_Roxbury, Dec. 20, 1776._
The American army having providentially escaped from Long-Island, gen.
Sullivan was immediately sent upon parole, with a verbal message from
lord Howe to the congress; importing, that though he could not at
present treat with them in that character, yet he was very desirous of
having a conference with some of the members, whom he would consider as
private gentlemen. He informed them that he, with the general, had full
powers to compromise the dispute between Great-Britain and America, upon
terms advantageous to both—that he wished a compact might be settled at
a time, when no decisive blow was struck, and neither party could say
that it was compelled to enter into such agreement—that, were they
disposed to treat, many things which they had not yet asked, might and
ought to be granted—and that, if upon the conference, they found any
probable ground of an accommodation, the authority of congress would be
afterward acknowledged to render the treaty complete. The general
arrived at congress with this message on the 2d of September; and was
desired to reduce it to writing. They received a letter at the same time
from gen. Washington, acquainting them with the removal of the army from
Long-Island. On the 5th, gen. Sullivan was requested to inform lord
Howe, “that congress being the representatives of the free and
independent states of America, they cannot with propriety send any of
their members to confer with his lordship in their private characters,
but that ever desirous of establishing peace on reasonable terms, they
will send a committee of their body to know whether he has any authority
to treat with persons authorised by congress for that purpose in behalf
of America, and what that authority is, and to hear such propositions as
he shall think fit to make respecting the same. The next day they
elected by ballot, for their committee, Messrs. Franklin, John Adams,
and Edward Rutledge. Eight days after, the committee met lord Howe, upon
Staten-Island, opposite to Amboy, where his lordship received and
entertained them with the utmost politeness; the committee in their
report, summed up the account of the conference, by mentioning that it
did not appear to them, that his lordship’s commission contained any
other authority of importance than was contained in the act of
parliament; for that as to the power of enquiring into the state of
America, which his lordship mentioned to them, and of conferring and
consulting with any persons the commissioners might think proper, and
representing the result to the ministry, they apprehended any
expectation from the effect of such power would have been too precarious
for America to have relied upon, had she still continued in her state of
dependence. Thus the hopes of negociation by the commissioners ended.
The friends to independency rejoiced that it was brought to so happy a
conclusion. They almost trembled lest it should prove insnaring and
something should take place under it, which, in the present distressed
circumstance of their military affairs, might demolish the fabric they
were erecting. It served to gain time for recovering from the shock
occasioned by the losses sustained on Long-Island. If it delayed the
operations of gen. Howe, it answered another valuable purpose; and it is
hard otherwise to account for his delay. The committee managed with
great dexterity; and maintained the dignity of congress. Their
sentiments and language became their character. His lordship was
explicitly and authoritively assured, that neither the committee, nor
the congress which sent them, had authority to treat in any other
capacity than as _independent states_. His lordship had “no instructions
on that subject.” The Americans must therefore fight it out, and trust
in God for success.
General Washington’s situation, after evacuating Long-Island, was truly
distressing. The check which the detachment had sustained, dispirited
too great a proportion of the troops, and filled their minds with
apprehension and dispair. The militia were dismayed, intractable and
impatient to return. Great numbers went off, by companies at a time, by
half regiments, and in some instances, almost by whole ones. The flying
camp was too literally such. Whole battalions of them ran off from
Powle’s (the mode of spelling Pauls two hundred years back[19]) Hook and
the height of Bergen, upon the firing of a broadside from a man of war,
when no one was hurt by it. An entire disregard of that order and
subordination necessary to the well-being of an army, made his condition
still more alarming; and occasioned a want of confidence in the
generality of the troops. The number of men fit for duty, taken in the
main body and all the out posts, was for some days under 20,000; but the
militia, too contemptible to merit the name of soldiers, with the new
levies, alike despicable, composed more than a third of the army. The
militia did inexpressible damage, by telling the other troops—“all is
gone—the regulars must overcome.” By such language the men became more
and more disheartened. What is said of the militia is not peculiar to
those from any one state: as to their intractableness, and disregard of
order and subordination, it is common to all militia, and must be
generally expected; for men who have been free, and never subject to
restraint or any kind of controul, cannot, in a day, be taught the
necessity, or be taught to see the expediency of strict discipline.
Within nine days after the evacuation, the number of the sick, by the
returns, formed one quarter of the whole army.
Such were circumstances, that they demanded the greatest harmony
possible among the troops; whereas no small animosity prevaled between
those of the nothern and southern states, occasioned by general and
illiberal reflections freely dealt out at head quarters. It was not
countenanced by the commander in chief; but the adjudant general
assiduously endevoured to make and promote it; so that his excellency,
in order to remedy it in some measure, appointed David Henley, esq.
deputy adjutant general. The day this appointment was announced to the
army in general orders, the 6th of September, a letter was written to a
member of congress, which says, “The infamous desertions, the shameless
ravages, seditious speeches and mutinous behaviour which prevail in your
army, call in the loudest language for a reform. The militia here are
only an armed rabble, and all the troops are without discipline. If the
congress does not raise an army for three years or during the contest,
all the best officers will quit it. Had we been wise to engage the men,
at first, during the war, we should now have had an army to have met
British troops on an equal footing. As to having recourse to a militia,
it is a most wretched subterfuge, experience has demonstrated they will
not stand fire. They will not fight from home. Men must learn to fight
as they learn any thing else. We have an exceeding good commander in
chief, who is not wanting in intrepidity, nor the truest patriotism. I
wish him more able counsellors and spirited assistants. Be assured, Sir,
that our men have in a great measure, lost that virtue which first
engaged them to fight, and are sinking into an army of mercenaries.”
One lieutenant colonel Zeidwitz was tried for writing a letter to the
late governor Tryon, wherein he declared his attachment to the royal
cause, and promised his service upon certain conditions: he was
sentenced to be cashiered, and rendered incapable of any future military
command. This strange sentence was owing to a militia brigadier general,
and others of a similar judgment who being members of the court, said
“it was only an attempt to correspond;” and so the fellow escaped.
General _Washington_ divided has army, leaving 4500 in the city of
_New-York_, and posting 6,500 at _Hearlem_, and 12,000 at
_Kingsbridge_.[20] On the hills at, or in the neighborhood of these
places forts had been erected, which the troops garrisoned.—The
strongest was _Fort Washington_, nigh Hearlem, of difficult access, and
overlooking the North-River, the passage of which it was meant to secure
by the aid of Fort Lee, opposite to it on the Jersey side. When it
became clear to the general, that the enemy meant to throw their whole
army between part of his in New-York and its environs, and the remainder
about Kingsbridge, he removed his quarters to col. Roger Morris’s, ten
miles from New-York, and not very distant from Fort Washington. The day
before the committee of congress met lord Howe, five ships of war were
sent up the East River; on which it was thought necessary to evacuate
the city as fast as possible, and to remove the sick, the ordnance,
stores and provisions. Colonel Glover was employed in this service; he
began upon it about nine at night. By sun rise the next morning, his
brigade had got safe over the Jerseys, the sick in and about the city
amounting to 500. On the Saturday, he was ordered to have the tents
struck, and the heavy baggage carried down the North-River to be
transported up in boats, while the tents and light baggage were carried
up in waggons. This was completed about nine at night, when an alarm
took place; and he was ordered to march his brigade to Haerlem to join
gen. M’Dougall, leaving the whole baggage of two regiments behind, which
afterward fell into the enemy’s hands. The next morning they marched to
Kingsbridge. The poor lads had just unslung their packs, when up drives
an express with an account that the enemy were landing: on which they
marched back without any kind of refreshment, joined five other
brigades, about 7000, and formed on Haerlem plains.
