CHAPTER II

SIR JOHN HAWKINS, SEAMAN AND ADMINISTRATOR

This famous sea-captain was the grandson of John Hawkins of

Tavistock, who was a merchant in the service of Henry VIII. John was

born at Plymouth in the year 1520, and drank in the love of the salt

seas from his earliest years. His father, William Hawkins, was known

to be one of the most experienced sea-captains in the west of

England: he had fitted out a "tall and goodly ship," the _Paul_ of

Plymouth, and made in her three voyages to Brazil and to Guinea. He

treated the savage people so well that they became very friendly, and

in 1531 he brought one of their chiefs to England, leaving a Plymouth

man behind as hostage. This chief was presented to King Henry and

became the lion of society. On his way home to Brazil he died of

sea-sickness; but Hakluyt tells us that the savages, being fully

persuaded of the honest dealing of William Hawkins with their king,

believed his report and restored the hostage, without harm to any of

his company.

William Hawkins married Joan Trelawny and had two sons, John and

William, both of whom made their way as seamen and merchants.

John made some voyages to the Canary Islands when quite a youth, and

with his quick eye for gain soon learnt that negroes might be cheaply

gotten in Guinea and profitably sold in Hispaniola. John Hawkins was

not the first to make and sell slaves, but he was the first

Englishman to take part in this cruel and inhuman barter. The

Spaniards and Portuguese had used slaves, both Moors and negroes, and

Hawkins no doubt had seen plenty of cases of slave-holding along the

west coast of Africa, where savage warfare was carried on between

native tribes, and such of the conquered as were not eaten were

retained as slaves. He may have thought therefore that he was only

carrying them to a less barbarous captivity; and we should remember

that slavery was defended even by some religious people until quite

recent times: but we must deplore the fact that this daring sea-dog,

who certainly was not without religious feelings, found in this

traffic a source of gain.

No doubt John, on his return to England, discussed the matter openly

with men of influence, for in October 1562, being now more than forty

years old, he led an expedition of a hundred men in three ships, the

_Solomon_ of 120 tons, the _Swallow_ of 100 tons, and the _Jones_ of

40 tons burden, and sailed direct for the coast of Sierra Leone, in

West Africa, just north of Guinea. Hakluyt draws a veil over the

exact methods by which John Hawkins got possessed of 300 fine

negroes, besides other merchandise; but he probably took sides in

some local quarrel and carried off his share of the prisoners. These

poor wretches were carried across the Atlantic in the stuffy holds of

small ships, and landed at San Domingo, one of the largest of the

Spanish islands in the West Indies.

John made due apologies for entering the Spanish port: they could see

he was really in want of food and water. The Spaniards too were

polite, and as they peeped into his hold they saw the very thing they

wanted--negroes. A bargain was quickly made, and John Hawkins took

off in return for his captives quite a goodly store of pearls, hides,

sugar, and other innocent materials.

Hawkins himself arrived safely in England with his three ships, but

his partner, Thomas Hampton, who took what was left over in two

Spanish ships to Cadiz, did not fare so well. For when it became

known at Cadiz that English merchants had been trading with Spain's

colonies, Philip II. confiscated the cargo, and Hampton narrowly

escaped the prisons of the Inquisition. Queen Elizabeth was warned

by her ambassador at Madrid that further voyages of this nature might

lead to war.

For it seems that Philip had been an admirer of the Maiden Queen, and

had been rebuffed as a suitor; whereby his love had changed to hate,

and he lost no opportunity of showing his resentment.

But Queen Bess had her father's spirit in her, and answered the

Spanish threat by permitting one of her largest ships, the _Jesus of

Lübeck_, to be chartered for a new voyage. The Earls of Leicester

and Pembroke joined in raising money for the expedition--this time it

was a Court affair; there sailed a hundred and seventy men in five

vessels, and they were to meet another Queen's ship, the _Minion_,

before they got out of the Channel.

Again Hawkins raided the West African coast, "going every day on

shore to take the inhabitants, with burning and spoiling of their

towns."

