Toward the end of April, an expedition against the isle of Jersey was
set on foot under Mr. de Nassau, who had no fortune, with a view of
putting money into his pocket, from the rapine and plunder that would
follow upon its success.[98] It so happened that admiral Arbuthnot, who
you have heard sailed the 1st of May, with a squadron of men of war, and
a prodigious convoy of merchantmen, and transports for America, fell in
with the vessel, going express to England, with an account of the
attack, and the apparent imminent danger of the island.—Upon that he
ordered the convoy to wait for him at Torbay, and proceeded to the
relief of Jersey. Though the failure of the expedition was the
consequence, the French comforted themselves when they saw it had the
unexpected effect of detaining admiral Arburthnot for a long time at
Torbay, and of inducing the admiralty to order ten ships of the line,
under admiral Darby, to join the former, for the safe escorting the
convoy to a certain distance. Mr. Sartine upon obtaining information of
this order, hurried the Brest fleet under count d’Orvilliers to
sea.——There was not at the last moment, sailors sufficient to man it;
but neither this, nor the non-arrival of two ships expected from Toulon,
could prevail with him to risque losing the opportunity on the one hand
of intercepting Darby on his return, and on the other of securing the
junction of the French and Spanish fleets. Eight thousand land forces
were put on board to serve as marrines, and to supply the defect of
sailors. With this kind of equipage did the fleet sail on the 4th of
June. There was a geeral exultation visible in the countenance of every
Frenchman at Paris mixed with surprise, upon hearing that their fleet
was sailed, and that there was no British force at sea to oppose them.
Not a word was put into the Gazette of France of d’Orvilliers’ sailing.
It is asserted, that Sartine being asked why he did not let a thing so
public and so interesting, go into the gazette, his answer was—“The
English ministry will not know it so soon any other way.” Darby,
however, narrowly escaped, to the great disappointment of the keenest
expectations of the French, who really looked upon his division as a
sure prey. Foreigners are astonished at the present management of the
British marine. They look back to former wars, when it was deemed a most
consequential service, and the most concise mode of crippling the marine
of France, and rendering their projects abortive, to block up the
harbours of Brest and Toulon. When d’Orvilliers had sailed, a profound
secrecy reigned at the court of France, as to his destination; but by
the 6th of July, certain advices were received of his having joined the
Spanish fleet upon the 24th of June. Before the junction, though not its
apparent certainty, a manifesto was presented [June 16.] by the marquis
d’Almodovar, the Spanish ambassador, accompanied with the notice of his
immediate departure. The manifesto established this fact, that Spain had
taken a decided part with France and America against Great-Britain. It
cost the court of Versailles great pains to goad the Catholic king’s
ministers to a decided resolution in the councils of Madrid; and after
all, it has been said by respectable authority, “That there had been no
declaration from Spain, if the English fleet had been at sea,” in force
and in season to have prevented the junction, which was regarded as that
on which the very salvation of France depended. The spirits of the
French were as drooping as can be well conceived, till they had heard of
that event, and of the arrival of the two reinforcements forwarded to
count d’Estaing.[99]
When the Spanish ambassador once knew that d’Orvilliers sailed on the
4th of June, and that the British grand fleet remained at Spithead on
the 14th, he must assure himself that the junction of the French and
Spanish ones would take place, and could not be prevented by the other;
and that therefore he might proceed without any demur to deliver the
manifesto. This event will, most probably, be more favorable in the
issue to the American states, than success in the Spanish mediation on
the terms his Catholic majesty proposed, which were—That the two crowns
of Great-Britain and France should disarm, and agree to a universal
suspension of hostilities—that the plenipotentiaries of both should meet
at an appointed place, to settle their respective differences—that a
like suspension should be granted by Great-Britain to the American
colonies (as they were stiled) which should not be broken, without
giving to his Catholic majesty an anticipated notice of one year, that
he might communicate it to the said American provinces; and that there
should be a reciprocal disarming, and a regulation of the limits not to
be passed by either, as to the places they might respectively occupy at