General Howe, having fully prepared for a descent on New-York Island,
embarked a strong division of the army under the command of gen. Clinton
and others, in boats at the head of Newtown inlet and at another place
higher up, where they could not be observed by the Americans, who
expected that the attack would be made on the side next to the
East-River, and had therefore thrown up works and lines to defend
themselves. [Sept. 15.] About eleven o’clock, gen. _Howe’s_ troops
landed, under cover of the five ships of war, in two divisions, between
Kep’s-bay and Turtle-bay, the Hessians in one place and the British in
another. As soon as gen. _Washington_ heard the firing of the men of
war, he rode with all dispatch toward the lines; but to his great
mortification, found the troops posted in them retreating with the
utmost precipitation; and those ordered to support them, Parsons and
Fellow’s brigades, flying in every direction, and in the greatest
confusion. His attempts to stop them were fruitless though he drew his
sword and threatened to run them through, cocked and snapped his
pistols. On the appearance of a small part of the enemy, not more than
sixty or seventy, their disorder was increased, and they ran off without
firing a single shot, and left the general in a hazardous situation, so
that his attendants, to extricate him out of it, caught the bridle of
his horse, and gave him a different direction. Three large ships were
stationed in the North-River, opposite to those in the East-River; both
of them kept up a constant cannonading with grape shot and langrage
quite arcoss the island. The Hessians upon their landing, seized and
secured in a neighbouring building as enemies, some persons, who had
been placed there to serve as guides, which for a while subjected them
to difficulty.—When the British were completely landed, they marched on
toward the Kingsbridge road. The American brigades, that had fled upon
the enemy’s approaching the lines, stopped not till met by col. Glover’s
and the five other bridges, who were hastening down to them. Upon the
junction, the whole marched forward and took post on some heights, when
all at once, about 8000 of he enemy as was thought, hove in sight on the
next height and halted. Gen. Washington at first consented to his troops
marching forward to give them battle; but on a second consideration,
counter-ordered as he could not have any dependence on the militia and
the flying camp, which composed half the number then present. When the
Americans were withdrawn and no prospect of action remained, the British
generals repaired to the house of Mr. Robert Murray, a gentleman of the
quaker persuasion. The lady of the house being at home, entertained them
most civilly, with what served for, or was _cakes_ and _wine_. They were
well pleased with the entertainment and tarried there near two hours or
more; gov. Tryon seasoning the repast, at times, by joking Mrs. Murray
about her American friends, for, she was known to be a steady advocate
for the liberties of the country. Meanwhile, the Hessians and the
British, except a strong corps which marched down the road to take
possessions of the city, remained upon their arms inactive; which gave
gen. _Putnam_ the opportunity of escaping with about 3500 men, including
the guards, who had been left to shift for themselves, when colonel
Glover had been ordered away from New-York. The general in order to
escape any troops that might be advancing upon the direct road to the
city, betook himself to that which lies along side the North-River, and
marched to the end, where it turns off short to the right, and leads on
to another and norrower, that goes to Blooming-dale. By this last road,
he avoided every dangerous approach to the enemy, and retreated with
safety. But nothing could have been easier than to have prevented his
getting into it. A good body of troops with two field pieces, in about
20 minutes or less, could have taken such a position as would have
necessarily cut off Putnam’s retreat. Col. Grayson has repeatedly said
speaking humorously, “Mrs. Murray saved the American army.” On the day
that gen. Howe’s forces landed and the following one they made prisoners
354 privates and 17 officers.[21] Many think the general was greatly
mistaken in landing on the island instead of throwing his army around it
above Kingsbridge, and thereby hemming in the whole body of the
Americans at once. Such a manœuvre they view as having been within the
compass of easy practice, considering what a naval and military
apparatus he had at his service.
[Sept. 16.] On the Monday there was a tolerable skirmish between two
battalions of light infantry and highlanders, and three companies of
Hessian riflemen commanded by brigadier Leslie, and detachments from the
American army under the command of lieut. col. Knolton, of Connecticut,
and major Leich of Virginia. The col. received a mortal wound, and the
major three balls through his body, but is likely to do well. Their
parties behaved with great bravery, and being supplied with fresh
troops, beat the enemy fairly from the field. The lost of the Americans
except in col. Knolton, a most valuable and gallant officer was
inconsiderable; that of the enemy between 80 and 100 wounded, and 15 or
20 killed. This little advantage inspired the Americans prodigiously.
They found it required only resolution and good officers to make an
enemy, they stood too much in dread of, give way.[22] The men will fight
if led on by good officers, and as certainly run away if commanded by
scoundrels. Sunday was an instance of the last, and the next day a
confirmation of the first assertion. On Sunday, the officers, instead of
heading and leading the men on to attack the enemy when landing, were
the first to scamper off.
[Sept. 21.] A few day after the British had possessed themselves of
New-York, a most terrible fire happened. A thousand houses, near one
fourth of the city, were laid in ashes. Trinity church, the public
charity school, the rector’s house, and a Lutheran chapel were among the
buildings which were consumed. The loss sustained in houses, &c. by the
corporation of Trinity church, is thought, upon a moderate computation,
to be more than £.15,600 sterling. The fire broke out at a dram-shop,
close in with the water side, on Whitehall-slip, about one o’clock in
the morning. The reports spread of its breaking out in several places at
the same time, were erroneous. Every thing was very dry, and a brisk
southerly wind blew. The flames soon caught the neighboring houses,
spread, raged with inconceivable violence, and made all the subsequent
havock. There were few citizens in town; and the fire engines and pumps
were out of order. Two regiments went immediately to the place, and many
boats full of men were sent from the fleet; to these, under Providence,
it was owing that the whole city was not reduced to ashes. A
gentleman[23] who was at Bergen (opposite the spot where the fire first
broke out) saw it soon after it began, observed its progress, and is
persuaded that it was not purposely kindled, but was merely
accidental,[24] and the probable consequence of the sailors having been
suffered to go on shore the day before to regale and frolic. The dryness
of the materials, the brisk southerly wind, and the covering of the
houses (shingles instead of slate or tiles) easily account for its
spreading, without calling in the aid of incendiaries.
A brigadier writes concerning the animosity in the American army above
noticed—“It has already risen to such a height, that the Pennsylvania
and New-England troops would as soon fight each other as the enemy.
Officers of all ranks are indiscriminately treated in a most
contemptible manner, and whole colonies traduced and vilified as cheats,
knaves, cowards, paltroons, hypocrites, and every term of reproach, for
no other reason but because they are situated east of New-York. Every
honor is paid to the merit of good men from the south; the merit, if
such be possible, from the north, is not acknowledged; but if too
apparent to be blasted with falshood, is carefully buried in oblivion.
The cowardice or misbehavior of the south, is carefully covered over,
the least misconduct in the gentlemen of the north, is published with
large comments and aggravations.”
Congress have at length adopted a new code for the government of the
army. It was become absolutely necessary. “No laws can be too severe for
the government of men who live by the sword, and who have this only
reply for their ravages—_quis negat arma tenenti_?” This was the
language of a gentleman whose concern in the army gave him the best
opportunity of procuring certain information; and who said further to a
member of congress—“Absolute tyranny is essential to the government of
an army, and every man who carries arms, from the general officer to the
private sentinel, must be content to be a temporary slave, if he would
serve his country as a soldier. Almost every villanny and rascality that
can disgrace the man, the soldier or the citizen, is daily practised
without meeting the punishment they merit. So many of our officers want
honor, and so many of our soldiers want virtue, civil, social, and
military, that nothing but the severest punishments will keep both from
practices which must ruin us. The infamous and cruel ravages, which have
been made on the wretched distressed inhabitants of this unfortunate
island (New-York) by many of our soldiers, must disgrace and expose our
army to detestation. I have heard some tales of woe, occasioned by the
robberies of our army, which would extort sighs from the hearts of
tygers. Our men are at present only robbers; that they will soon be
murderers unless some are hanged, I have little doubt.” The difficulty
which the army has been under, from the want of almost every necessary,
tents, campkettles, blankets and clothes of every kind, may have
contributed toward the cause of these complaints. Unless the men can get
supplied in a regular way, they will be inclined, notwithstanding the
most positive general orders to the contrary, to help themselves,
however irregularly; and when once they begin to trespass from
necessity, they are tempted to proceed for convenience or pleasure.
[Sept. 24.] Nearly at the same time, an officer high in rank and much
esteemed, communicated his thoughts in these words:—“We are now upon the
eye of another dissolution of the army. Unless some speedy and effectual
measures are adopted by congress, our cause will be lost. The few who
act upon principles of disinterestedness are, comparatively speaking, no
more than a drop in the ocean. As the war must be carried on
systematically, you must establish your army upon a permanent footing,
and give your officers good pay, that they may be, and support the
character of gentlemen, and not be driven, by a scanty allowance, to the
low and dirty arts, which many of them practise, to filch the public of
more than the difference of pay would amount to. The men must be engaged
by a good bounty for the continuance of the war. To depend upon militia
is assuredly resting on a broken staff. They cannot brook subordination.
It would be cheaper to keep fifty or hundred thousand in constant pay,
than depend upon half the number, and supply the other half occasionally
by militia. If I was to declare upon oath, whether the militia have been
most serviceable or hurtful, upon the whole, I should subscribe to the
latter. No man who regards order, regularity and economy, or who has any
regard for his own honor, character or peace of mind, will risk them
upon militia.”—While the American cause is thus exposed, some gentlemen
observe with pleasure of the enemy [Sept. 25.] that—“Though they are
brave, and furnished with all matters, yet from some causes, they
discover very little of the great or vast in their designs and
executions.”
It is not strange that there is a number of bad officers in the
continental service, when you consider that many were chosen by their
own men, who elected them, not from a regard to merit or any love of
discipline, but from the knowledge they had of their being ready to
associate with them on the foot of equality. It was the case in divers
instances, that when a company was forming, the men would choose those
for officers who consented to throw their pay into a joint stock with
the privates, from which captains, lieutenants ensigns, sergeants,
corporals, with drummers and privates, drew equal shares. Can it then be
wondered at, however mortifying it may prove, that a captain should be
tried and broken for stealing his soldiers blankets, or that another
officer should be found shaving his men in the face of distinguished
characters! Time must and will clear the army or these despicable
commission-bearers.