It is strange how men engaged in such ruthless work could yet believe

that they were specially preserved by Providence. For on New Year's

Day 1565 they were well-nigh surprised by natives as they were

seeking water. But a pious seaman wrote thus in his journal: "God,

who worketh all things for the best, would not have it so, and by Him

we escaped without danger--His name be praised for it!" Then they

set sail for the West Indies with a goodly cargo of miserable slaves;

but for eighteen days they were becalmed--"as idle as a painted ship,

upon a painted ocean." "And this happened to us very ill, being but

reasonably watered for so great a company of negroes and ourselves.

This pinched us all: and, that which was worst, put us in such fear

that many never thought to have reached the Indies without great

dearth of negroes and of themselves; but the Almighty God, which

never suffereth His elect to perish, sent us the ordinary breeze."

Let us hope that they felt some pity for the poor negroes too, who

must have suffered agonies of thirst on that hideous journey.

But King Philip had ordered his Christian subjects to have no

dealings with heretics; and for some time they could sell no negroes

in Dominica.

But some heathen Indians presented cakes of maize, hens, and

potatoes, which the English crews bought for beads, pewter whistles,

knives, and other trifles. "These potatoes be the most delicate

roots that may be eaten, and do far exceed our parsnips and carrots."

We need to remind ourselves occasionally of some of the luxuries

which our ancestors never knew till these old seadogs brought them

home--tobacco and potatoes! and later on, tea and coffee! It is

difficult to imagine what the want of such things would mean to us

now.

But not all the Indians were so kind as these they first met; for on

the American mainland they fell in with a tribe whom the devilries of

Spain had turned to "ferocious bloodsuckers," and whom they only

narrowly avoided. Hawkins, according to his instructions from the

Queen's Council, kept away from the larger dependencies and islands,

and tried to sell his cargo in out-of-the-way places which Philip's

orders might not have reached. At Barbarotta he was refused

permission to trade. But Hawkins sent in a message: "I have with me

one of Queen Elizabeth's own ships. I need refreshment and without

it I cannot depart; if you do not allow me to have my way, I shall

have to displease you."

Thereat he ran out a few of his guns to mark the form which his

displeasure might assume: the Spaniards improved in politeness. At

Curacoa they feasted on roast lamb to their heart's content: near

Darien they again had to use threats of violence in order to get

licence to trade; but the price offered by the Spaniards for the

negroes so disgusted the equitable mind of John Hawkins that he wrote

the Governor a letter saying that they dealt too rigorously with him,

to go about to cut his throat in the price of his commodities ... but

seeing they had sent him this to his supper, he would in the morning

bring them as good a breakfast.

When that breakfast was served--and served hot--it proved to be

garnished with a handsome volley of ordnance, with ships' boats

landing at full speed a hundred armed Englishmen: the Spaniards fled.

"After that we made our traffic full quietly, and sold all our

negroes." Hawkins then sailed for Hispaniola, but being misled by

his pilot he found himself at Jamaica and then at Cuba, and so along

the coast of Florida, meeting many Indians whenever they landed who

were of so fierce a character that of five hundred Spaniards who had

recently set foot in the country only a very few returned; and a

certain friar who essayed to preach to them "was by them taken and

his skin cruelly pulled over his ears and his flesh eaten." "These

Indians as they fight will clasp a tree in their arms and yet shoot

their arrows: this is their way of taking cover."

In coasting along Florida they found a Huguenot colony that had been

founded there at the advice of Admiral Coligny. They had been

reduced by fighting the Indians from two hundred to forty, and were

glad to accept a passage home in the _Tiger_. On the 28th of July

the English ships started for home, but, owing to contrary winds,

their provisions fell so short they "were in despair of ever coming

home, had not God of His goodness better provided for us than our

deserving." On the 20th September they landed at Padstow in

Cornwall, having lost twenty persons in all the voyage, and with

great profit in gold, silver, pearls, "and other jewels great store."

