CHAPTER V

PROTECTION OF RAILWAYS IN WAR

The liability of railway lines to interruption or destruction--whether

by bodies of cavalry sent across the frontier for that purpose, and

aiming at damage on a large scale; by smaller raiding parties operating

in the rear of an advancing army; or by individuals acting on their own

account in a hostile country--rendered necessary from an early date

in the railway era the adoption of protective measures of a type and

character varying according to circumstances; while these, in turn,

introduced some further new features into modern warfare.

Under the orders given by General McDowell for the guarding of railways

in the Department of the Rappahannock, in the _American Civil War_,

twelve sentinels were posted along each mile of track; block-houses were

constructed at each bridge, at cross-roads, and at intervals along the

track; pickets were thrown forward at various points; bushes and trees

were cleared away from alongside the line, and the men at each post had

flags and lanterns for signalling. General Sherman took similar measures

to guard his rail communications between Nashville and Atlanta.

Precautions such as these were directed mainly against the enemy in the

field; but an early example was to be afforded of how a civil population

may either concern themselves or be concerned against their will in the

maintenance of rail communication for military purposes. This position

is well shown in the following proclamation, issued July 30, 1863, by

Major-General G. G. Meade from the head-quarters of the Army of the

Potomac at a time when attempts to throw troop trains off the railway

lines were a matter of daily occurrence:--

The numerous depredations committed by citizens or rebel

soldiers in disguise, harboured and concealed by citizens, along

the Orange and Alexandria Railroad, and within our lines, call

for prompt and exemplary punishment. Under the instructions of

the Government, therefore, every citizen against whom there is

sufficient evidence of his having engaged in these practices

will be arrested and confined for punishment, or put beyond the

lines.

The people within ten miles of the railroad are notified

that they will be held responsible, in their persons and

property, for any injury done to the road, trains, depôts or

stations by citizens, guerillas or persons in disguise; and

in case of such injury they will be impressed as labourers to

repair all damages.

If these measures should not stop such depredations, it will

become the unpleasant duty of the undersigned, in the execution

of his instructions, to direct that the entire inhabitants of

the district of country along the railroad be put across the

lines, and their property taken for Government uses.

On the Manassas Gap Railway General Auger further sought to protect

Federal army trains against guerilla attacks by placing in a conspicuous

position in each of such trains some of the leading Confederates

residing within Union lines, so that, should any accident happen to the

train, they would run the risk of being among the victims.

In the _Austro-Prussian War of 1866_ the principle of punishing

the civil population for attacks on the railway lines underwent a

further development. Captain Webber says in reference to the line

through Turnau, Prague and Pardubitz to Brünn[8]: "The Prussians

were fortunate in being able to preserve the line intact from injury

by the inhabitants, partly by the number and strength of the guards

posted along it, and partly from the terror of reprisals which they

had inspired." Captain Webber suggests that, in the face of an active

enemy, and in a country where the population was hostile, it would

have been impossible to depend on the railway as a principal line of

communication; but the significance of his expression, "the terror of

reprisals," as denoting the policy adopted by Prussia so far back as

1866, will not be lost on those who are only too well acquainted with

more recent developments of the same policy by the same country.

The number of men per mile required for guarding a line of rail

communication is declared by Captain John Bigelow, in his "Principles of

Strategy" (Philadelphia, 1894), to be exceedingly variable, depending

as it does upon the tactical features of the country and the temper of

the inhabitants. According, he says, to the estimate of the Germans for

the conditions of European warfare, the number will average about 1,000

men for every stretch of fifteen miles. At this rate an army sixty miles

from its base requires about 4,000 men for the protection of each line

of communication.

With the help of figures such as these one may, perhaps, understand

the more readily how it is that a Commander-in-Chief, of merciless

disposition, and wanting to retain the active services of every soldier

he possibly can in the interests of an early and successful advance

will, by spreading a feeling of "terror" among the civil population,

seek to reduce to as low a figure as circumstances will permit

the number of men he must leave behind to guard his lines of rail

communication.

These considerations will be found to apply with the greater force

when it is remembered that in the _Franco-Prussian War of 1870-71_ the

Prussians had to adopt an especially elaborate system for safeguarding

their lines of communication with Germany during the time they occupied

French territory. At each railway station they placed a guard formed of

detachments of the Landwehr, while small detachments were stationed in

towns and villages in the neighbourhood. In each signal-box a detachment

of troops was stationed, and the whole line of railway was patrolled

from posts established along it at distances of every three or four

miles. Altogether, the Germans are said to have employed, on over 2,000

miles of French railway lines controlled by them, as many as 100,000

troops for protective purposes only; and even then the _franc-tireurs_

were able to cause many interruptions.