the time of ratifying this adjustment—that there should come to Madrid
one or more commissioners of the colonies and of his Britannic majesty,
to agree in settling the preceding particulars, and others relative to
the firmness of said suspension, and that, in the mean time, the
colonies should be treated as independent in acting. The contents of the
manifesto were laid before both houses of parliament the day after its
being presented, and were accompanied with a message from the king. They
both concurred unanimously in resolving to support with spirit and
vigor, the war against the house of Bourbon. An answer was transmitted
by his majesty’s secretary, lord Weymouth, to the masquis d’Almodovar,
dated July 13th, ten days after the rising of parliament. This answer
was received when a state paper was nearly printed off at Madrid, and
which related the motives that induced the Spanish monarch to withdraw
his ambassador and act hostilely against Great-Britain. This paper
asserts that the British ministry, while they rejected the proposals
made by Spain, were insinuating themselves at the court of France, by
means of secret emissaries, and making great offers to her to abandon
the colonies, and to make a peace with Britain, and at the same time
were treating, by means of another emissary, with Dr. Franklin, to whom
they made various proposals to disunite them from France, and to
accommodate matters with Britain, not only holding out conditions
similar to those which they had rejected when coming through his
Catholic majesty, but including offers much more favorable to the
Americans.
Count d’Orvilliers having received instruction, steered with the
combined fleet, amounting to 66 ships of the line, for Plymouth. The
coasts of Normandy and Brittany being at the same time crowded with
troops, and the ports in the bay and channel with shipping, exhibited
the appearance of an intended invasion of England or Ireland.
D’Orvilliers passed Sir Chas. Hardy who was cruising in the bay, with
near forty ships of the line (having sailed from Spithead the day on
which the Spanish manifesto was presented) without their having the
least knowledge of each other. He appeared off Plymouth in the evening
[Aug. 16.] and the greatest part of the two following days; but without
making any attempt, which, had it taken place immediately, must have
succeeded, as the town was altogether in a defenceless state with
“neither men, capable of standing to the guns, nor rammers, sponges, or
other impliments for loading them.”[100]—The inhabitants and the
neighbouring country were in the greatest confusion and the utmost
alarm. But on Wednesday the 18th it providential began to blow almost a
storm at east, which continued till the 22d, and forced the fleet below
Plymouth; and the wind remaining strong in the same point for same days,
prevented its return no less than Sir Charles Hardy’s coming into the
channel.[101] The Ardent of 64 guns, on her way from Portsmouth to join
Sir Charles, mistaking the combined for the British fleet, was taken in
sight of Plymouth. D’Orvilliers ranged about the Land’s End, the Scilly
Islands, and the chops of the channel, till the end of the month,
without seeking to return and make an attack upon Plymouth. He might
conclude, that it would be now too late, the first opportunity having
been lost, especially as a very great sickness prevailed among the
sailors and soldiers on board the fleet. Thus by a coincidence of
circumstances, Plymouth, with the dock, the naval magazines &c.—were
happily preserved, notwithstanding the criminal neglect of
administration in not putting the place into a proper state of defence.
It is a fact, that there was delivered to one of the ministry, on the
28th of July, a letter from France, acquainting him with the destination
of the combined fleet, and the intention of attacking and destroying
Plymouth.
[Aug. 31.] The wind favoring, Sir Charles Hardy gained the entrance of
the channel in sight of the combined fleets, without their being able to
prevent him. The enemy pursued him as high up as Plymouth, but did not
venture much further. The sickness increasing on board the combined
fleet to a most extreme degree, and their ships being otherwise much out
of condition, and the equinox approaching, count d’Orvilliers thought it
necessary to abandon the British coasts, and repair to Brest early in
September. The whole country round about became an hospital, through the
many thousands of sick that were landed. It was a most happy
circumstance for the British merchants, that a large Jamaica fleet
escaped and got into the channel about ten days before he first entered
it; and that eight homeward bound East-Indiamen had timely notice of
their danger, so as to have the opportunity of putting into Ireland.