The Queen was delighted with the bold way in which Hawkins had traded

in defiance of the Spanish king, and by patent she conferred on him a

crest and coat of arms.

The Spanish ambassador at once wrote off to his master, saying he had

met Hawkins in the Queen's palace, who gave him a full account of his

trading with full permission of the governors of towns (he did not

say by what means he had obtained such licence); "The vast profit

made by the voyage has excited other merchants to undertake similar

expeditions. Hawkins himself is going out again next May, and the

thing needs immediate attention." The result of this letter was that

Hawkins was strictly forbidden by Sir William Cecil from "repairing

armed, for the purpose of traffic, to places privileged by the King

of Spain." So the ships went, but Hawkins stayed at home; his ships

returned next summer laden with gold and silver. The crews did not

publish any account of how they had obtained their cargoes, and as

the Queen had recently been assisting the Netherlands in their

struggle for liberty against Spain, she made no indiscreet inquiries,

and proceeded to lend the _Jesus of Lübeck_ and the _Minion_ for

another expedition. One of the volunteers was young Francis Drake,

now twenty-two years of age, whom Hawkins made captain of one of his

six vessels.

As they left Plymouth they fell in with a Spanish galley en route for

Cadiz with a cargo of prisoners from the Netherlands. Hawkins fired

upon the Spanish flag, and in the confusion many of the captives

escaped to the _Jesus_, whence they were sent back to Holland.

The Spanish ambassador wrote strongly to the Queen, and the Queen

wrote strongly to Hawkins; but Hawkins had sailed away and was

encountering storms off Cape Finisterre, so that he had a mind to

return for repairs. But the weather moderating he went on to the

Canaries and Cape Verde. Here he landed 150 men in search of

negroes, but eight of his men died of lockjaw from being shot by

poisoned arrows. "I myself," writes Hawkins, "had one of the

greatest wounds, yet, thanks be to God, escaped."

In Sierra Leone they joined a negro king in his war against his

enemies, attacked a strongly paled fort, and put the natives to

flight. "We took 250 persons, men, women, and children, and our

friend the king took 600 prisoners," which by agreement were to go to

the English, but the wily negro decamped with them in the night, and

Hawkins had to be content with his own few. They were at sea from

February 3rd until March 27th, when they sighted Dominica, but found

it difficult to trade, until after a show of force the Spaniards gave

in and eagerly bought the slaves. At Vera Cruz the inhabitants

mistook our ships for the Spanish fleet. There is a rocky island at

the mouth of the harbour which Hawkins seized. The next morning the

Spanish fleet arrived in reality, but Hawkins would not admit them

until they had promised him security for his ships. Now there was no

good anchorage outside, and if the north wind blew "there had been

present shipwreck of all the fleet, in value of our money some

£1,800,000." So he let them in under conditions, for even Hawkins

thought that he ought not to risk incurring his Queen's indignation.

On Thursday Hawkins had entered the port, on Friday he saw the

Spanish fleet, and on Monday at night the Spaniards entered the port

with salutes, after swearing by King and Crown that Hawkins might

barter and go in peace.

For two days both sides laboured, placing the English ships apart

from the Spanish, with mutual amity and kindness. But Hawkins began

to notice suspicious changes in guns and men, and sent to the Viceroy

to ask what it meant. The answer was a trumpet-blast and a sudden

attack. Meanwhile a Spaniard sitting at table with Hawkins had a

dagger in his sleeve, but was disarmed before he could use it. The

Spaniards landed on the island and slew all our men without mercy.

The _Jesus of Lübeck_ had five shots through her mainmast, the

_Angel_ and _Swallow_ were sunk, and the _Jesus_ was so battered that

she served only to lie beside the _Minion_, and take all the battery

from the land guns.

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[Illustration: ATTEMPT ON SIR JOHN HAWKINS' LIFE]

As the Spanish and English fleets were anchored at Vera Cruz apparent

amity and goodwill existed between the two, but as Hawkins was

sitting at dinner one day a Spaniard sitting at table with him was

discovered with a dagger up his sleeve, but fortunately was disarmed

before he could use it.

