You will not be surprised at seeing from whence this is dated; nor be at
a loss to account for my removal. The present residence will be more
favorable to general intelligence than Great-Britain, as it affords an
opportunity of visiting and hearing from Paris without danger. My last
year’s letter closed with the account of capt. Cunningham’s having taken
the packet for Holland, in the beginning of May 1777. The captain and
his crew were committed to prison for some irregularities: and to save
appearances were continued there for a short time by the French; but
were speedily released from their mock confinement, and permitted to
purchase and fit out a much stronger vessel avowedly to infest the
British commerce. Mr. Hodge, whom you know, was committed also to the
Bastile, at the request of lord Stormont, for having acted publicly as
Cunningham’s agent, in fitting out the privateer that took the Prince of
Orange packet. While in the Bastile he was treated with the utmost
politeness and civility; and entertained in the most elegant manner. But
the American commissioners being dissatisfied with his confinement and
expressing themselves in strong terms upon the subject, he was released,
that the harmony between the French and Americans might not suffer an
interruption.
Upon some reports tending to discourage the French commerce with the
Americans, Mr. de Sartine, minister of the marine, assured the several
chambers of commerce by a public instrument, signed the 4th of July
1777, and in direct contravention to all the British navigation laws,
that the king was determined to afford the fullest protection to their
commerce, and would reclaim all ships taken under that pretext. Still
the policy of Versailles prevented France’s being hurried into a
rupture. She determined to riske no decisive step, till the issue of the
American campaign was known, her sailors were returned from the
Newfoundland fishery, and her naval equipments were compleated.
Therefore when the British ministry made heavy complaints attended with
manaces, on account of the many prizes carried into the French ports by
the American privateers, and there disposed of, as also of the
countenance and protection given to the said privateers, she granted
lord Stormont, an order for all of them to depart immediately.
The news of gen. Burgoyne’s success at Tyconderoga and advance toward
Albany, excited the greatest triumph on the side of administration. The
promising prospect of the northern expedition’s answering fully the
wishes of ministry, enabled them to press France harder than ever; and
dictated to the latter greater pliableness and complaisance. Express
orders were sent to Nantz, and all the other parts of the kingdom,
forbidding the admittance of any American privateers, unless they
entered in order to refit, or were driven in by stress of weather or
want of provisions, and in either of these cases they were to be gone as
soon as possible. “Notwithstanding all this parade, privateers come in,
tarry and take military stores: and their prizes are publicly sold, but
as formerly practised after similar complaints, at the mouth of the
harbor to people who go off in boats to buy them; and are then brought
in and unloaded.——Lord Stormont hears of it, flies to court, complains
and threatens afresh: the court storms at and threatens its officers,
the officers make their excuses; and the affair is soon hushed up, or
terminates in a tedious controversy, by which the wished for time is
gained.” Before the subject of shipping is dropped, let it be noted that
the king’s cruisers have taken several American vessels and privateers
and retaken some of their prizes; and will be likely soon to check the
progress of American success in naval operations on the European coasts.
By the beginning of November, advices were received of the Bennington
action, the failure of St. Leger’s expedition against Fort Stanwix, and
Burgoyne’s first engagement. These advices overthrew in a great measure,
the sanguine expectations that had been formed of speedily reducing the
colonies: and were a bad prelude to the meeting of parliament, which
took place the 20th of November. The royal speech was in the usual tone,
but mentioned an augmentation of the naval force, considering that the
armaments in the ports of France and Spain continued. It concluded with
a resolution of pursuing the measures in which administration was
engaged. When the address of the commons was before the house, the
marquis of Granby proposed an amendment, and that his majesty should be
requested to adopt measures for accommodating the differences with
America, and that a cessation of hostilities should be recommended. It
was strenuouly supported by the opposition on the following grounds,
that three years war, at an immense expence, with 55,000 land forces,
and 100 ships of war, had only left the nation in nearly the same
situation as when it began. They had lost Boston and had gained
New-York; and every hope of obtaining a revenue from America had been
long over. The country gentlemen were unusually blank; they saw not only
an end of all their expectations of an American revenue; but found
themselves saddled, with the burden of a war infinitely more ruinous
than any other in which the nation had ever been involved. Some of the
ministerial party however threw out hints for their consolation, that
America when subdued would be taxed. Mr. Hartly mentioned in the debate,
that there was one ray of hope left to the British, if they had wisdom
to seize the opportunity of opening a treaty with the Americans, while
these were discontented with the cool and dilatory proceedings of the
court of France. After all that could be advanced by opposition, the
amendment was rejected by a majority of 243 against 86. The earl of
Chatham moved for an amendment in the house of lords. He was for
bringing about an accomodation with the Americans by a treaty, and
rested the stress of his argument upon this point, that the house of
Bourbon was upon the eve of breaking with us. His motion was rejected by
97 to 28.