In the beginning of September, adm. Barrington arrived with dispatches,
giving an account of the taking of the isles of St. Vincent and Grenada,
and of an action between adm. Byron and count d’Estaing. The count
sailed for Grenada, and arrived off the island [July 2.] with a fleet of
five or six and twenty ships of the line, about 12 frigates, and near
10,000 land forces, including marines. The defence of the place lay in
about 150 soldiers, 350 militia, 200 volunteers, with some seamen; and
its strength consisted in a fortified and entrenched hill, which
commanded the fort, harbour, and capital town of St. George. The French
landed between 2 and 3000 regulars, under count Dillon, the same
evening; and the next day invested the hill, and made the necessary
preparations for carrying it by storm the following night, as they would
lose no time, lest admiral Byron’s fleet might arrive. The defence was
obstinate, considering the force on each side. Although d’Estaing headed
a column of the assailants in person, they were repulsed in the first
onset, but their superior numbers at length prevailed, and the lines
were carried after a conflict of about an hour and a half; the loss of
the French, however, in killed and wounded, was considerable. The cannon
taken on the top of the hill, being turned at break of day against the
fort, the governor, lord Macartney, was under the necessity of proposing
a capitulation. D’Estaing granted him but an hour for framing the
articles, which, when presented, were rejected in the gross. The count
proposed others so extraordinary that his lordship and the principal
inhabitants thought it better to trust to the law and custom of nations,
and to the justice of one court, and the interposition of the other, by
surrendering at discretion, than to bind themselves to such unexampled
conditions. His lordship, in expectation that the fortified hill was
next to impregnable, had carried thither his plate, jewels and most
valuable effects, and his principal officers had followed his
example.[102] The count is charged with having exercised great severity
and oppression; and it is said that his soldiers were indulged in such
unbridled licence that the condition of the inhabitants would have been
deplorable beyond description, but for the humanity and tenderness of
the officers and privates of Dillon’s Irish regiment.
Meanwhile admiral Byron had returned to St. Lucie, from convoying the
West-India fleet; but weakened through the ships he had sent with the
trade to Great-Britain. He there received intelligence of the loss of
St. Vincent; and immediately concluded with gen. Grant, to proceed with
the land and naval forces for its recovery. On their passage they
received information that d’Estaing had attacked Grenada, without being
acquainted with de la Motte Picquet’s having joined him. They changed
their intention, and steered for the relief of Grenada.
The British commanders arrived within sight of the French fleet at break
of day, [July 6.] Their force consisted of 21 ships of the line and a
single frigate. They were embarrassed by the somewhat greater number of
transports which conveyed the troops. The French having received
previous information of the approach of the British fleet, were then
mostly getting under way, and those ships which had not already hoisted
their anchors, slipt their cables, and kept stretching out to sea. The
objects of the hostile commanders were totally different. The British
admirals wanted to bring the enemy to close action in hopes of conquest
and of saving Grenada. D’Estaing sought for no further advantage than
the preservation of his new acquisition, which to him was a sufficient
victory. His ships being cleaner, and consequently sailed better than
the British, he chose a partial action, rather than be exposed to the
doubtful issue of a desperate conflict. The first signal made by Byron
was for a general chase; and the second, for the ships to engage and
form as they could get up. By eight o’clock the action was commenced by
adm. Barrington in the Prince of Wales, with the captains, Sawyer and
Gardner in the Boyne and Sultan, they having closed with the van of the
enemy. Being obliged to endure the whole weight of fire from that
division, for a considerable time before they could be supported, and
suffered accordingly; beside the damage of the ships and the loss of the
men, the admiral was himself wounded. The French eluded every effort
made by the British commanders to bring on a close and decisive
engagement. When the evolutions on both sides, and the eagerness on one,
threw a few of the British ships into a situation, which obliged them to
endure a conflict with a much greater number of the enemy, a close
engagement ensued. Thus the Grufton, the Cornwall and the Lion,
sustained the whole fire of the French fleet. The Monmouth attempting
singly to arrest the progress of the enemy’s van, hoping thereby to
bring on a general action, but failing, was reduced almost to a wreck.