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Hawkins cheered his soldiers and gunners, called his page to serve

him a cup of beer, whereat he stood up and drank to their good luck.

He had no sooner set down the silver cup than a demi-culverin shot

struck it away. "Fear nothing," shouted Hawkins, "for God, who hath

preserved me from this shot, will also deliver us from these traitors

and villains."

Francis Drake was bidden to come in with the _Judith_, a barque of 50

tons, and take in men from the sinking ships: at night the English in

the _Minion_ and _Judith_ sailed out and anchored under the island.

The English taken by the Spaniards received no mercy. "They took our

men and hung them up by the arms upon high posts until the blood

burst out of their fingers' ends."

The _Judith_ under Drake sailed for England and reached Plymouth in

January 1569; the _Minion_, with 200 men, suffered hunger and had to

eat rats and mice and dogs. One hundred men elected to be landed and

left behind to the mercies of Indians and Spaniards. "When we were

landed," said a survivor, "Master Hawkins came unto us, where

friendly embracing every one of us, he was greatly grieved that he

was forced to leave us behind him. He counselled us to serve God and

to love one another; and thus courteously he gave us a sorrowful

farewell and promised, if God sent him safe home, he would do what he

could that so many of us as lived should by some means be brought

into England--and so he did." Thus writes Job Hartop. So we see

that John Hawkins, the slave-dealer, sincerely tried after his

fashion to serve God as well as his Queen. His men loved him and

spoke well of him when he failed; a good test of a man's worth when

men will speak well of you though all your plans be broken and your

credit gone. But alas! for the poor hundred men left ashore on the

Mexican coast! They wandered for fourteen days through marshes and

brambles, some poisoned by bad water, others shot by Indians or

plagued by mosquitoes, until they came to the Spanish town of

Panluco, where the Governor thrust them into a little hog-stye and

fed them on pigs' food. After three days of this they were manacled

two and two and driven over ninety leagues of road to the city of

Mexico. One of their officers used them very spitefully and would

strike his javelin into neck or shoulders, if from faintness any

lagged behind, crying, "March on, English dogs, Lutherans, enemies to

God." After four months in gaol they were sent out as servants to

the Spanish colonists. For six years they fared passing well, but in

1575 the Inquisition was introduced into Mexico, and then their

"sorrows began afresh." On the eve of Good Friday all were dressed

for an _auto-da-fé_ and paraded through the streets. Some were then

burnt, others sent to the galleys, the more favoured ones got three

hundred lashes apiece. One who had escaped had spent twenty-three

years in various galleys, prisons, and farms.

Meanwhile Hawkins was taking his other hundred men back to England,

meeting violent storms, but "God again had mercy on them." Then food

became scarce and many died of starvation: the rest were so weak they

could hardly manage the sails. At last they sighted the coast of

Spain and put in at Vigo for supplies; here more died from eating

excess of fresh meat after their famine. At length, with the help of

twelve English sailors they reached Mount's Bay in Cornwall, in

January 1569.

Here was a miserable ending of an ambitious expedition: no profits,

no gold, no silver for the rich merchants and courtiers who had

subscribed for the fitting out of the ships; no jewels for the lady

who graced the throne. Sadly John Hawkins wrote to Sir William

Cecil: "All our business hath had infelicity, misfortune, and an

unhappy end: if I should write of all our calamities, I am sure a

volume as great as the Bible will scarcely suffice."

Thus our hero, ruined but not broken, bided his time for revenge. As

the years wore on England and Spain grew more embittered. Private

warfare had existed for some time, and Philip had wished to declare

open war in 1568; but the Duke of Alva cautioned him against making

more enemies, while they still found it hard to subdue the Low

Countries. So, for a while, the King contented himself with

underhand efforts to stir up rebellion in Ireland and England.