When the news of the Saratoga convention reached France, and was
communicated to the court of Versailles by the American commissioners,
the latter were almost instantly received and publicly treated in that
character. The capture of Burgoyne’s army convinced the French, that the
American opposition to Great-Britain was not owing to a faction, a few
leading men that had gotten into power, but that the body of the people
must be engaged, and that they were numerous, or that they could not
have made such an effort as not only to have stopped a conquering army,
but to have captivated it. It was therefore determined by a majority of
the French court, to take the Americans by the hand, and to acknowledge
their independence. They knew that Great-Britain could not subdue,
though they might distress France; and that if the United States would
persevere, these must at length establish their independence in
connection with France, though they might be reduced to greater
difficulties than they had already felt. The marquis de la Fayette’s
correspondence with his family and friends, undoubtedly proved
influential in procuring the determination. His letters were eagerly
sought after; and counteracted those prejudices that were raised by
several Frenchmen who returned from America in disgust. His sentiments
were imbibed from their being frequently confirmed by events. The
American cause being now popular in his native country, and the French
court having adopted it, they cannot longer resent the early part he
took in it, notwithstanding the offence given at the moment by his
disobedience and departure.
Such is the present state of the contest between Great-Britain and the
Americans, that it will more than ever suffice to give you a few
occasional hints upon the parliamentary debates respecting it. In one
that took place on the second of December, a federal commercial union
was talked of by some, as the only hope left with regard to America; but
reprobated by ministry. Fox moved for laying certain papers before the
commons—while the matter was debating, intelligence was received that a
similar motion had been complied with in the house of lords, by the
lords in administration agreeing to it; and yet such was the influence
of the ministry in the house of commons, that Mr. Fox’s motion was, in a
manner which in other seasons would have been deemed incredible,
rejected upon a division of 178 to 89.
[Dec. 3.] The succeeding day was marked with the melancholy catastrophe
of Burgoyne’s expedition; a disclosure which excited no less grief and
astonishment in both houses, than dismay on the side of the ministers,
who were bitterly reproached upon the occasion. The business relating to
the pecuniary supplies, being finished, and little short of nine
millions voted for the service of the ensuing year, by the 10th of
December, an adjournment to the 20th of January, was that day moved for
on the side of ministry, and after considerable debates, carried in both
houses.
Two days after, the American commissioners at Paris, finding all
attempts to establish a cartel with lord Stormont, ineffectual,
transmitted a letter to lord North, couched in strong terms of
complaint, on the subject of the rigorous treatment exercised toward the
American prisoners. It contained a particular charge which has not been
publicly refuted, that a number of them were in a state of bondage, on
the coasts of Africa and in the East-Indies, being compelled to submit
to that condition, under the menaces of an immediate and ignominious
death.
On the 16th of December, Mr. Gerard delivered to the American
commissioners the preliminaries of a treaty between France and America.
The same conveyance that brought an account of the Saratoga convention
to the commissioners, and the letter to Dr. Fothergill, brought also a
letter from the Rev. Dr. Cooper, of Boston, to Dr. Franklin, in which
was mentioned the opinion given in the one to Dr. Fothergill; before
this last was sent to England, care was taken to open and procure a copy
of it for the commissioners. Dr. Cooper’s letter was long and full,
contained much information, and urged that France should step forward at
once in the cause of America, or that her opportunity of gaining a
connection with the United States might be lost. Dr. Franklin
communicated it to the French minister, on whom it had a good effect. A
number of circumstances, not publicly known, came at the same time to
the knowledge of the doctor; they were well adapted to quicken the court
of France, and he improved them to the purpose of showing the importance
and necessity of her taking an open and decisive part. The ministry
however, were for keeping that part private when taken, as long as
convenient to their own nation, and subservient to the general good of
both countries.