The Suffolk, adm. Rowley with the Fame, suffered also considerably in
similar situations.
The action ceased about twelve o’clock; but although renewed at two, and
at other times, in a degree, during the evening, yet nothing essential
was effected. During the heat of it, some British ships pushing their
way to the very entrance of the harbour of St. George’s, beheld French
colours on the fort, and were fired at by the batteries. The object of
the British commanders was therefore totally changed. The relief of the
island was at an end. The protection of the transports, along with that
of the disabled ships, was now the main point to be considered. Three of
the disabled ships were a great way astern: the Lion was obliged to bear
away singly, in the best manner she could, before the wind. That and the
other two might seemingly have been cut off by the French: but d’Estaing
would not risk the bringing on of a decisive action by attempting their
capture. In the evening, the Monmouth and the transports were ordered to
make the best of their way to Antigua or St. Kitts. Byron drew up his
line, reduced now to 19 ships, about three miles distant from d’Estaing,
and expected to be attacked in the morning; but during the night, the
count returned to Grenada. The loss of men in the British fleet was
moderate; the other circumstances of the action however were exceeding
grievous; for the great damage sustained by the ships in their masts and
rigging, which could not be easily remedied in that quarter, afforded an
astonishing superiority of force to the French, which while it
continues, will render it impossible for the British longer to dispute
the empire of the sea with them in the West-Indies.—All accounts concur
in describing the French loss of men in the action as prodigious. The
published number of officers killed and wounded, both in the naval and
land departments, is considerable. The other must be in a great degree
conjectural.
The latter end of July, there sailed from Port l’Orient the Bon Homme
Richard, of 40 guns and 375 men, commanded by capt. Paul Jones, the
alliance of 36 guns, the Pallas, a French frigate of 32, the Vengeance
an armed brig of 12 together with a cutter: Jones acted as commodore to
the squadron. He steered for the Western coast of Ireland and appeared
off Kerry. From thence he ranged round the north of Scotland, till he
came off Forth Frith on September the 19th; when he directed his course
to Flamborough Head. Being off the Head, he fell in with the fleet
[Sept. 23.] from the Baltic, under the protection of the Serapis, capt.
Pearson, and the Countess of Scarborough, capt. Piercy. Before noon,
capt. Pearson received intelligence from the bailiffs of Scarborough, of
the squadron under Jones being on the coast. Between twelve and one the
headmost of the fleet got sight of it, when the Serapis made all the
sail she could to get between the enemy and the convoy, which she soon
effected. Capt. Pearson, by four o’clock plainly discerning from the
deck, that the squadron consisted of three large ships, and a brig, (the
cutter was not now with them) made the Countess of Scarborough signal to
join him, which was done about half past five. A little after seven, the
Bon Homme Richard brought to within musket shot of the Serapis, when the
fight began, and was maintained with equal fury on bath sides, each
vessel using all possible means to gain an advantageous situation to
rake the other. Capt. Pearson had infinitely the superiority over the
Bon Homme Richard in working the Serapis, and obtained advantages in
spite of every effort of Jones to prevent it. Jones to render such
superiority useless, aimed at lying his ship athwart the hawse of the
other. Though he did not succeed to his wish, yet as the bowsprit of the
Serapis ran between his poop and mizen-mast, he seized the opportunity
of lashing the vessels together, when the wind driving the head of the
Serapis against the bow of the Bon Homme Richard, they became so close
fore and aft, that the muzzles of their guns touched each other’s sides.
In this position they engaged from half past eight till half past ten.