Too many of the regimental surgeons have made a practice of selling
recommendations to furloughs and discharges at a less sum than a
shilling a man. Only one of the number supposed to merit the same
distinction, was drummed out of the army for such a scandalous conduct.
Had all who deserved it, met the like reward, a good reform would have
been made: that one is too pitiful a subject to have his name recorded.
He charged each man six-pence sterling, and any one was welcome to a
certificate for that sum. Several of the regimental surgeons had no
professional abilities, had never seen an operation of surgery; were
unlettered and ignorant to a degree scarcely to be imagined. Others were
amazingly deficient in the article of professional apparatus. From one
general return of fifteen regiments, it appeared that for fifteen
surgeons and as many mates, all the instruments (which were reported to
be private property) amounted only to six sets of amputating—two of
trepanning—fifteen cases of pocket instruments—seventy-five crooked and
six straight needles—four incision knives for dilating wounds or other
purposes—and three pair of forceps for extracting bullets.
Since the evacuation of New-York, the sick have suffered very much for
want of necessaries, and have been in a miserable situation; but it
appears to have been owing greatly to untoward circumstances, hurry,
confusion, and actual want of the requisites for affording relief. The
sick have amounted to many thousands, including what have been at
different places; and many hundreds, if not some thousands, have been
swept off by various diseases. Much censure has been cast upon Dr.
Morgan, director-general of the hospital, for the sufferings which the
sick have endured, more than is due, as apprehended. The army ought to
have been early provided with medicines, instrumets and bandages, by a
continental druggist or chosen committee, before the campaign began,
instead of having them to procure afterward; and the militia which came
late to the field, should have been provided by the different states,
before they joined the army.
An unsuccessful attempt was made on the British out-post on
Montresor-Island. A large party of Americans, in five flat-bottomed
boats, under the command of colonel Jackson, went down Haerlem river to
attack it, a little after four in the morning. They had two pieces of
cannon with them; the post was guarded by about eighty men. The Brune
frigate being at anchor near the island, fired at the boats in the dark,
and sunk one of them. The colonel landed, and a skirmish ensued; but
several of the officers and men behaved most scandalously; instead of
supporting him they pushed off, so that he was obliged to retreat. He
was himself wounded, and left two and twenty wounded behind. Major
Thomas Henly, brother to the deputy adjutant-general, an intrepid
officer, was killed.
General _Howe_ had at length ripened his plan for cutting off gen.
_Washington_’s communication with the eastern states, and enclosing him
on all sides in his fastnesses on the north end of New-York island;
which ought to have been executed a month back, by a bold and unexpected
removal of the troops from Long-Island in the first instance, to
Rochelle or the neighborhood.
The greater part of the army, being embarked in flat boats and other
small craft, passed through Hell-gate, a passage terrible in name, but
no way dangerous at the proper time of tide; entered the Sound [Oct 12.]
and landed early in the morning, on _Frog_’s-_Neck_, in Westchester
county, belonging to New-York, upon the side of Connecticut. Gen.
Washington’s army, fit for duty, present and on command at different
posts, militia included, was about 19,000. Officers and men were in
expectation of active service. The former were out frequently in
reconnoitering parties; the latter were looking out for the arrival of
gen. Lee, on his way to the camp. The Americans had no intention of
quitting their ground upon the island and the neighborhood of
Kingsbridge; but a number of regiments were sent forward to counteract
the operations of the enemy. When the royal army was landed, the
general’s found they could not get upon the continent, by reason of the
causeway’s being broken down, and of works being erected to oppose them.
Six days were spent here to little purpose, while a dozen other places
were open, where the troops might have landed with scarce any or no
opposition or difficulty attending them. On the last of these days the
second division of foreign mercenaries arrived at New-York. The fleet
consisted of seventy-two sail, having on board 4000 Hessians, 1000
Waldeckers, two companies of chasseurs or riflemen, 200 English
recruits, and 2000 baggage horses. The horse transports were heavy
sailing Dutchmen. They left St. Helen’s the 28th of June, were obliged
to put into Plymouth the 7th of July, and sailed from thence the 19th.
[Oct. 14.] General Lee arrived in the American camp two days after gen.
Howe’s landing. The troops were mightily elated with his presence, and
felt themselves stronger by 1000 men upon the occasion; for they had
great confidence in his abilities, and expected much from him, because
of the success which had attended him at Charleston. The general found
that there was a prevailing inclination among the chief officers for
remaining on the island. He strongly urged the absolute necessity of
removing toward East and Westchester. Gen. Washington called a council
of war. [Oct. 16.] Lee asked what they meant by entertaining a thought
of holding their position, while the enemy had the command of the water
on each side of them, and were so strong both in their front and rear;
and when there was a bridge before them, over which they must pass to
escape being wholly enclosed. He soon convinced them how much they had
been mistaken. All agreed that the bulk of the army should quit the
island. He was also for withdrawing the garrison from Fort Washington.
Gen. Greene was otherwise minded, and argued, that the possessing of
that post would divert a large body of the enemy, and keep them from
joining the troops under general Howe. The latter had left earl Percy,
with two brigades of British troops and one of Hessians, about 5000 men,
in lines near Haerlem, to cover New-York from the insults of the
garrison. Greene further urged the advantage it would be of in covering,
with Fort Lee, the transportation of provision and other articles up the
North-River, for the service of the American troops. He stated also,
that the garrison could be brought off at any time by boats from the
Jersey side of the river. It was concluded that the possession of Fort
Washington and the lines annexed to it, should be continued; and more
than 2000 men were assigned to this service.
General Howe, on the other hand, while at Frog’s-Neck, received
provisions, stores and a reinforcement [Oct. 18.] then re-embarked
several corps, passed round Frog’s-Neck, landed at the mouth of
Hutchinson’s river, and secured a passage for the main body, which
crossed at the same place, advanced immediately, and lay that night upon
their arms, with their right near Rochelle. On their march to this
ground they were annoyed by a regiment or two of Americans and one of
the rifle battalions, whom gen. Lee posted behind a wall, and secreted
for that purpose. Their advanced party was repulsed twice; and the
Americans did not leave the wall till the enemy advanced a third time,
in solid columns, when they gave them several fires, and then retreated
by gen. Lee’s order. The British are thought to have lost a considerable
number. The Americans had a few killed, and about sixty wounded. On the
21st the right and centre of the army moved two miles to the northward
of Rochelle, on the road to the White Plains. Lieut. col. Rogers, with
his corps of Rangers, was detached to possess Marrineck, where the
carelessness of his sentries exposed him to surprise, by which he
suffered. [Oct. 22.] Gen. Howe was joined by gen. Knyphausen, with the
second division of Hessians and the regiment of Waldeckers.
General Washington, while moving the army from York island into the
country, was careful to march and form the troops so as to make a front
toward the enemy, from Eastchester almost to White Plains, on the east
side of the highway, thereby to secure the march of those who were
behind on their right, and to defend the removal of the sick, the
cannon, stores, &c. Thus they made a line of small, detached and
entrenched camps, occupying every height and strong ground, from
Valentine’s Hill, about a mile from Kingsbridge on the right, to near
the White Plains on the left. But the movement was attended with much
difficulty, for want of waggons and artillery horses. The baggage and
artillery were carried or drawn off by hand. When a part was forwarded,
the other was fetched on. This was the general way of removing the camp
equipage and other appendages of the army. The few teams which were at
hand, were no ways equal to the service; and their deficiency could be
made up only by the bodily labor of the men.
[Oct. 25.] The royal army moves in two columns, and takes a position
with the _Brunx_ in front; upon which the Americans quit their detached
camps, and leaving a corps near Kingsbridge, assemble their main force
at White Plains, behind enintrenchments thrown up by the advanced corps.
Every thing being prepared for bringing on an action, gen. Howe marches
the troops early in the morning [Oct. 28.] in two columns toward the
White Plains, the left being commanded by gen. Heister. All gen.
Washington’s advanced parties being drove back to their works before
noon, the army forms with the right upon the road to Marrineck, about a
mile distant from the American centre, and the left at the Brunx, about
the same distance from the right flank of their intrenchments. Gen.
M’Dougall, with about 1600 men possesses an advantageous hill separated
from the right flank of the interenchments by the Brunx, which by its
windings covers the general’s troops from the left of the royal forces.