Under a Prussian regulation dated May 2, 1867, it was laid down that

after the restoration of any lines taken possession of in an enemy's

territory, notice should be given that in the event of any further

damage being done to the railway, the locality would be subject to a

fine of at least 500 thalers, the belongings of the inhabitants would be

liable to seizure, and the local authorities might be arrested.

As a further precautionary measure in the war of 1870-71, the Germans

took a hint from the example of the Union Generals in the American Civil

War by compelling a leading citizen of the district passed through to

ride on the engine of each train run by them on French soil. In defence

of this practice, the German General Staff say in their handbook on "The

Usages of War"[9]:--

Since the lives of peaceable inhabitants were, without any

fault on their part, thereby exposed to grave danger, every

writer outside Germany has stigmatised this measure as contrary

to the law of nations and as unjustified towards the inhabitants

of the country. As against this unfavourable criticism it must

be pointed out that this measure, which was also recognised on

the German side as harsh and cruel, was only resorted to after

declarations and instructions of the occupying authorities had

proved ineffective, and that in the particular circumstances

it was the only method which promised to be effective against

the doubtless unauthorised, indeed the criminal, behaviour of

a fanatical population. Herein lies its justification under

the laws of war, but still more in the fact that it proved

completely successful, and that wherever citizens were thus

carried on the trains ... the security of traffic was assured.

Writing under date December 16, 1870, Busch offered the following

justification for the course adopted:--

They were taken, not to serve as a hindrance to French

heroism, but as a precaution against treacherous crime. The

railway does not carry merely soldiers, ammunition and other

war material against which it may be allowable to use violent

measures; it also conveys a great number of wounded, doctors,

hospital attendants, and other perfectly harmless persons. Is a

peasant or _franc-tireur_ to be allowed to endanger hundreds of

those lives by removing a rail or laying a stone upon the line?

Let the French see that the security of the railway trains is no

longer threatened and the journeys made by those hostages will

be merely outings, or our people may even be able to forgo such

precautionary measures.

In the _South African War_, Field-Marshal Earl Roberts issued at

Pretoria, on June 19, 1900, a proclamation one section of which

authorised the placing of leading men among the Boers on the locomotives

of the trains run by the British on the occupied territory; but this

particular section was withdrawn eight days afterwards.

The English view of the practice in question is thus defined in the

official "Manual of Military Law" (Chap. XIV, "The Laws and Usages of

War," par. 463):--

Such measures expose the lives of inhabitants, not only

to the illegitimate acts of train wrecking by private enemy

individuals, but also to the lawful operations of raiding

parties of the armed forces of the belligerent, and cannot,

therefore, be considered a commendable practice.

To guard against the attacks made on the railway lines in the Orange

Free State and the Transvaal during the British occupation, entrenched

posts were placed at every bridge exceeding a 30-feet span; constant

patrolling was maintained between these posts; and the block-houses

introduced (in 1901) by Lord Kitchener were erected along all the

railway lines, at distances of about 2,000 yards. Each block-house,

also, was garrisoned by about ten men, and each was surrounded by wire

entanglements which, together with various kinds of alarm fences, were

also placed between the block-houses themselves in order both to impede

the approach of the enemy and to warn the garrison thereof.

_Block-houses_ are to-day regarded as one of the chief means of

protecting railways against attacks. Their construction and equipment

are dealt with by Major W. D. Connor, of the Corps of Engineers, U.S.A.,

in "Military Railways" (Professional Papers, No. 32, Corps of Engineers,

U.S. Army, Washington, 1910).

Supplementary to the adoption of this block-house system, in time of

war, is the practice followed in various Continental countries, in

time of peace, of building _permanent fortresses_, in solid masonry,

alongside railway bridges crossing important rivers. In some instances

the fortress is so constructed that the railway lines pass through the

centre of it. Not only, as a rule, are these fortresses extremely solid

and substantial, but they may be provided with bomb-proof covers and

be stocked with a sufficient supply of provisions to be able to stand,

if necessary, a fairly prolonged siege. One can assume, also, that the

garrison would have under its control facilities arranged in advance for

the destruction of the bridge, as a last resort, in case of need.

The theory is that such fortresses and their garrisons should be of

especial advantage, on the outbreak of war, in checking any sudden

invasion and allowing time for the completion of defensive measures.

Their construction in connection with all the principal railway bridges

crossing the Rhine was especially favoured in Prussia after the war of

1870-1.

Similar fortresses, or "interrupting forts," as the Germans call them,

are also built for the protection of important tunnels, junctions,

locomotive and carriage works, etc.