In the year 1578 John Hawkins was summoned by the Queen from Devon

and appointed Comptroller of the Navy. His business was to see to

the building of new ships, the repairing of old ones, and the

victualling and manning of all about to take the sea. Hawkins is

said to have invented "false netting" for ships to fight in,

chain-pumps and other devices. Acting with Drake he founded the

"Chest" at Chatham, a fund made up by voluntary subscriptions from

seamen on behalf of their poorer brethren. In fact he entered upon

his work with the same zeal which he had shown in the West Indies.

Lucky was it for him that he had a mistress like Elizabeth; for under

the craven James he would certainly have been handed over to the

Inquisition, or put to death by Spanish order, like Raleigh. In 1572

Hawkins and George Winter were commissioned to do their utmost to

clear the British seas of pirates and freebooters, for of late the

coasts of Norfolk and the East had been much troubled by sea-robbers.

But through all his multifarious duties the old sea-rover was ever

most bent on paying off old scores against King Philip. So many of

his friends, beside himself, had lost their all or endured sharp

punishment in Spanish dungeons, that he grimly chuckled when he heard

of Drake having "singed King Philip's beard"; and when the news came

that the invasion of England was only put off, and Pope Sixtus V. had

spurred his Spanish Majesty to quick action by the oft-quoted taunt,

"The Queen of England's distaff is worth more than Philip's sword,"

then John Hawkins rubbed his hands gleefully, and lost no time in

getting all the Queen's ships taut and in order, well victualled and

well manned. But Hawkins did not mince matters when he saw anything

amiss; any hesitation or signs of parsimony met with his blunt

disapproval. He writes in February 1588 to urge that peace could

only be won by resolute fighting: "We might have peace, but not with

God. Rather than serve Baal, let us die a thousand deaths. Let us

have open war with these Jesuits, and every man will contribute,

fight, devise or do, for the liberty of our country."

Hawkins also wrote to ask for the use of six large and six small

ships for four months, with 1800 mariners and soldiers, which he

would employ in another raid upon the Spanish coast, so as to hinder

Philip's grand Armada. "I promise I will distress anything that

goeth through the seas: and in addition to the injury done to Spain,

I shall acquire booty enough to pay four times over the cost of the

expedition."

But Burghley, like his mistress, kept a tight hand over slender

resources, and he rejected Hawkins' offer. Macaulay says that even

Burghley's jests were only neatly expressed reasons for keeping money

carefully. Lord Howard bitterly complained to Walsingham that "her

Majesty was keeping her ships to protect Chatham Church withal, when

they should be serving their turn abroad"; and again, when Drake was

being prevented from getting his Plymouth squadron in order for

sea-service, he writes: "I pray God her Majesty do not repent her

slack dealing.... I fear ere long her Majesty will be sorry she hath

believed some so much as she hath done." Lord Burghley's task was to

defeat the Armada with an almost empty exchequer. We find

calculations of his as to whether it will not be cheaper to feed the

sailors of the fleet on fish three days a week and bacon once,

instead of the usual ration of four pennyworth of beef each day. And

naturally these attempts to cut down expenses were misconstrued into

parsimony. But with all her rigid economy, Elizabeth could show a

brave front when the crisis came; as in the camp at Tilbury, when she

addressed the little army that was expecting every hour to be called

to meet the fierce onset of the invaders: "I have placed my chiefest

strength and safeguard in the loyal hearts and goodwill of my

subjects; and therefore am I come amongst you, as ye see, at this

time, resolved in the midst and heat of the battle, to live or die

amongst you all; to lay down for my God, for my kingdom, and for my

people, my honour and my blood even in the dust. I know I have the

body but of a weak and feeble woman; but I have the heart of a king,

and of a King of England too, and think it foul scorn that Parma, or

Spain, or any Prince of Europe, should dare to invade the borders of

my realm; to which, rather than any dishonour shall grow by me, I

myself will take up arms, I myself will be your General, Judge, and

Rewarder of every one of your virtues in the field."