Gen. Leslie, with the second brigade of British troops the Hessian
grenadiers under col. Donop, and a battalion of the Hessian corps, are
ordered to dislodge him. Previous to their attack col. Rall, commanding
a brigade of the Hessians, on the left, passes the Brunx, and gains a
post which enables him to annoy the flank of M’Dougall’s corps, while
engaged with the other forces in front. Four regiments of militia, upon
the approach of about 250 light horse, run away and leave the general
with 600 men; who defend the hill for about an hour, against the whole
fire of twelve pieces artillery, and of the musketry and cavalry, with
the loss of forty-seven men killed and seventy wounded.[25] The gaining
of this post take up some considerable time, which is prolonged by the
Americans supporting a broken and scattered engagement in defence of the
adjoining walls and enclosure. In the evening, the Hessian grenadiers
are ordered forward within cannon shot of the intrenchments, the second
brigade of the British forms in the rear, and the two Hessian brigades
in the left of the second. The right and centre do not quit the ground
on which they have formed. In this position the whole royal army lie
upon their arms during the night, expecting to attack the enemy’s camp
the next day. The next day [Oct. 19.] they advance to a hill, on which
col. Glover commands, and where he has one brass twenty-four, a six, and
a three pounder, and three iron twelve pounders. They form a line as far
as he can see from right to left, and appear to be about 12,000. They
approach in four columns, the cavalry and artillery in front, and
continue doing it till within about three quarters of a mile of the
hill, then file off to the left to take post on a hill to the colonel’s
right, which overlooks that he is posted on. They have to pass a valley.
He reserves his fire till they get into it, in order to ascend the hill;
he begins with the three pounder, next the six, reserving the brass
twenty-four till the last. They are put into great confusion; however
they ascend the hill with the light horse, and one piece of artillery, a
three pounder, fire it four times and retreat.
Gen. Howe, observing that gen. Washington’s lines were much strengthened
by additional works, deferred all further attack till the arrival of
more troops from those which had been left with lord Percy, to watch the
garrison of Fort Washington. He had declined bringing on a general
action, the preceding day, upon observing that gen. Washington had
formed a second line;[26] but the American discipline was so defective,
that had the former attacked, the superior discipline of his troops
would probably have obliged the first line to have given way, which by
falling back upon the second, might have occasioned a total defeat. A
general engagement was expected by the Americans; and the soldiers were
very desirous of coming to blows with the enemy, and wished much to
engage. During the engagement with gen. Leslie’s corps, the American
baggage was moving off in full sight of the enemy. The then position of
the continental army, general Lee condemned as the most execrable. He
was of opinion, that had the enemy attacked the centre, and brought on a
general engagement, the Americans must have met with a total defeat, or
have lost all there baggage, though they had now organized themselves,
and had procured ox-teams and further conveniencies. On the other hand
gen. Washington did not reinforce and support the right wing, for he
meant that the enemy should attack the centre. The corps under general
Leslie must have suffered very considerably, for from an authentic
return of his own brigade, since found on the ground, it appears that
the killed of it were a lieutenant colonel, 2 captains, a lieutenant, an
ensign, a sergeant, and 22 privates; and that the wounded were 2
captains, 3 lieutenants, 12 sergeants, and 109 privates.[27] The British
made only 30 privates, and 4 officers and staff, prisoners at White
Plains.[28] But the Americans conjectured at first that they had
suffered a much greater loss, not less than 400 in killed, wounded and
missing. They were soon convinced of there mistake. A number of the
militia who ran off at the sight of the light horse in the beginning and
were missing for a while, were found afterward. The killed and wounded
however, were probably more than given above, owing to the scattered
engagements, distinct from that upon the hill. In the several skirmishes
which have happened since the junction of Knyphausen, the Americans have
taken a number of prisoners, Hessians, Waldeckers and a few British. The
Germans were much afraid of being murdered as soon as they were caught,
and were very agreeably disappointed on meeting with civility and
kindness.
Gen. Howe, having been joined by the troops from lord Percy, made
dispositions for attacking the American lines early on the last of
October; but an extreme wet night and morning prevented the execution at
the time appointed, and it was not attempted afterward, though the day
proved fair. Gen. Washington gained intelligence of his danger, by a
deserter; drew off most of his troops at night, totally evacuated his
camp early in the morning of November the first; and took higher ground
toward the North-Castle district, leaving a strong rear guard on the
heights and in the woods of White-Plains. An order was given by the
British commander to attack this corps; but the execution of it was
prevented by a violent rain. Col. Austin of the Massachusetts, who
commanded the guards and sentries, being heated with liquor, burnt the
town on White-Plains, unnecessarily and without any orders.
The British general, perceiving that Washington meant to avoid an
engagement, and that the nature of the country would not admit of his
being forced, made a sudden and unexpected removal [Nov. 5.] from the
several posts he had taken in the front of the Americans, and advanced
toward Kingsbrigde and the North-River. Gen. Knyphausen had been sent
off before, and encamped on the 2d near the bridge on New-York Island,
the Americans who were in the neighbouring heights having quitted the
same, and retired to Fort Washington.
An acceptible break here offers for amusing you with an anecdote or two.
Gen. Lee, while at White-Plains, lodged in a small house close in with
the road, by which gen. Washington had to pass when out on
reconnoitring. Returning with his officers they called in and took a
dinner. They were no sooner gone, than Lee told his aids, “You must look
me out another place, for I shall have Washington and all his puppies
continually calling upon me, and they will eat me up.” The next day Lee
seeing Washington out upon the like business, and supposing that he
should have another visit, ordered his servant to write with chalk upon
the door—No _victuals dressed here to-day_. When the company approached
and saw the writing, they pushed off with much good humor for their own
table, without resenting the habitual oddity of the man.
It happened, that a garden of a widow woman, which lay between the two
camps, was robbed at night. Her son a mere boy, and little of his age,
asked leave for finding out and securing the pilferer, in case he should
return; which being granted, he concealed himself with a gun among the
weeds. A British grenadier, a strapping highlander, came and filled his
large bag; when he had it on his shoulder, the boy left his covert, came
softly behind him, cocked his gun, and called out to the fellow, “You
are my prisoner; if you attempt to throw your bag down I will shoot you
dead: go forward in that road.” The boy kept close to him, threatened,
and was always prepared to execute his threatening. Thus the boy drove
him into the American camp, where he was secured. When the grenadier was
at biberty to throw down his bag, and saw who had made him prisoner, he
was most horridly mortified, and exclaimed—“A British grenadier made
prisoner by such a d——d brat—by such a d——d brat.” The American officers
were higly entertained with the adventure, made a collection for the
boy, and gave him some pounds. He returned fully satisfied with the
losses his mother had sustained. The soldier had side arms, but they
were of no use, as he could not get rid of his bag[29].”
[Nov. 8.] Gen. Washington wrote to gen. Greene at Fort Lee, “Sir, the
late passage of the three vessels up the North-River, (which we have
just received advice of) is so plain a proof of the inefficacy of all
the obstructions we have thrown into it, that I cannot but think it will
fully justify a change in the disposition which has been made. If we
cannot prevent vessels passing up, and the enemy are possessed of the
surrounding country, what valuable purpose can it answer, to attempt to
hold a post from which the expected benefit cannot be had? I am
therefore inclined to think it will not be prudent to hazard the men and
stores at Mount Washington; but as you are on the spot, leave it to you
to give such orders as to evacuating Mount Washington, as you judge
best, and so far revoking the order given to col. Magaw to defend it to
the last. The best accounts from the enemy assure us of a considerable
movement among their boats the last evening; and so far as can be
collected from the various sources of intelligence, they must design a
penetration into Jersey, and fall down upon your post. You will
therefore immediately have all the stores, &c. removed, (from your post)
which you do not deem necessary, for your defence; and as the enemy have
drawn great relief, from the forage and provision they have found in the
country, and which our tenderness spared, you will do well to prevent
their receiving any fresh supplies there, by destroying it, if the
inhabitants will not drive off their stock, and remove the hay, grain,
&c. in time. Experience has shown that a contrary conduct is not of the
least advantage to the poor inhabitants, from whom all their effects of
every kind, are taken without distinction, and without the least
satisfaction. Troops are filing off from hence as fast as our
circumstances and situation will admit, in order to be transported over
the river with all expedition.”
The next day general Greene answered—“Sir, upon the whole I cannot help
thinking the garrison (at Fort Washington) is of advantage; and I cannot
conceive it to be in any great danger; the men can be brought off at any
time, but the stores may not be so easily removed; yet I think they can
be got off in spite of the enemy, if matters grow desperate. This post
is of no importance only in conjunction with Mount Washington. I was
ever there the last evening, and the enemy seem to be disposing matters
to besiege the place; but colonel Magaw thinks it will take them till
December expires before they can carry it. If the enemy do not find it
an object of importance, they will not trouble themselves about it; if
they do, it is a full proof they feel an injury from our possessing it.
Our giving it up will open a free communication with the country, by way
of Kingsbridge, that must be a great advantage to them and injury to
us.”
[Nov. 12.] Within a few days gen. Washington crossed the North-River
with a part of his army, and stationed himself in the neighborhood of
Fort Lee. The troops left at Northcastle, under general Lee [Nov. 14.]
were 7500 strong, including the 3000 militia of general Lincoln’s
division (whose time of service ended on the 17th) and 1700 of general
Fellows’s brigade (whose service ended on the 1st of December.) As the
dissolution of the army was approaching apace with the end of the year,
gen. Washington applied to the Massachusetts for 4000 men, militia.