December the 24th, there was a meeting of merchants at the King’s Arms
tavern, in Cornhill, for the purpose of raising a sum of money to
relieve the distress of the American prisoners. A petition from several
of these at Portsmouth prison, sent the 1st of the month, to certain
lords and others, was read. The petition sets forth, that admiralty was
petitioned the last year in behalf of certain sick prisoners, and the
petition disregarded;—that they were about one hundred and forty, in
want of warm clothing as well as of almost every comfort, many without
shoes and stockings:—that they were under a man, as overseer, void of
all humanity, who detains every charitable supply sent by humane
neighbors, denies them the common supplies of milk, and allows them
neither candle nor fire in that cold season;—that their whole allowance
is only eight ounces of meat each man per day, including the bone, and
beer that is very small indeed;—and that captains and other officers are
penned up altogether like cattle, with the common sailors, and with
their own servants. Lord Abingdon had taken up the matter in the house
of peers, and moved for accounts relative to their treatment. No relief
however was obtained by his effort in parliament; the merchants
therefore engaged in the business, and by the 29th, fourteen hundred and
eighty-six pounds six-shillings and six-pence was subscribed.
On Saturday, January the 3d, five gentlemen attended on the lords of the
admiralty, who expressed their approbation of the humane motives of the
subscribers, and promised official countenance to the application of the
money, and to lay the committee under no other restraints than what were
necessary for the good order and safe custody of the prisoners. Lord
Sandwich, at the time, in the handsomest manner, directed the
commissioners of sick and hurt to give immediate orders to the surveyor
to erect a temporary building, where the prisoners might have the
benefit of a fire in the approaching inclement season.
[Jan. 9.] The committee advertised, that the town subscriptions,
(independent of the country) amounting to upward of three thousand seven
hundred pounds, being fully adequate for the present to the end
proposed, the subscription was therefore closed. Subscriptions had been
opened at Bristol, Nottingham, in Yorkshire and other places. The whole
sum by February the 17th amounted to four thousand six hundred and
forty-seven pounds fifteen shillings, including what had been sent from
the country.
During the recess of parliament, measures were pursued by the ministry
and their friends for obtaining a body of new troops by a voluntary
supply from the people. The towns of Manchester and Liverpool were
leaders in this business; engaged in it with the greatest fervor; and
immediately sent to court an offer to raise each a regiment of 1000 men.
In other places, public meetings of towns, counties and great corporate
bodies were encouraged, at which resolutions were proposed for the
levying of men for the service. Much artifice was practised to draw the
city of London into the like measure; and the ministerial party, with
the chief magistrate at their head (who might have received instructions
and encouragement from his superiors) expected to have effected it; but
to their astonishment found themselves deserted by the greater part of
those who had hitherto regularly obeyed all their mandates respecting
elections to city offices. Such was the effect of the original aversion
to the American war, and such the disgust toward ministry on the late
unfavorable events. But the chief magistrate would not desist; he
suddenly called a court on this business; when they met [Jan. 16.] it
was softened down to a proposal for the city to give a bounty for the
raising of men for the land and sea service. Warm debates ensued, and
the motion was thrown out by a very great majority of the common
council. Then followed a resolution, condemning in strong terms, the
giving of any countenance to, or being in any manner instrumental in the
further continuance of the present ruinous and destructive war. The
disappointed persons however, opened a subscription, “to support the
authority of Great-Britain over her rebellious colonies in America;” the
stile proving offensive, it was changed for the support of king and
government; as they were monied men, and liberal, £.20,000 was soon
subscribed.
A similar attempt was made in Bristol, and the event was similar. But a
number of names to large sums of money, appeared in a private
subscription, which rivalled in the amount, that at London. Neither of
these subscriptions have been found to produce any great effect. The
ministerial measure succeeded no better in the counties. A strong
government interest was foiled in Norfolk; and the attempt produced a
petition of uncommon force and energy from the freeholders of the county
to parliament, against the American war.
The measure of raising new regiments was adopted in Scotland with the
greatest avidity. The cities of Edinburgh and Glasgow, raised a regiment
of 1000 men each; and were indulged, like Manchester and Liverpool, with
the nomination of officers. Several individuals undertook and performed
the raising of regiments in the highlands. The conditions were generally
the same, and very advantageous to both the raisers and officers.
Several independent companies, amounting to about a regiment in point of
number, were raised in Wales; but the battalions, except those of
Manchester and Liverpool, were all formed in Scotland.