Another method adopted for the safeguarding of railway lines in war is

the use of _armoured trains_; though in practice these are also employed

for the purposes of independent attacks on the enemy, apart altogether

from any question of ensuring the safety of rail communication.[10]

For the _protection of locomotives and rolling stock_, and to prevent

not only their capture but their use by the enemy, the most efficacious

method to adopt is, of course, that of removing them to some locality

where the enemy is not likely to come.

When, in 1866, Austria saw that she could not hold back the Prussian

invader, she took off into Hungary no fewer than 1,000 locomotives and

16,000 wagons from the railways in Bohemia and Saxony. Similar tactics

were adopted by the Boers as against ourselves in the war in South

Africa. On the British troops crossing into the Orange Free State,

from Cape Colony, they found that the retreating enemy had withdrawn

all their rolling stock, as well as all their staffs from the railway

stations, leaving behind only a more or less damaged line of railway.

Subsequently, when the forces occupied Pretoria, they certainly did find

there sixteen locomotives and 400 trucks; but the station books showed

that in the previous forty-eight hours no fewer than seventy trains,

many of them drawn by two engines, had been sent east in the direction

of Delagoa Bay.

When it is not practicable to withdraw locomotives and rolling stock

which it is desired the enemy shall not be able to use, the obvious

alternative is that measures should be taken either to remove vital

parts or to ensure their destruction. Certain of the methods adopted

during the Civil War in America were especially efficacious in attaining

the latter result. In some instances trains were started running and

then--driver and fireman leaping off the engine--were left to go into

a river, or to fall through a broken viaduct. In other instances two

trains, after having had a good supply of explosives put in them, would

be allowed to dash into one another at full speed. Many locomotives

had their boilers burst, and wagons were set on fire after having been

filled up with combustibles.

Still another method which has been adopted with a view to preventing

an enemy from using the railways he might succeed in capturing is that

of constructing them with a _different gauge_. The standard gauge of

the main-line railways in France, Germany, Holland, Belgium, Denmark,

Austria-Hungary, Italy, Switzerland, Roumania and Turkey (like that,

also, of railways in Great Britain, Canada and the United States), is

4ft. 8½in., allowing trains to pass readily from one country to the

other with the same rolling stock; but the gauge of the Russian railways

is 5ft., necessitating a transshipment from one train to another when

the frontier is reached. Similar conditions are found in Spain and

Portugal, where the standard gauge is 5ft. 6in.[11]

Russia adopted her broader gauge so that, in case of invasion, the

invader should not be able to run his rolling-stock over her lines, as

Germany, for instance, would be able to do in the case of the railways

of Belgium and France. Thus far, therefore, Russia strengthened her

position from the point of view of defence; but she weakened it as

regards attack, since if she should herself want, either to become the

invader or to send troop trains over neighbouring territory to some

point beyond, she would be at a disadvantage. In the Russo-Turkish War

of 1877-78, when the Russian forces passed through Roumania on their way

to Turkey, the difference in gauge between the Russian and the Roumanian

railways caused great delay and inconvenience by reason of the necessary

transfer of troops, stores, guns, ammunition, torpedo boats, etc., at

the frontier.

It should, also, be remembered that the reduction of a broad gauge to a

narrow one is a much simpler matter, from an engineering point of view,

than the widening of a narrower gauge into a broad one. In the former

case the existing sleepers, bridges, tunnels, platforms, etc., would

still serve their purpose. In the latter case fresh sleepers might have

to be laid, bridges and tunnels widened or enlarged, and platforms and

stations altered, use of the broader-gauge rolling stock thus involving

an almost complete reconstruction of the railway lines. To this extent,

therefore, the balance of advantage would seem to be against the country

having the broader gauge. The conclusion may, at least, be formed that

such a country is far more bent on protecting her own territory than on

invading that of her neighbours.

The course adopted by Germany for overcoming the difficulty which, in

the event of her seeking to invade Russia, the difference of railway

gauge in that country would present, will be told in Chapter XVIII.

FOOTNOTES:

[8] "Notes on the Campaign in Bohemia in 1866." By Capt. Webber, R.E.

Papers of the Corps of Royal Engineers, N.S., vol. xvi. Woolwich, 1868.

[9] "The German War Book. Being the Usages of War on Land"; issued by

the Great General Staff of the German Army. London, 1915.

[10] The subject of armoured trains will be dealt with more fully in

Chapters VII and XVI.

[11] See "Field Service Pocket Book, 1914," pp. 151-2.

The Rise of Rail-Power in War and Conquest, 1833-1914 · 第 5 / 18 章