But before it commenced, the Bon Homme Richard had received many 18lb.
shot between wind and water, and was become very leaky. Her tier of 12
pounders was entirely silenced and abandoned. Her six 18 pounders, which
were old, were of no service, and were fired but eight times in all.
During the succeeding action, Jones made use only of three nine
pounders, whose fire was seconded by that of his men in the round-tops.
At the same time others threw such a quantity and variety of combustible
matters into the decks, chains, and every part of the Serapis, that she
was on fire not less than 10 or 12 times in different parts, and it was
with the greatest difficulty that the same could be extinguished. At
half past nine, by some accident the Serapis had a cartridge of powder
set on fire, the flames of which communicating from one to another all
the way aft, blew up all the people and officers abaft the main-mast,
and rendered all those guns useless for the remainder of the action.
When both ships were on fire together, as it happened at times, the
spectacle was dreadful beyond expression. The Alliance repeatedly sailed
round both while engaged, raking the Serapis fore and aft, and thereby
killing or wouning many of her men on the quarter and main
decks.[103]—After ten she came up afresh, and renewed the fire; but
through the darkness of the night, and both ships being so close along
side each other, it was not poured into the Serapis alone, but also into
the Bon Homme Richard, eleven of whose men were killed, beside an
officer mortally wounded, by one of her broadsides. Capt. Pearson
however, perceiving that it was impracticable to stand out any longer
with the least prospect of success, struck, after having (by his
conduct, and persevering bravery) secured to his convoy the opportunity
of saving themselves. The Serapis was a much superior ship to the Bon
Homme Richard, being built on an excellent model, and carrying 44 guns
in two tiers, the lower 18 pounders. The number of men killed and
wounded on each side was necessarily great. Both ships suffered much,
but the Bon Homme Richard was reduced to a wreck; she had near seven
feet water in her hold, which kept increasing. The wounded were removed,
and only the first lieutenant of the Pallas, with some men left on board
to keep the pomps going, while the boats were disposed within call to
take them in when occasion required. On the twenty-fifth the water rose
to her lower deck and she went down; but nobody was lost with her.[104]
It still remains to be mentioned, that the Countess of Scarborough
engaged the Pallas for near two hours, when capt. Piercy was obliged to
strike. Commodore Jones, with the remains of his flying squadron and
prizes, made for Holland, and on the 3d of October anchored off the
Texel. The commodore estimates the prizes taken and ransomed by the Bon
Homme Richard, during her cruize, at more than £.40,000.
Sir Joseph Yorke soon applied to their high mightinesses for the
delivering up of the Serapis and Countess of Scarborough. On the 29th of
October, he presented a memorial to them, in which by his majesty’s
order, he renews, “in the strongest and most pressing manner, his
request that those ships and their crews may be stopped and delivered
up, which the pirate Paul Jones, of Scotland, who is a rebel subject,
and a criminal of the state, has taken.” Jones is stiled a pirate upon
the supposition that his letters of marque or commission are illegal for
want of being granted by a sovereign power, which the British do not
allow the congress to be. But it may be at length discovered, that
Jones’ letters are legal upon their own principles, and have been
granted by the French, whatever, other letters he may possess. The whole
of Jones’ expedition was probably concerted at Versailles, with the
design of catching the eastern fleet laden with naval stores, while the
continetal frigate, the Alliance was borrowed for a cover, and the
cammand of the whole given to Jones on account of his acquaintance with
the Irish and British coasts.—The memorial contains a threatening
insinuation of serious consequences in case of non-compliance. The
answer which their high mightinessess have given is in brief—“That they
will, in no respect whatever, pretend to judge of the legality or
illegality of the actions of those who have on the open sea, taken any
vessels which do not belong to this country, and bring them into any of
the ports of this republic; that they only open their ports to them to
give them shelter from storms or other disasters, and oblige them to put
to sea again with their prizes, without unloading or disposing of their
cargoes, but letting them remain exactly as when they arrived; and that
they are not authorized to pass judgment either on these prizes or the
person of Paul Jones.” What would be the fate of Jones, could the
British once make him their prisoner, is hard to determine; considering
that capt. Cunningham was brought in irons from New-York to Falmouth,
and sent ironed to Pendennis castle; from which however, he was removed
in a few weeks to Mill prison, Plymouth; and being a native American, he
is now rated as an exchangeable prisoner.