The Great Armada had left the Tagus on the 20th of May 1588. It

consisted of one hundred and thirty-two ships under the command of

the Duke of Medina Sidonia. Besides 8766 sailors, there were on

board 2088 galley slaves, 21,855 officers and soldiers ready for

action as soon as they should land; 300 monks and friars were pacing

the decks, sent to take spiritual charge _in partibus infidelium_.

Against this force Queen Elizabeth had only thirty-four of her own

ships, but all the seaports from Bristol to Hull sent small armed

vessels, while noblemen and merchants contributed to swell the total,

which came to nearly two hundred in all.

John Hawkins was there as Rear-Admiral under Howard, making with

Drake and Frobisher his headquarters at Plymouth. "For the love of

God," he writes to Walsingham, on the 19th of June, "let her Majesty

care not now for charges," and in the same vein he wrote also to the

Queen.

As he kept watch the Spanish fleet came slowly on, intending to

surprise Plymouth; but Hawkins and his vessels were already awaiting

the foe outside, so they anchored for the night off Looe. The next

day was Sunday, the 21st of July, and Medina Sidonia seems to have

made up his mind to go on to the Isle of Wight. All that day the

little English ships were barking round the unwieldy galleys of

Spain. "We had some small fight with them that Sunday afternoon,"

said Hawkins. By three o'clock the Spanish fleet was in a pretty

confusion, hasting to get away from their tormentors. On Monday and

Tuesday the fight continued, the details of which may be reserved for

a later chapter; but every day more reinforcements came to Howard, as

courtiers and merchants hurried down from London to serve in pinnace

or frigate. By Wednesday morning the English ships had spent nearly

all their ammunition, and were begging for powder and shot at every

village they passed. On Friday Lord Howard knighted Frobisher and

Hawkins for their valiant conduct; he then allowed the Armada to sail

along the Sussex coast and cross the Straits of Dover towards Calais.

There through Saturday and Sunday vast crowds of Flemings and

Frenchmen gathered to gaze at the two great fleets, which were

waiting, the Spaniards for the Prince of Parma to join them from

Dunkirk, the English to carry out a little device which Sir William

Winter had suggested.

Six of the oldest vessels were filled with combustibles and guns

loaded to the mouth with old iron, and at midnight were conducted in

the pitchy darkness of a rising storm within bow-shot of the Armada.

A train was fired, and the fierce south-west wind bore the fire-ships

into the crescent of the Spaniards. The blaze, the explosions, the

cannon-shot, struck a panic into the Armada. "The fire of Antwerp!"

they cried. "Cut cable, up anchor!" In a few minutes they were all

colliding together in their hurry to get away from the flames, and

all that night they sped away past Dunkirk and Parma even to the

mouth of the Scheldt.

"God hath given us so good a day in forcing the enemy so far to

leeward," wrote Drake, "as I hope in God, the Prince of Parma and the

Duke of Sidonia will not shake hands these few days.... I assure

your honour, this day's service hath much appalled the enemy."

Then on the Monday Hawkins in the Victory, Drake in the _Revenge_,

and Frobisher in the _Triumph_, led the English to the attack upon a

fleet disorganised and cowed, fearing alike the sands, the storm, and

the foe. Every ship in the Spanish fleet had received damage, some

had been taken and others sunk, while a score or so went on shore and

were lost.

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[Illustration: FIRE-SHIPS]

The Spanish fleet lay safely moored in Calais Harbour, huge

impregnable castles of timber, but Howard's fire-ships caused them to

scurry away before the wind like frightened fowls.

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"We pluck their feathers by little and little," wrote Lord Howard,

and if Burghley had only given them powder enough, the victory would

have been complete. The English had no more ammunition left, but

still, as the Spaniards forged ahead to the north, they grimly

followed: "We set on a brag countenance and gave them chase."