When the measures of raising men and money came to be debated, a great
law lord pronounced the measure of raising troops, without the consent
and during the sitting of parliament, to be absolutely illegal,
unconstitutional, and a high violation of the fundamental privileges of
parliament; and declared that the committees at the London Tavern and at
Bristol, who conducted the subscriptions in these cities, had acted a
daringly illegal and truly alarming part, having assumed a legislative
power, and acted in that capacity, in which, according to the spirit of
the constitution, and the express meaning of the bill of rights,
parliament only were empowered to act.
The question of benevolence and free gifts did not undergo less
discussion, nor their being brought into practice incur less censure,
than the doctrine of raising forces without the participation of
parliament. They were declared to have been illegal at all times, and in
all the stages of the constitution. It was observed, that the present
measure overthrew the only colourable argument ever brought to justify
the conduct of parliament in endeavouring to tax the colonies. It had
held out, “That if the colonies, now that they are grown powerful and
opulent, should give free grants to the crown, as they have hitherto
customarily done upon requisition, the crown may become independent on
parliament for supplies.” This, it was said, became the constant cry of
ministers to amuse and deceive the people, and the cloak to hide their
worst designs.
On the 6th of February, the treaties between France and the United
States were signed. The alliance between these two powers had not been
concluded much more than eight and forty hours before it was known by
the British ministy.
Mr. Fox, in a debate five days after, made it appear from different
calculations, that the number of men lost to the army, in killed,
disabled, deserted, and from various other causes, since the
commencement of hostilities, amounted to about twenty thousand.
The duke of Richmond in a committee of the house of lords stated, about
the same time, the following facts—that since the commencement of
hostilities, the number of vessels belonging to Great-Britain and
Ireland, taken by the American ships of war and privateers, amounted to
seven hundred and thirty-three; forty-seven of which had been released,
and one hundred and twenty-seven retaken:—That the loss of the remaining
five hundred an fifty nine appeared from the examination of merchants to
have been worth at least two millions and six hundred thousand pounds:
That of two hundred ships employed every year, in the African trade,
before the present troubles, whose value upon an average was nine
thousand pounds each, only forty remained in that branch of trade, which
was therefore diminished one million four hundred and forty thousand
pounds annually;—and that the number of American ships of war and
privateers, amounted to one hundred and seventy-three, carrying two
thousand five hundred and fifty-six guns, and about fourteen thousand
seamen. Lord Sandwich on the other side, stated the number of American
prizes that had been taken at nine hundred and four, which he estimated
at two thousand pounds each, making altogether one million eight hundred
and eight thousand pounds; to which he added the value of the fisheries,
from which the Americans were excluded, and then fixed the damage they
had sustained at two millions two hundred thousand pounds. Upon another
occasion the duke stated the extraordinary war-expences of each of the
four last years separately; and the whole being ascertained, as near as
could be possibly done for the present, amounted to the gross sum of
twenty-three millions eight hundred ninety-four thousand seven hundred
and ninety-two pounds. He showed also, that was a pacification to take
place, no less than nine millions more would be requisite to bring all
matters relating to the war to a final settlement.
[Feb. 17.] Lord North introduced his conciliatory propositions. His plan
was to enable the crown to appoint commissioners to treat with the
colonies concerning the means of putting an end to the present contest
between them and Great-Britain. Five persons were to be invested with
ample powers; and authorized to treat with congress as a lawful
assembly, representing America—with any of the provincial assemblies—and
with any individuals. They were to be empowered to order a suspension of
arms; to suspend the operation of laws; and to grant pardons, immunities
and rewards. The title of Independent States might be allowed till the
treaty had been ratified by the king and parliament: The commissioners
were to negociate, upon a re-union of the empire, for a reasonable
contribution to its common exigencies; but this demand was not to be
insisted on, and to be given up rather than not terminate the quarrel.
His lordship said in his speech, that Sir W. Howe had been, in the late
actions and in the whole course of the campaign, not only in the
goodness of troops, and in all manner of supplies, but also in point of
numbers, much superior to the American army which opposed him in the
field; that general Burgoyne had been in numbers, until the affair of
Bennington, near twice as strong as the army of the enemy: that he
promised a great army should be sent out; and that a great army had
accordingly been sent out, to the amount of 60,000 men and upward. The
speech was long, able and eloquent, and kept him up two full hours.—A
dull melancholy silence for some time succeeded. It was heard with
profound attention; but without a single mark of approbation.