The present state of Ireland must not be passed over without notice.
The long continued embargo on provisions, the only staple export of that
kingdom, has been viewed as particularly insulting and most highly
resented by the people; on their reflecting that a set of contractors
reaped the greatest benefit from it, while the interest of the country
was sacrificed, and the whole nation distressed. Taxes became more
numerous, and the national debt accumulated every session of parliament.
Advantage was taken of these circumstances, and the peculiar situation
of Great-Britain, by the most sagacious among the Irish, for the
obtaining of those privileges which might otherwise never be secured.
The doctrines of taxation without representation, and of unconditional
submission, which ministry applied to America, were urged as matter of
apprehension to Ireland; and it was openly said, that the chains forged
for the former, in case of success, would afford a mode for the fetters
which would soon be fitted for the latter. The smothered flame at length
broke out with violence, on finding that parliament would afford them no
effectual relief. Associations against the purchase and use of British
manufactures, and for the encouragement of their own, became universal.
But beside these, there were associations of a more effective and
terrifying nature. Being alarmed with the danger of a French invasion,
it was urged, that the defence of the kingdom must be placed in those
who had the best interest in it. Military associations were therefore
proposed, and universally adopted. The associators declared, that they
were intended for the double purpose of defending their safety against
foreign enemies, and their rights against domestic usurpation. In every
part of the kingdom were seen instantly to arise, as if by magic, vast
bodies of citizens, serving at their own charges, choosing their own
officers, trained to great expertness, and obeying with remarkable
regularity. No gentleman, no nobleman could show his face in the
country, who did not fall in with the prevailing disposition. Men of
considerable fortunes served in the ranks. All this business was
accomplished without any sort of confusion or disorder; while the peace
of the country, and obedience to the laws, were never more prevalent.
The numbers of trained volunteers is supposed to be about 50,000; they
are admirably appointed. Government saw these proceedings with
astonishment. They wished to regulate this new and unexpected force and
to bring it to act under the authority of the crown; but after a few
feeble attempts, it was thought best to concur in a measure that could
not be prevented. The Irish patriots having thus provided for the
defence of the kingdom against foreign enemies, began to look toward
their own rights; and in general disclaimed the authority of the British
parliament over them, and condemned its interference in their affairs.
On the 12th of October, the Irish parliament met. Upon a motion for the
address, in answer to the speech of the lord-lieutenant, an amendment
was moved and carried in the house of commons, which occasioned the
insertion of the following words in their address to the throne—“We beg
leave humbly to represent to your majesty, that it is not by temporary
expedients, but by a free trade alone, that this nation is now to be
saved from impending ruin.” The address from the lords contained similar
expressions. Thus it appears that a free and unlimited commerce with the
whole world is the _sine qua non_ with the patriots of Ireland, from
which they mean not to depart. The prevailing unanimity in political
sentiments among the Irish, has been greatly forwarded by their
parliament’s having before followed the humane example of the British
legislature in relaxing the penal restrictions of the laws against the
English Roman Catholics. The addresses were carried up to the
lord-lieutenant, with great parade, amid the acclamations of the people.
The duke of Leinster, who commanded the Dublin volunteers, escorted the
speaker in person upon the occasion, while, the streets were lined on
both sides from the parliament-house to the castle, by that corps drawn
up in their arms and uniforms. That nobleman had before moved for the
thanks of the lords to the volunteer companies through the kingdom,
which was carried with only one dissenting voice.
The present letter closes with mentioning, that the Spaniards have, for
some months back, invested Gibraltar both by land and sea; the garrison
seems to be under no apprehensions.