[Nov. 16.] Gen. Lee addressed the old, under Lincoln, and conjured the
officers and soldiers, as they regarded the sacred cause in which they
were engaged, to continue in their present posts a few days longer, till
Thursday at the most, assuring them it was of the last importance. But
they were not to be prevailed upon, though their own commander urged a
compliance to the utmost of his power. All except general Lincoln and
about 150 privates, went off the next day. Mean while the royal army
approached Fort Washington, and on the 15th general Howe summoned the
commanding officer to surrender, who answered, that he would defend
himself to the last extremity. General Washington received an account of
the summons at Hackinsack, immediately repaired to Fort Lee, and had
partly crossed the North-River, when he met generals Putnam and Greene,
who were just returning from thence, and informed him that the troops
were in high spirits, and would make a good defence; it being late at
night, he returned. Now was the moment for withdrawing the garrison, and
one would think, that as the attack was fixed for the next day, gen.
Howe designed by the summons, that it should be taken on the approaching
night, and wished by that mean to save the men that he would otherwise
lose. But defence had been concluded upon.
[Nov. 16.] The royal army therefore make four attacks upon the fort the
next morning; while they are advancing, generals Washington, Putnam and
Greene, and col. Knox, with their aids, having crossed the river, are
making up to it. Some one or other perceiving the danger of their being
soon shut in, urges their returning instantly. The commander in chief is
hardly persuaded, and complies with reluctance; but the company insist
upon it, and prevail. The first attack, on the north side, is conducted
by gen. Knyphausen, at the head of two columns of Hessians and
Waldeckers. The second, on the east side, is led on by gen. Matthew, at
the head of the first and second battalions of light infantry, and two
battalions of guards, supported by lord Cornwallis with a body of
grenadiers and the thirty-third regiment. These forces advance by the
East-River, and land out of flat boats, by Haerlem Creek, upon the
enemy’s right. The third attack, intended chiefly as a feint, is
conducted by lieut. col. Sterling, with the forty-second regiment. The
last attack is made by lord Percy, with the corps he commands on the
south of the island. All the attacks are supported with a numerous,
powerful and well served artillery.
The Hessians under gen. Knyphausen, have a thick wood to pass, where
col. Rawling’s regiment of riflemen are posted; a warm engagement
commences, and is continued for a considerable time, in which the former
are much exposed, and lose in killed and wounded, near upon 800 men by
that single regiment. Mean while the light-infantry land; and are
exposed, as before landing, to a very brisk and continual fire from the
enemy, who are covered by the rocks and trees among which they are
posted. The former, however, extricate themselves by clambering up a
very steep and rough mountain, when they soon disperse the enemy, and
make way for the landing of the rest of the troops without opposition.
Lord Percy having carried an advanced work on his side, col. Sterling is
ordered to attempt a landing with the forty-second regiment, upon the
left of the enemy’s lines toward New-York; and two battalions of the
second brigade are directed to support him. He advances his boats
through a heavy fire, and forcing his way up a steep height, gains the
summit, and takes 170 prisoners, and then penetrates across the island.
The detachment from the flying camp of the Americans, having given way
and quitted their station, without making a firm stand, col. Magaw
leaves the lines, and throws himself into the fort, lest the royal army
should get possession of it before him. Col. Rall, who leads the right
column of gen. Knyphausen’s attack, having forced the enemy in the mean
time, pushes forward to their advanced works, and lodges his column
within a hundred yards of the fort. This done, he summons them to
surrender; and upon gen. Knyphausen’s appearing, it is agreed that the
troops be considered as prisoners of war, and that the officers should
keep their baggage and side arms.
The number of prisoners, including officers, amounted to 2700, beside
those taken by the forty-second regiment. Gen. Greene wished to have
been entrusted with the defence of the fort on the day of attack, as did
some other generals. He blames colonel Magaw for suffering the troops to
crowd into the fort, upon their quitting the lines, instead of ordering
them to the brow of the hill facing the north, where the Hessians
attacked; and is of opinion, that if they had been placed there, the
royal army might have keen kept off till night, when the troops might
have been removed. But the capital mistake was their not being removed
the preceding night.
While the attack was carrying on, a captain Gooch boldly ventured to
cross over from Fort Lee, with a letter from general Washington to
colonel Magaw, acquainting him, that if he could hold out till night,
the garrison should be taken off. He delivered the letter, pushed
through the fire of the enemy, preferring that danger to being made a
prisoner, and escaped unhurt. General Washington could view several
parts of the attack; and when he saw his men bayonetted, and in that way
killed, while begging quarter, he cried with the tenderness of a child,
and exclaimed at the barbarity that was practised. His heart has not
been yet steeled by plunging into acts of cruelty. When general Lee read
the letter sent by express, giving an account of Fort Washington’s being
taken, resentment and vexation led him, unfeeling as he was in common,
to weep plentifully. He wrote on the 19th to the commander in chief, “O!
general, why would you be over-persuaded by men or inferior judgment to
your own? It was a cursed affair.” He had exclaimed before, upon hearing
that the defence of it was to be risked, “Then we are undone.”
From that moment it was apparent, that the British ships could safely
pass up and down the North-River, in defiance of all the obstructions
thrown in the channel, and of the forts Washington and Lee, the American
commander concluded that these were no longer eligible, and that Fort
Washington ought to be evacuated while it could be done; which
occasioned his letter of the 8th. When he came to Fort Lee, soon after
crossing the North-River, he found no measures had been taken toward
such evacuation, in consequence of that letter. General Greene, of whose
judgment he entertained a good opinion, decidedly opposed it; other
opinions coincided with Greene’s; it was thought politic to waste the
campaign without coming to a general action on the one hand, and without
suffering the enemy to over-run the country on the other; every
impediment which stood in their way, was judged a mean to answer these
purposes, and when thrown into the scale with those opinions which were
opposed to evacuation, caused that warfare in the mind of the commander
in chief, and that hesitation which have ended in the loss of the
garrison. The advisability of attempting to hold the post, being
repugnant to his own judgment, the event which has happened fills him
with the greater regret. But he will exhibit an instance of generosity
and magnanimity, by submitting silently to all the censure that may be
cast upon him, sooner than injure the character of those whose advice
has ensnared him.
It is imagined on good grounds, that the royal army lost in the attack
full 1200 men in killed and wounded. The next object that engaged their
attention was Fort Lee, situated upon a neck of land about ten miles
long, running up the North-River on the one side, and on the other
bounded by the Hackinsack and the English Neighborhood, a branch of it,
neither of which are fordable near the fort. The neck joins the main
land almost opposite to the communication between the North and
East-Rivers at Kingsbridge. On the 18th November, in the morning, lord
Cornwallis, by means of boats which entered the North-River through this
communication, landed near Closter, only a mile and a half from the
English Neighborhood. His force consisted of the first and second
battalions of light infantry, two companies of chasseurs, two battalions
of British, and two ditto of Hessian grenadiers, two battalions of
guards, and the thirty-third and forty-second regiments. The account of
this movement was brought to gen. Greene while in bed. Without waiting
for gen. Washington’s orders, he directed the troops to march
immediately, and secure their retreat by possessing themselves of the
English Neighborhood; he sent off at the same time, information to gen.
Washington at Hackinsack town. Having gained the ground, and drawn up
the troops in face of the enemy, he left them under the command of gen.
Washington; and returned to pick up the stragglers and others, whom to
the amount of about 300, he conveyed over the Hackinsack to a place of
safety. By this decided movement of gen. Greene’s 3000 Americans
escaped; the capture of whom at this period, must have proved ruinous.
Lord Cornwallis’s intent was evidently to form a line across from the
place of landing to Hackinsack bridge, and thereby to hem in the whole
garrison between the North and Hackinsack rivers; but gen. Greene was
too alert for him.—His lordship had but a mile and a half to march,
whereas it was four miles from Fort Lee to the road, approaching the
head of the English neighbourhood, where the other amused his lordship
till gen. Washington arrived, and by a well concerted retreat, secured
the bridge over the Hackinsack. But though the men were saved, some
hundred barrels of flower, most of the cannon, and a considerable part
of their tents and baggage, were taken: beside the trifling number of
ninety-nine privates, and six officers and staff.
[Nov. 22.] General Washington retreated to Newark, where his whole force
consisted of no more than 3500 men. He considered the cause as in the
greatest danger; and said to col. Reed, “Should we retreat to the back
parts of Pennsylvania, will the Pennsylvanians support us?” The colonel
answered, “If the lower counties are subdued, and give up, the back
counties will do the same.” The general passed his hand over his throat,
and said, “My neck does not feel as though it was made for a halter. We
must retire to Augusta county in Virginia. Numbers will be obliged to
repair to us for safety; and we must try what we can do in carrying on a
predatory war: and if overpowered we must cross the Allegany mountains.”