Astonishment, dejection and fear, over-clouded the whole assembly. It
was conjectured that some powerful motive had induced ministry to adopt
such an alteration of measures. The idea was confirmed by the positive
assertion of Mr. Fox, that a treaty had been signed at Paris, between
the colonies and France by which she recognized their independence. Some
of the country gentlemen being piqued at Lord North’s having said, that
“they had not been misled or deceived,” rose with great warmth, and
asserted with indignation, that they had been grossly deceived and
misled by the uniform language of government for three years past. In
general the party declared, that as the point of taxation, which could
be the only rational ground of the war, was now given up, peace should
be procured by any means, and in the speediest manner.”
His lordship should have early attended to the hints contained in the
letter to Dr. Fothergill, which the doctor got transcribed and sent him,
but the minister thought the doctor’s correspondent too sanguine. The
intimation that a foreign power might interfere, should have produced a
determination to treat immediately——a message to the American
commissioners assuring them of it—and the introduction, if possible of
the passing of the conciliatory bills before the delivery of the
preliminaries to the commissioners on the 16th of December; whereas they
were not passed till the 2d of March.
The day before the conciliatory propositions were introduced, a
particular incident happened in the house of lords.——After the Saratoga
convention, general Gates wrote a very pathetic and interesting letter
to the earl of Thanet, with whom he had formerly lived upon a footing of
great intimacy. It related chiefly to the situation of affairs between
Great-Britain and America. He lamented the misfortunes that had befallen
his native country, and the danger to which it was exposed; and then
stated the necessity of speedily applying the only remedy remaining, for
the cure of the many evils that afflicted or threatened Great-Britain.
This remedy he declared to be an acknowledgment of American
independence, which he said the United States never would part with. “A
wise minister,” he added, “by rescinding the resolutions passed to
support that system which no power on earth can establish, will endeavor
to preserve so much of the empire in prosperity and honor, as the
circumstances of the times, and the mal-administration of those who
ruled before him, have left to his government. The United States of
America are willing to be the friends, but never will submit to be the
slaves of the parent country. They are by consanguinity, by language,
and by the affection which naturally springs from these more attached to
England than to any other country under the sun. Therefore spurn not the
blessing which yet remains; instantly withdraw your fleets and armies;
cultivate the commerce and friendship of America. Thus, and thus only
can England hope to be great and happy. Seek that in a commercial
alliance; seek it ere it be too late; for there only you must expect to
find it.” The earl of Thanet produced this letter in the house; and
after some controversy it was read; and the duke of Richmond moved that
it should lie upon the table. The motion was rejected after a warm
debate, to the concern of several, who flattered themselves that the
letter might have afforded an opening to a favorable accommodation.
The French ambassador delivered a rescript to lord Waymouth, in which he
informed the court of London, that the king had signed a treaty of
friendship and commerce with the United States of America. The knowledge
of this transaction was communicated under the parade of cultivating the
understanding subsisting between France and Great-Britain; and was
accompanied with a declaration, that the contracting parties have paid
great attention not to stipulate any exclusive advantages in favor of
France; and that the United States have reserved the liberty of treating
with every nation whatever, upon the same footing of equality and
reciprocity. The rescript concludes with an intimation that the French
king being determined to protect effectually the lawful commerce of his
subjects, and to maintain the dignity of his flag, had, in consequence,
taken eventual measures for these purposes, in concert with the United
States of America. No sooner was the account conveyed to the French
court, of the immediate effects which the delivery of the rescript
seemed to have produced in London, than orders were issued for the
seizure of all the British vessels in any of the French ports. The
example was followed by a similar order in Great-Britain. But there were
few ships in the ports of either. The French are still for preserving
certain appearances, and therefore the king’s ordnance, affording new
and extraordinary advantages to the captors of prizes, although signed
on the twenty-eighth of March, is kept dormant, without publication or
effect.
The reception of this rescript was notified by the minister to the house
of commons on the 17th. The notice was accompanied with a message from
the king, intimating that he should be under the necessity of resenting
so unprovoked and so unjust an aggression on the honor of his crown and
the essential interests of his kingdom, and expressing his firm
confidence on the zealous and affectionate support of his faithful
people. An address was moved for in answer to it, to assure the king of
the readiness of his people to stand by him in asserting the dignity of
his crown and the honor of the nation, and to submit with cheerfulness
and spitit, to the expences that would be requisite for that necessary
purpose; and was carried after a long debate. In the house of lords, the
debates upon the like occasion, were attended with an acrimony of
language and a freedom of thought, that seemed to scorn all restraint.