It was not until Friday the 2nd of August that Howard abandoned the

pursuit. He made for the Firth of Forth, took in victuals, powder,

and shot, and sailed southwards to be ready for Parma, should he

cross from Dunkirk. As they sailed, a storm burst upon them,

scattering them so that they did not assemble again in Margate Roads

until the 9th of August. A note from Lord Burghley suggests that as

the danger is over, the ships shall be at once discharged; but there

was no money to pay the men who had saved England in her hour of

danger. Towards the end of August, Sir John wrote urgently to

Burghley for money to pay the seamen--£19,000 were already due to

them before the fight off Gravelines--and Lord Howard added a

postscript: "Hawkins cannot make a better return. God knows how the

lieutenants and corporals will be paid." Howard and Hawkins could

not pay them off. The men were kept hanging on, ill-fed, ill-clad,

housed like hogs and dying as by a pestilence. "'Tis a most pitiful

sight to see how the men here at Margate, having no place where they

can be received, die in the streets. The best lodging I can get is

barns and such outhouses, and the relief is small that I can provide

for them here. It would grieve any man's heart to see men that have

served so valiantly die so miserably." So Howard writes to Burghley.

Burghley, at his wits' end, writes to Hawkins a melancholy letter:

"Why do you ask for money when you know the exchequer is so empty?"

Howard tells the Queen how the men sicken one day and die the next;

and as woman she pitied them, but could not find means to help her

sailors. "Alas! these things must be--after a famous victory!" Her

minister may have suggested some such reflection.

Meanwhile the great Armada, left to the judgment of God, was leaving

its wrecks on the coasts of Norway, Scotland, and Ireland. It was

not until October that fifty-three ships out of one hundred and

thirty-two came back wearily to a Spanish port.

Sir Francis Drake tells us that many Spanish seamen landed in

Scotland and Ireland, of whom a few remained to live amongst the

peasantry, but the most part were coupled in halters and sent from

village to village till they were shipped to England. "But her

Majesty, disdaining to put them to death, and scorning either to

retain or entertain them, they were all sent back again to their own

country to bear witness to the worthy achievement of their Invincible

Navy."

Sir John Hawkins in 1589 proposed to Lord Burghley a scheme for

capturing Cadiz and sinking all the Spanish galleys he could find

there. "It is not honourable for her Majesty to seem to be in any

fear of the King of Spain." But Burghley did not approve of any more

expenditure of money, and the scheme was dropped.

But every year English merchantmen were held up by Spanish galleys

and had to fight for their existence: so in 1590 we hear of Sir John

proposing another attack on Spain; and when this too was rejected, he

wrote to Burghley, saying that he was now out of hope that he should

be allowed to perform "any royal thing." So out of heart was he now

that he begged he might be relieved of his duties as Treasurer of the

Navy. "No man living hath so careful, so miserable, so unfortunate,

and so dangerous a life." This request too was declined. But in May

1590 Sir John was sent, with Sir Martin Frobisher as Vice-Admiral, in

command of fourteen ships to try and intercept a fleet of Portuguese

carracks coming from India. They ransacked nearly every port on the

Spanish coast for five months, so that all valuables were hastily

removed inland, and all the Spanish galleys were hidden behind rocky

promontories. But Philip had ordered the trading fleets to be kept

back, and therefore no prizes were captured, and the adventurers

returned empty-handed.

Queen Elizabeth was mightily incensed, though it was through no fault

of the admirals that the expedition had been a financial failure.

Hawkins wrote the Queen a lengthy epistle explaining why they had

failed, and he finished with a Biblical allusion: "Paul might plant,

and Apollos might water, but it was God only who gave the increase."

The Queen, stamping her foot, exclaimed hotly, "This fool went out a

soldier, and is come home a divine!"

So the poor seaman returned to his hated desk as Treasurer, though he

wrote to Burghley that he was fain to serve her Majesty in any other

calling. "This endless and unsavoury occupation in calling for money

is always unpleasant." He was now over seventy years of age, and his

son Richard had for some years been distinguishing himself on the

sea. But when that son had to surrender to the Spaniards and was

sent to a Spanish prison, the old sea-dog thirsted to go abroad again

and rescue his son, or at least take a great revenge.

