_

relation as the paramount thing. And yet this man, whose artistic

culture and practical knowledge of the world was miles above most people

he met, had often to suffer from the boorish rudeness of Anglo-Indians

in his own land, or of belated Britishers on board ship. Alas, for the

vulgarity of my countrymen!

I cannot leave him without one little anecdote. Being a guest on some

occasion at a Mansion House dinner he was duly of course introduced to

the various bigwigs present, and took his seat with the rest; but

immediately caused consternation (being a vegetarian) by refusing

turtle-soup and other carnivorous dishes in favour of spinach, potatoes

and the like, and finally nearly wrecked the whole show by asking for a

glass of water! Such a thing had never been heard of before. Waiters

hurried to and fro, but water could not be found; and at last, with many

apologies, he was asked to put up with a bottle of Apollinaris

(“Whiskey, sir, with it?” “No, thank you”)!

XIV

LONDON AND LECTURES

Having many friends in London, and a good many relations, I naturally,

during all the years of my sojourn at Millthorpe, have been in the habit

of paying fairly frequent visits to the big city. It is good to have

one’s roots in the country, but it is also necessary to have one’s

branches in the great towns where one can come into contact with the

winds and storms of human life.

A considerable social storm at which I was present was that of the

so-called “Bloody Sunday” in November ’87. A socialist meeting had been

announced for 3 p.m. in Trafalgar Square, to protest against the Irish

policy of the Government, and the authorities (for conscience doth make

cowards of us all) probably thinking Socialism a much greater ‘terror’

than it really was, had vetoed the meeting and drawn a ring of police,

two deep, all round the interior part of the Square. Of course the

Socialists had to make an active protest, if only in order to bring the

case into court; and three leading members of the S.D.F.—Hyndman, John

Burns and Cunninghame Graham—agreed to march up arm-in-arm and force

their way if possible into the charmed circle. Somehow Hyndman was lost

in the crowd on the way to the battle, but Graham and Burns pushed their

way through, challenged the forces of ‘Law and Order,’ came to blows,

and were duly mauled by the police, arrested, and locked up.

I was in the Square at the time, and like most of the crowd there more

as a sightseer than anything else. Indeed, though a large crowd it was

of a most good-humored and peaceable kind; but the way in which it was

‘worked up,’ provoked and irritated by the authorities, was a caution;

and gave me the strongest impression that this was done purposely, with

the intention of leading to a collision. If this was not so the only

explanation must be that abject _fear_, on the part of the authorities,

was the moving cause. As I say, the crowd was a most good-humored,

easy-going, smiling crowd; but presently it was transformed. A regiment

of mounted police came cantering up. The order had gone forth that we

were to be ‘kept moving.’ To keep a crowd moving is I believe a

technical term for the process of riding roughshod in all directions,

scattering, frightening and batoning the people—the idea no doubt being

to prevent the formation of knots or the consolidation of organized

bodies among the crowd. In this case there was really no sign of any

organized movement on the part of the people against the police, nor had

I heard of any plan to that effect, further than the march-up of the

three leaders already mentioned. I was standing—with my friend Robert

Muirhead, Cambridge mathematician and Smith’s Prizeman, two peaceable

enough members of society as may be supposed—on an island-refuge just

where the Strand debouches into Trafalgar Square, when we found

ourselves violently pushed about by mounted and foot police and told to

‘move on.’ Whether Muirhead did not move on fast enough, or what the

trouble was, was never explained; but the next moment I saw him seized

by the collar by a mounted man and dragged along, apparently towards a

police-station, while a bobby on foot aided in the arrest. I jumped to

the rescue and slanged the two constables, for which I got a whack on

the cheekbone from a baton (which distressed the more respectable

members of my family for some weeks after), but Muirhead was released,

and we soon regained our footing on the refuge, from which for some time

we watched the police continuing, at considerable risk to life and limb,

to circle round and insult the ‘mob.’ I mention these little details

just to show the kind of thing that happens. Purely as the result of

this ill-timed action there were one or two ugly rushes I believe and a

few broken heads; but the damage of ‘Bloody Sunday’ did not after all

amount to much.

The case came into Court afterwards, and Burns and Graham were sentenced

to six weeks’ imprisonment each for “unlawful assembly.” I was asked to

give evidence in favour of the defendants, and gladly consented—though I

had not much to say, except to testify to the peaceable character of the

crowd and the high-handed action of the police. In cross-examination I

was asked whether I had not seen any rioting; and when I replied in a

very pointed way “Not on the part of the _people_!” a large smile went

round the Court, and I was not plied with any more questions.

[Illustration:

_MORNING LEADER_ CARTOON, 13 MARCH, 1906.

“If Society people had to make their own clothes there would be some

curious scenes in

the streets, and many would go about attired in simply an Indian

blanket.”—Mr. EDWD.

CARPENTER at the meeting of the Humanitarian League at Essex Hall.

(By courtesy of the _Daily News_.)

]

My days and dreams · 第 16 / 23 段