In the course of them it was said in substance—“The treatment we have
received from France is mortifying; but if we are wise, we shall
suppress our resentment at the present hour, and reserve it for a more
convenient opportunity. In the continual vicissitude of political events
on the continent of Europe, we need not wait long for a favorable
occasion of returning the blow given us by France in the present
instance. Nor let us forget, that we have ourselves, on former
occasions, acted a part similar to that of which we now so grievously
complain. When the Seven United Provinces of the Netherlands, threw off
the yoke of Spain, England befriended them in the same manner France
does now the United States of America. When France was torn by civil
dissentions, we made it our business to interfere, and to espouse the
cause of one of the parties. The frequency of the practice, has rendered
it a common rule of European politics. Every nation is watchful of what
passes among its neighbors, to the well known intent of profiting by
their divisions. It was by a strict and constant observance of this
maxim, that some of the greatest princes and ministers had made so
splendid a figure. Queen Elizabeth in England, and cardinal Richlieu in
France, had ruled with so much prosperity, and risen to such fame, by
never losing sight of it. The safest way of revenging ourselves, will be
by following their example.” The question for an address was carried by
a majority of nearly three to one.
[March 21.] A public audience and reception was given to the American
commissioners, Messrs. Franklin, Deane and Lee, by the French monarch.
They were introduced by Monsieur Vergennes, and received by the king
with the usual formalities and ceremonials. This striking acknowledgment
of the plenipotentiaries from the United States, must have mortified the
ministry and crown of Great-Britain; and may be pronounced the political
phenomenon of Europe. The day before it was exhibited, the French
ambassador, in consequence of orders to quit London, set out for Paris.
An enquiry into the state of the nation had been proposed some time
back, and continued with unabated assiduity in both houses. In the house
of peers, the duke of Richmond, its principal conductor, brought all
matters relating to it, into a clear and perspicuous arrangement. He at
length, on the 7th of April, put an end to that intricate and laborious
service, by one of the most resolute and animated speeches ever
pronounced in that assembly. He moved for an address to the king, in
which a representation of the state of his dominions was given, and the
conduct of the ministers severely censured, and his majesty urged to put
an end to that system which had prevailed in his court and
administration. He insisted upon it, as he had repeatedly done on former
occasions, that the only measure of safety was to recal the British
forces from the colonies, and to conclude an accommodation with them
upon the most advantageous terms that could be obtained. He would even
agree to their independence. Opposition was not, however, unanimous. The
earl of Chatham resisted it with a strength of determination, and a
vehemence of speech that were peculiar. The earl of Shelburne embraced
similar sentiments. They jointly protested against any measure that
tended to the dismemberment of the empire, and to the acknowledgment of
American independence. The latter emphatically stiled it the “setting
forever of the British sun.” All dangers and all trials were to be
encountered sooner than to submit to such a dismemberment. Great-Britain
was in possession of ample resources to prevent such a disaster. The
numbers and spirit of her people, their riches and their strength, were
greater than her foes suspected; and even than she herself could well
ascertain till they had been justly tried. During the debate of the day,
the earl of Chatham, while engaged in his eager speech against the
acknowledgment of American independence, was seized with that fainting
which was the prelude to his death on the 11th of May, in the seventieth
year of his age. He has left behind him the character of one of the
greatest orators and statesmen that this or any other country has ever
produced; with the finest opportunities in his hands of acquiring an
ample fortune, he left his family destitute of all suitable provision.
The house of commons, however, to testify their gratitude to him for his
important and eminent public services, provided for the payment of his
debts, and settled an honorable income upon his posterity.
The Duke of Richmond’s proposed address was rejected by a great
majority. But a protest was signed upon the occasion, by twenty peers,
wherein they condemned, with the utmost freedom and asperity of
language, the design to persist in the measures carried on in the
colonies.