The general, after tarrying near a week without being molested, obtained
information of lord Cornwallis’s being in pursuit of him; he therefore
marched for Brunswick, [Nov. 28.] leaving Newark the very morning that
his lordship entered it. As his lordship’s van advanced to Brunswick, by
a forced march on the first of December, gen. Washington retreated to
Princeton, having first delayed its passing the Rariton by breaking down
a part of Brunswick bridge, and so secured his troops from being
harrassed. Lord Cornwallis, having orders not to advance beyond
Brunswick, discontinued his pursuit; but sent an express to gen. Howe at
New-York, acquainting him, that by continuing it briskly he could
entirely disperse the army under gen. Washington, and seize his heavy
baggage, and artillery, before he could pass the Delaware. Gen. Howe
returned for answer, that he would be with him in person
immediately,[30] but did not join him till the sixth. General Washington
hoped to have made a stand at Brunswick, but was disappointed in his
expectation of the militia; on the day he quitted it, the service of the
Jersey and Maryland brigades expired, and neither of them would stay an
hour longer; he wrote thefore to general Lee, “hasten your march as much
as possible, or your arrival may be too late.” On the 7th, lord
Cornwallis’s corps marched to Princeton, which the Americans quitted the
same day. The next day the corps marched in two divisions; the first
advanced to Trenton, and reached the Delaware, just as the rear guard of
general Washington’s army, under colonel Henly, gained the opposite
shore, about twelve o’clock at night.
Lord Cornwallis, who halted with the rear division within six miles of
Trenton, intended crossing a body very early the next morning, near two
miles below Corriel’s ferry; and got the troops in readiness, and the
artillery prepared to cover the landing; for at that place it was only
eight and twenty rod to a spit of sand on the Pennsylvania side, on
which a sufficient number were to have landed, and then to have marched
up to Corriel’s ferry, and to have taken the boats that had been
collected there by the Americans, and left under a guard of only about
ten men; with them it was meant to carry over the main body. In the
vicinity of this place, a large sunken Durham boat (which came down
three days before, laden with flour, and which could carry 100 men) lay
concealed under a bank. This had been discovered and taken away by Mr.
Mersereau, so that the British were disappointed in their expectation of
finding it. They hailed one Thomson, a quaker, who lived on the other
side of the Delaware, and enquired what was become of the boat, and were
answered it was carried off. They continued reconnoitring up and down
the river till ten o’clock, but finding no boats, returned to Pennytown.
Men had been employed in time for taking off all the boats from the
Jersey side of the Delaware; but Mr. Mersereau’s attention would not
admit of his confiding wholly in their care and prudence. He therefore
went up the river to examine whether all the boats were really carried
off or destroyed; upon discovering the above sunken one, which had
escaped the observation of the men, and enquiring of a person in the
neighborhood concerning her, he was told that she was an old one, and
good for nothing; but not relying upon the information, he found her to
be new, had the water baled out, and sent her off.[31] The importance of
this affair to the Americans, prevents the relation of it from being
trifling. Had lord Cornwallis crossed into Pennsylvania as he proposed,
the consequence would probably have been fatal to the Americans. Gen.
Washington when he crossed, had about 2200 men; but the time of their
service expiring, they left him in such a manner, that the second day
after crossing he had but seventeen hundred.
The militia of Jersey had timely notice given them; and had they stept
forth in season, might have enabled gen. Washington to have prevented
lord Cornwallis crossing the Hackinsack; but either disaffection, or the
want of exertion in the principal gentlemen of the country (through
depression of spirit at the threatening appearances that existed) or a
fatal supineness and insensibility of danger, increased the actual evil,
and made it absolutely necessary for gen. Washington to quit the
Jerseys, and seek security on the other side of the Delaware. To
whatever cause it was owing, the inhabitants, almost to a man, refused
to turn out, so that he could not at any time bring more of them
together than 1000 men, and even on these very little dependence was to
be put. The proclamation issued the 30th of November, by lord Howe and
gen. Howe, as the king’s commissioners, added to gen. Washington’s
difficulties. In that, they commanded all persons assembled in arms
against his majesty’s government, to disband and return to their
dwellings; and all general or provincial congresses, &c. to desist from
all their treasonable actings, and to relinquish all their usurped
power. They declared that every person who, within sixty days, should
appear before the governor, lieutenant-governor, or commander in chief
of any of his majesties colonies, or before the general or commanding
officer of his majesty’s forces, &c. and claim the benefit of the
proclamation, and testify his obedience to the laws by subscribing a
certain declaration, should obtain a full and free pardon of all
treasons, &c. by him committed, and of all forfeitures and penalties for
the same. Numbers who had been provincial congress-men, committee-men,
justices and the like, though out of the way of immediate danger, ran to
take the advantage of the proclamation. Many of the whigs shifted about.
Only a few of fortune stood firm to the cause. It was the middle rank of
people in general that remained stedfast in the day of trial. The
success of the royal army extended its influence also to Pennsylvania.
Mr. Galloway, the family of the Allens, with some others, repaired to
the commissioners to claim the benefits of the general pardon.
General Lee, with more than 3000 men, though repeated expresses were
sent to him, continued in the rear of the royal forces, marching so
slowly that Washington could not account for it. It at length proved
fatal to his personal liberty. While he lay carelessly and without a
guard at Baskinridge, some way distant from the main body, he was made
prisoner. The circumstances of his situation were communicated to col.
Harcourt, commanding the light horse, and who had then made a desultory
excursion at the head of a small detachment, to observe the motions of
that body. [Dec. 13.] The colonel conducted with such address and
activity as to captivate and carry off the general. The capture was
considered by the British officers as a matter of the greatest
consequence. Their words were, “We have taken the American palladium;”
such was the opinion they had of the general deficiency of military
skill among the Americans, and the inexperience of their officers. The
command of the troops, after Lee’s capture, fell to gen. Sullivan, who
soon after crossed the Delaware and joined gen. Washington. The general
needed this reinforcement, notwithstanding his having been joined by the
Philadelphia militia. He had sent gen. Mifflin to Philadelphia, while
retreating before lord Cornwallis, and on the 27th of November, there
was a large and general town-meeting, when the intelligence of the
probability of gen. Howe’s invading the state was communicated, as also
the request of congress that the militia of the cities and counties
might march to the Jerseys. Gen. Mifflin, who was detained by congress
for the purpose, enforced it by a spirited, animating and affectionate
address to his fellow-citizens; who expressed their approbation of the
measure proposed, and soon marched forward some hundreds of militia to
join the commander in chief. After that, gen. Mifflin left Philadelphia
by the direction of congress, who knew of what importance his influence
was, and repaired to the back counties, where his exertions were equally
successful, so that they poured in their yeomanry in support of the
common cause.
[Dec. 14.] The royal forces lay much scattered in the Jerseys, and to
all appearance in a state of security. Gen. Washington wished to strike
them; sensible that a lucky blow in that quarter would be fatal to them,
and most certainly raise the spirits of the people, which were quite
sunk by the late misfortunes; but prudence would not admit of it. The
Pennsylvania militia were ordered to Bristol, and the remainder of the
troops were cantoned along the Delaware, so as to oppose any attempts of
the royalists to cross it.
Should it be true, as reported, that the American general once wept
while he fled through the Jerseys, that will not prove the want of
personal fortitude. He is neither less nor more than man. Agitation of
mind, occasioned by the threatening state of public liberty, and a
reflection on the horrid calamities that would follow the loss of it, to
the present and future generations, might produce that event, without
any mixture of private concern for his own safety.
During the royal successes in the Jerseys, gen. Clinton, with two
brigades of British and two of Hessian troops, with a squadron of men of
war under Sir Peter Parker, was sent to attempt Rhode-Island. The
American forces, being incapable of making effectual resistance,
abandoned it on his approach; so that, on the day when gen. Washington
crossed the Delaware, the British took possession of it without any
loss, and at the same time blocked up commodore Hopkins’s squadron and a
number of privateers at Providence.