His old friend Sir Francis Drake was to go with him, for the Queen

had assented; but rumours of a fresh Armada kept them in England, for

"all men," says Camden, "buckled themselves to war," and mothers only

bewailed that their sons had been killed in France instead of being

alive and well to defend hearth and home in England. But all the

Spaniards did was to cross from Brittany with four galleys and land

at Penzance. This town they sacked and burnt, but as the inhabitants

had fled inland, no lives were lost. This was the last hostile

landing made by the Spaniards on England's shore.

Next year, in August 1595, Drake and Hawkins left Plymouth with

twenty-seven ships and 2500 men, Drake sailing in the _Defiance_ as

Admiral, Hawkins in the _Garland_ as Vice-Admiral; Sir Thomas

Baskerville was the Commander by land. The plan was to sail to

Nombre de Dios and march across the isthmus to Panama, there to seize

what treasure they could. But just before they sailed letters came

from the Queen informing them that they were too late to intercept

the West Indian fleet; it had already arrived in Spain; but one

treasure-ship had lost a mast and put back to Puerto Rico; they were

to seek for this and take it. So they sailed on the 28th of August,

and in four weeks reached the Grand Canary. Drake and Baskerville

wished to land, victual the fleet, and take the island; Hawkins,

still smarting under Elizabeth's lash, was for strictly obeying the

Queen's instructions. However, Baskerville promised he would take

the place in four days, and Hawkins consented to wait. But finding

that a strong mole had been built, and that the landing-place was

defended by guns, and as a nasty sea was rising, they just landed to

get water on the western side of the island and made for Dominica.

After making some traffic in tobacco they went on to Guadaloupe,

where they cleaned their ships and let the men land. The next day,

seeing some Spanish ships passing towards Puerto Rico, Drake

concluded that the treasure-ship was still there, and that this force

had been sent to convoy it. Captain Wignol in the _Francis_, having

straggled behind out of Hawkins' fleet, fell in with these Spanish

ships under Don Pedro Tello, and was captured. Tello put his men to

torture, and drew from them the object and proposed course of the

English ships. When Hawkins heard of this from a small vessel that

had escaped the Spaniards, he suddenly fell sick: age, the troubles

of the voyage, this last disappointment--all were too much for him;

he struggled bravely against his malady, but every day he grew

weaker. They started in three days from Guadaloupe and reached the

Virgin Islands, where they took plenty of fish. Drake and Hawkins

had some dispute here, some difference of opinion, and this was the

last straw to weigh down the balance of death. For on the morning of

the 12th of November the fleet passed through the Strait; and at

night, when it was off the eastern end of Puerto Rico, Hawkins

breathed his last.

Drake sailed in imprudently under the forts; one shot wounded his

mizzen-mast, another entered the steerage, where he was at supper,

and struck the stool from under him, killing two of his officers, but

not hurting him. The treasure had been removed from the galleon, and

the empty galleon had been sunk in the mouth of the channel. After a

fierce fight Drake had to give up the attempt to get the treasure and

sail away.

He only survived his old friend by eleven weeks. Thus England lost

two of her grandest seamen in this expedition. Hawkins was

seventy-five years old--too old to be exposed to the burning sun and

all the anxieties of warfare. Then came bitter disappointment, and

the feeling that he had done nothing to rescue his son, and little to

avenge his wrongs. For six weeks Sir John Hawkins strove to make

head against this "sea of troubles," but his work had been done, his

body was worn out, and he could endure no more. In his adventurous

life he had done many questionable things; but we ought not to judge

him by the moral standard of another age; in his day, the rights of

the slave had not yet been thought of. Hawkins had tried to do his

duty to God and man, as he conceived that duty, and to his unflagging

labours and zeal as Treasurer of the Navy, the success of England

against the Armada was largely due.

Stories of Elizabethan heroes · 第 2 / 11 章