[April 13.] A French squadron which had for several months been
equipping at Toulon, sailed from that port under the command of count
d’Estaing. It consisted of twelve ships of the line, and four frigates
of superior size. Mr. Silas Deane and Mr. Gerard, who has been appointed
the French minister to congress, were on board. On the 4th of May,
authentic intelligence of his sailing, arrived at St. James’s. Some of
the ministers happening to be out of town, the cabinet could not meet
till the sixth; when orders and instructions were instantly dispatched
to Portsmouth; and on the next day all hands were employed in preparing
for the immediate sailing of a powerful squadron. On Friday the 8th, the
wind changed to the west, and it was not till the 20th that admirals
Byron and Hyde Parker sailed from Portsmouth, with twelve ships of the
line; but the British minister’s not knowing whither count d’Estaing’s
squadron was destined, nor that Deane and Gerard were on board, they
sent an express to stop their final sailing till further orders, so that
they put into Plymouth. At length being relieved from their doubts by
the 5th of June, they determined to send admiral Byron to America, and
at the same time to give him the command on that station, by sending
with him that leave to return which lord Howe had desired; and on the
9th the admiral sailed from Plymouth. Lord Howe had been deceived into
his command; had been deceived while in the exercise of it; and being
tired and disgusted, had required permission to resign.[86]
[May 13.] General Burgoyne landed at Portsmouth. On his arrival at
London, he soon discovered that he was no longer an object of court
favor. He was refused admission to the royal presence; and from thence
experienced all those marks of being in disgrace, which are so well
understood, and so quickly observed by the retainers and followers of
courts.
[May 14.] Sir George Saville moved for leave to bring in a bill for the
repeal of certain penalties and disabilities provided in an act of the
10th and 11th of William III. entitled an act to prevent the further
growth of popery. He proposed that a sufficient test might be formed, by
which the papists should bind themselves to the support of the civil
government by law established. The motion was received with universal
approbation. A bill was brought in and carried through both houses with
uncommon unanimity; ministry and opposition vied with each other in
activity to forward it; the first considered it as a prelude to the
employing of papists in the fleets and armies; that respectable body who
called themselves _old whigs_, took the lead avowedly in support of it;
and the bench of bishops co-operated heartily with the other promoters
of it; it was passed without a single negative, and received the royal
assent on the 27th of May. By this act the clause in the act of William
III. for prosecuting of popish bishops, priests or jesuits, is repealed;
also that for subjecting papists keeping schools for the education of
youth, to perpetual imprisonment; and that likewise which disables
papists from inheriting lands by descent, and gives to the next of kin
(being protestants) a right to inherit such lands; beside that which
disables papists from purchasing manors, lands or hereditaments, in
England or Wales; but the act leaves all lands in possession, just as
they were, and all causes in litigation, as if it had never been made;
and the benefits arising from it, rest on the condition of taking a
certain prescribed oath of allegiance within six months of its passing
into a law.
[May 25.] Sir William Meredith observed in the house of commons, that
the British ministers had early and complete intelligence of the French
preparations at Toulon. He said that on the 3d of January they had
notice of the equipment; on the 8th of February they had advice of the
number of ships that was to compose the squadron; and on the 28th of the
same month, that the crews were all completed; and that they had early
information of count d’Estaing’s arrival, and of the day on which he
intended to sail. He moved, among other matters, that it did not appear
to the house, that any orders were sent until the 29th of April, for any
fleet of observation, to attend the motions of that from Toulon; but the
strength of ministry was too great to admit of its being carried.
On the 3d of June a period was put to the session of parliament; and on
the 9th the earl of Chatham’s remains were honorably interred in
Westminster Abbey, at the public expence; at which also, a magnificent
monument has been ordered to be erected in the same place, to his
remembrance.
Warlike preparations are going forward in every part of Great-Britain;
but the French have undoubtedly the start, and are in the greater
forwardness. Admiral Keppel sailed from St. Helen’s on a cruise off
Ushant [June 13.] with twenty ships of the line; but not in that
excellent order, nor so well manned, as the critical situation of
affairs between the two nations appears to require.
What could not be mentioned in the order of time, must now be related,
that capt. Jones, of the Ranger privateer, from Portsmouth, in
New-Hampshire state, toward the end of April, landed in the night, at
Whitehaven, in Cumberland, a party of 30 men, and set fire to one of the
ships in the harbour; by the exertion of the inhabitants the flames were
extinguished before they had reached the rigging. He afterward landed
some men on the western coast of Scotland, and plundered the house of
Lord Selkirk, near Kirkudbright, of plate, jewels and other valuable
articles. He is a Scotchman by birth, and is said to have lived formerly
with his lordship.
You may expect from me the earliest intelligence of those important
transactions, that are about to commence in this quarter of the world.