Let me now offer you a summary account of the captures made by gen. Howe
and the forces under his command, during the campaign, down to the total
evacuation of the Jerseys. Of privates there have been made prisoners,
4101—of officers 304—and of staff 25—in all 4430. The catalogue of
ordnance and military stores stands thus—Brass ordnance, 1 thirteen inch
mortar—1 ten ditto—4 five and a half inch howitzers—5 six pounders—1
three ditto. Iron ordnance—2 thirteen inch mortars—1 ten ditto—1 eight
ditto—30 thirty-two pounders—6 twenty-four ditto—8 eighteen ditto—24
twelve ditto—26 nine ditto—40 six ditto—55 four ditto—16 three ditto—26
dismounted. Brass ordnance 12. Iron ditto 235. Shells empty, 210
thirteen inch—1255 ten ditto—1535 eight ditto—1908 five and a half
ditto—19,071 four and two-fifths ditto—total 23,979. Shells filled, with
fusees drove, 5 thirteen inch—12 ten ditto—30 eight ditto—53 five and a
half ditto—35 four and two-fifths ditto—total 145. Shot—2052 thirty-two
pounders—9300 twenty-four ditto—548 eighteen ditto—3979 twelve ditto—332
six ditto—911 three ditto—total 17,122. Double-headed shot of all sorts,
2684—grape quilted, 140 thirty-two and twelve pounders, besides 42
boxes—case of all sorts 813, with powder 44—muskets of all sorts
2800—cartridges 400,000—barrels of powder 16—iron frize of four hundred
weight each, intended to stop the navigation of the North-River 200—bar
iron 20 tons—rod 5—entrenching tools of all sorts 500—sets of armourers
tools 6—breast-plates for engineers armour 35—waggons covered
4—hand-barrows 200—1 gwyn complete—2 sling carts—iron crows 6—mantelets
52—chevaux-de-frize complete 81—besides 4000 barrels of flour at forts
Washington and Lee—baggage, tents, long pikes, ammunition carts, and a
large quantity of other stores of various kinds. These losses to the
Americans are very considerable; but to the British are of small
advantage. The civil affairs of New-York may now engage our notice. On
the 16th of October, the inhabitants of the city and island presented a
petition to lord Howe and gen. Howe, signed by David Horsemanden, Oliver
Delancy, and 946 others, declaring their allegiance, and their
acknowledgment of the _constitutional_, but not absolute _supremacy_ of
Great-Britain over the colonies, and praying that the city and county
may be restored to his majesty’s peace and protection. This petition was
followed by another to the same purpose, from the freeholders and
inhabitants of Queen’s county, on Long-Island. It is observed of these
petitions, that they are guardedly expressed, all mention of parliament
being omitted, and the great, question of unconditional submission left
totally at large. Let it be remarked, that though the inhabitants of
York island and Queen’s county, have given every testimony of their
loyalty, their petitions have not been attended to, nor they restored to
the rights expected in consequence of the declarations, as well as of
the law for the appointment of commissioners.
Let us pass to the southern states; and from thence travel northward,
gathering up as we return, all the intelligence that offers.
In the month of July an invasion of East-Florida was projected, with the
double view of securing Georgia and South-Carolina from the depredations
of their more southern neighbors, and of drawing the attention of the
British from their northern conquests. General Lee was entrusted with
this business soon after the repulse of the British under Sir Peter
Parker. After the troops had proceeded as far as Ogeechee, in Georgia,
the general received orders to join the northern army, on which the
expedition was given up.
While the general was at Savannah, he wrote a letter, on the 28th of
August, to the French minister, which was committed to Sieur de la
Plaine. In that letter he held up these ideas—That it was the exclusive
commerce of the colonies which empowered Great-Britain to cope with
France—gave to her a decided superiority in the marine department, and
of course enabled her, in the frequent wars between the two nations, to
reduce her rival to the last extremity—that if France can obtain the
monopoly, or the greatest part of this commerce, her opulence, strength
and prosperity, must grow to a prodigious height, and that if America is
enabled to preserve the independence she has now declared, the greatest
part of this commerce must fall to the share of France—that without the
colour of injustice, but on the contrary, only assuming the patronage of
the rights of mankind, France has it now in her power to become not only
the greatest, but the most glorious monarchy which has appeared on the
stage of the world—her possessions in the islands will be secured
against all possibility of attack—the royal revenues immensely
increased—her people eased of her present burdens—an eternal incitement
be presented to their industry—and the means of increase, by the
facility of providing sustenance for their families, multiplied—in
short, there is no saying what degree of eminence, happiness and glory,
she may derive from the independence of this continent—that some
visionary writers have asserted, that could this country once shake off
her European trammels, it would soon become more formidable alone, from
the virtue and energy natural to a young people, than Great-Britain can
be with her colonies united in a state of dependency—but the men who
have built such hypotheses must be utter strangers to the manners,
genius, disposition, turn of mind, and circumstances of the continent.
As long as vast tracts of land remain unoccupied, to which they can send
colonies (if I may so express it) of their offspring, they will never
entertain a thought of marine or manufactures—their ideas are solely
confined to labor, and to plant for those nations who can, on the
cheapest terms, furnish them with the necessary utensils for laboring
and planting, and clothes for their families; and till the whole vast
extent of continent is fully stocked with people, they will never
entertain another idea—that this cannot be effected for ages, and what
may then happen is out of the line of politicians to lay any stress
upon; most probably they will be employed in wars among themselves
before they aim at foreign conquests—that it is worthy of attention,
what will be the consequence should Great-Britain succeed in the present
contest—America will be wretched and enslaved—but a number of slaves may
compose a formidable army and fleet, and the proximity of situation,
with so great a force entirely at the disposal of Great-Britain, will
put it into her power to take possession of the French islands on the
first rupture—that it is for the interest, as well as the glory of
France, to furnish the Americans with every mean of supporting their
liberties, to effect which they only demand a constant, systematic
supply of the necessaries of war, small arms, powder, field-pieces,
woollens and linens to clothe their troops, with drugs, particularly
bark, in return for which every necessary provision for the French
islands may be expected, as corn, rice, lumber, &c. If indeed the French
could spare a few able engineers and artillery officers, they may depend
upon an honorable reception and comfortable establishment.
The Carolinians have been engaged in a successful war with the
Cherokees, for the origin of which we must go back to the year 1775.
John Stuart, esq. an officer of the crown, and wholly devoted to the
royal interest, had for years the exclusive management of both them and
the Creeks. When the appearance of a rupture between Great-Britain and
the colonies took place, he conceived himself under obligations to
attach the Indians to the royal interest. The state of public affairs in
the colonies, furnished him with many arguments subservient to this
design. It was easy for him to persuade them that the colonists had,
unprovoked by Britain, adopted measures which prevented the Indians from
receiving their yearly supply of arms, ammunition, and clothing. He
might also insinuate, that if the colonists succeeded in opposing
Britain, they would probably aim next at the extirpation of the Indians.
A plan was at length settled by Mr. Stuart, in concert with the king’s
governors and other royal servants, to land a British army in Florida,
and to proceed with it to the western frontiers of the southern
colonies, and there, in conjunction with the tories and Indians, to fall
on the friends of congress at the same time that a fleet and army should
invade them on the coast. Mr. Moses Kirkland, who has already been
mentioned, was confidentially employed by Mr. Stuart, governor Tonyn and
other royalists to the southward, to concert with gen. Gage the
necessary means for accomplishing the above plan. The whole was fully
detected by the providential capture of the vessel which was conveying
Kirkland to Boston toward the close of 1775. The publication of the
letters found in his possession, produced conviction in the minds of the
Americans, that the British administration meant to employ the Indians
for the effecting of their schemes. The discovery of the ministerial
designs, made it necessary for congress to attend to such measures as
might effectually counteract the influence of Mr. Stuart. A meeting of
their Indian commissioners with the Cherokees, was appointed at Fort
Charlotte, in South-Carolina, and took place on the 22d of April, when
about 630 were present. The Cherokees complained heavily of sundry
encroachments made on them by the white people, which gave them the
greatest uneasiness. When the commissioners came to make their presents,
the Indians were displeased at the small quantity of goods and
ammunition delivered to them. The commissioners pleaded, that they did
not expect to meet with so great a number; and promised, that if the
presents were received, they would try and purchase a few more and send
them. The Cherokees were not satisfied with the proposal. The
commissioners, without goods, were little more than cyphers. Talks
alone, if ever so flattering, do not answer. Foreign manufactures were
to the Indians indispensably requisite; and it was not to be thought
that they could prefer American friendship, naked and hungry, to
British, attended with all the necessaries and comforts of life. The
British had carried great quantities or goods even to their towns. On
the 27th, the congress commissioners met at Augusta, in Georgia, in
expectation of the Creeks, who did not attend till the 16th of May, and
then amounted to about 350, when a few presents were given them. They
were either satisfied, or stifled their resentments, from political
principles, so as to decline hostilities. But the Cherokees being
disgusted, and abandoned to the full operation of the royal
superintendant’s influence, began their massacres at the very time Sir
Peter Parker attacked the fort on Sullivan’s-Island. The speedy
departure of the fleet from the sea-coast, after his unsuccessful
attack, gave an opportunity for uniting the whole force of
South-Carolina against the invaders of the country. Though the British
plan of a co-operation with the tories and Indians was for the present
frustrated; yet the probability that it would be again resumed,
determined the popular leaders to make a vigorous expedition into the
country of the Cherokees. A joint attack on their settlements over the
mountains was agreed upon by the southern states. Col. Williamson of the
district of Ninety-Six, was chosen by the government of South-Carolina
to command their forces on this occasion. The sixth regular regiment,
part of the third, and a large body of militia, were appointed to serve
under him. About the same time, and on the same business, gen.
Rutherford, with upward of 1900 men from North-Carolina, crosses the
Apalachian mountains. In their passage through the Indian country, the
forces under col. Williamson were two or three times briskly attacked,
but finally repulsed the Indians. The Americans upon this occasion
traversed their whole country, and laid waste their corn fields. Above
500 of the Cherokees were obliged for want of provisions, to take refuge
with Mr. John Stuart, in West-Florida, where they were fed at the
expence of the British government. The Indian settlements to the
northward were at the same time invaded by a party of Virginia militia,
commanded by col. Christee, and to the southward by the Georgia militia
under colonel Jack. Dismal was the wilderness through which the
Americans had to penetrate. Many were the dangers they were exposed to
from dark thickets, and rugged paths. They were frequently obliged to
pass through narrow defiles, in which small parties might harass the
bravest and most numerous army. They had to cross rivers, fordable only
at one place, and overlooked by high banks, from whence an enemy might
attack with advantage, and retreat with safety. They could have no
accommodations, but a few plain necessaries carried on pack-horses.
They, for the most part, slept in open air, and experienced all the
inconveniences of a savage life.
None of all the expeditions before undertaken against the Indians had
been so successful as this first effort of the new-born commonwealth. In
less than three months, viz. from the 15th of July to the 11th of
October, the business was completed, and the nation of the Cherokees so
far subdued, as to be incapable of annoying the settlements. The whole
loss of the Americans did not exceed fifty men.
The means adopted by the British to crush the friends of congress, have
been providentially over-ruled, so as to produce the contrary effect.
Their exciting Indians to massacre the defenceless frontier settlers,
promoted the unanimity of the inhabitants, and invigorated their
opposition to Great-Britain. Several who called themselves tories in
1775, have become active whigs, and cheerfully taken up arms in the
first instance against Indians, and in the second against Great-Britain,
as the instigator of their barbarous devastations. Before this event,
some well-meaning people could not see the justice of contending with
their formerly protecting parent state; but Indian cruelties, excited by
ministerial artifices, soon extinguished all their predilection for the
country of their forefathers[32].
The delegates of _Maryland_, assembled in full convention the 14th of
August, have agreed upon the constitution and form of government for
that state; to which they have prefixed a declaration of rights. The
convention of the _Delaware_ state, formerly stiled “The government of
the counties of Newcastle, Kent and Sussex upon Delaware,” after a
declaration of rights resolved upon their constitution in September.
When the deputations, from the committees of the several counties, met
in Philadelphia, they agreed upon the number the general convention
should consist of, the time they should meet, and the manner in which
they should be elected. No person was excluded from voting: many
however, as must have been expected, chose to exclude themselves, as
they would not appear by voting to countenance the establishment of a
new mode of government. The convention met the 15th of July, and
continued by adjournments to the 28th of September, during which period
the constitution was settled by a declaration of rights and a frame of
government.
Great numbers in Pennsylvania are not satisfied with their constitution,
apprehending that it possesses too great a proportion of democracy; and
that the state is not sufficiently guarded against either the evils
which may result from the prevalency of a democratic party, or the
dangerous influence of demagogues. Mr. Samuel Adams has been thought, or
known to have concerned himself so unduly in the business, as to have
provoked some drop distant hints of an assassination. While the
constitution was forming, a motion was made to add a second assembly to
the legislative body, under the name of a senate or council. It was
urged by several members, some for the affirmative, and some for the
negative. Before the question was put, the opinion of the president, Dr.
Franklin, was requested. He rose and said, that “Two assemblies appeared
to him like a practice he had somewhere seen, of certain waggoners, who,
when about descending a steep hill, with a heavy load, if they had four
cattle, took off one pair from before, and chaining them to the hinder
part of the waggon, drove them up hill; while the pair before, and the
weight of the load, overbalancing the strength of those behind, drew
them slowly and moderately down the hill.” The simile drew the
generality of the convention into an opinion, that the doctor was for a
single assembly, and it wrought accordingly. Some imagine however, that
the answer was designedly that of a Delphic oracle, to be taken either
way, as inclination might dictate the interpretation. “The real force of
the simile was certainly misunderstood; if there is any similitude or
any argument in it, it is clearly in favor of two assemblies. The weight
of the load itself would roll the waggon on the oxen, and the cattle on
one another, in one scene of destruction, if the forces were not divided
and a balance formed; whereas by checking one power by another (as was
the wish of those who were for a second assembly) all descend the hill
in safety, and avoid the danger.”[33]
We cannot quit Philadelphia without making mention of the acts of
congress. It has been resolved to confiscate the property of the
subjects of Great-Britain, taken on the high seas, or between high and
low water mark, but the inhabitants of the Bermudas, and Providence or
Bahama Islands are excepted. General Washington has been empowered to
agree to the exchange of governor Skeen for Mr. Lovell, who was made
close prisoner at Boston by order of general Howe; and to whose
inflexible fidelity to his country, congress bore testimony the
beginning of January. Mr. Lovell contrived to send out intelligence to
the Americans, while investing Boston; and the reasonable suspicion of
it, without positive proof might occasion his confinement. Commodore
Hopkins, has been censured for not paying a regard to the tenor of his
instructions, which directed him to annoy the enemy’s ships upon the
coasts of the southern states; and his reasons for not going from
Providence immediately to the Carolinas, have been declared by no means
satisfactory. To prevail on the foreign officers, if possible, to quit
the royal army, congress have proposed, upon their choosing to become
citizens of the states, to give to them and their heirs in absolute
dominion, unappropriated lands in the following proportions: to a
colonel, 1000 acres; to a lieutenant-colonel, 800; to a major, 600; to a
captain, 400; to a lieutenant, 300; to an ensign, 200; and to every
non-commissioned person, 100. They complied with general Howe’s proposal
of exchanging general Sullivan for general Prescot, and lord Stirling
for gen. M’Donald, on the 4th of September.
[Sept. 16.] They resolved upon raising eighty-eight battalions to serve
during the war, and agreed upon bounties to all who enlist during that
term, unless sooner discharged. The enlistment is further encouraged by
a proposal for granting lands; each non-commissioned officer and soldier
is to have 100 acres; a colonel 500; and the other officers in
proportion. The congressional offer of lands, whether to foreigners or
natives, is no present actual expence, as the event of the war must
determine whose they will be; but the proposal may counteract the effect
of a similar measure adopted by the British government, which has
engaged to grant large tracts of vacant lands, at the close of the
troubles, to the highland emigrants, and other new troops raised in
America, as a reward for their expected zeal and loyalty in the
reduction of the country. It may also destroy the influence of
intimations thrown out to the mercenaries, of their being to be rewarded
in like manner. The appointment of all officers in the battalions, and
filling up vacancies (except general officers) is left to the
governments of the several states; every state has its respective quota
assigned, which it is to furnish with arms, clothing and every
necessary. The quotas will never be answerable in the numbers of men to
the numbers of the battalions, so that the actual strength of the
continental forces will be far short of the appearance.
[Sept. 26.] It being resolved to appoint three commissioners to the
court of France, congress balloted, and elected Messrs. Franklin, Deane
and Jefferson. Dr. Franklin, notwithstanding his great age, was
unanimously elected. Dr. Rush sat next him when the choice was
announced, and was the first in congratulating him; the reply was, “I am
old and good for nothing, but as the shop keepers say of their fragments
of cloth, you may have me _for what you please_.” Mr. Deane was so
little in the good graces of his own state, that it was the only one out
of the thirteen that declined voting for him. He had been before
appointed by the secret committee, commercial agent with Mr. Thomas
Morris, and moveover _political_ agent; and had arrived in France so
long back as in June. This appointment was a natural introduction to his
being elected one of the commissioners. Mr. Jefferson having declined
through a present incapacity for going, Mr. Arthur Lee has been chosen
in his room.
Congress may have been encouraged to this measure, by a letter of last
June to Dr. Franklin, wherein his correspendent writes, “I have been at
Versailles to see the ministers, and every thing which approaches them.
I have obtained among other things, under the name of Mr. de la
Thuillerie, the undertaker of a manufactory of arms, that there shall be
delivered to him immediately, from the kings arsenel, fifteen thousand
muskets for the use of infantry, to be employed in his commerce, on
condition that he replaces them in the run of a year. I hope your brave
soldiers will be pleased with them; but you must caution not to trust to
the ordinary muskets of commerce, which are called muskets for
exportation, that are almost as dangerous to friends as to enemies.” But
without such or any other direct encouragement, they must have adopted
the measure through the urgency of their affairs. The commissioners are
to arm and fit for war any number of vessels not exceeding six, at the
expence of the United States, to war upon British property, provided it
will not be disagreeable to the court of France. There has been approved
in congress a plan of a treaty with his most christian majesty, which
has been delivered to the commissioners with instructions to the
following purport:——
“You are to use every means in your power for concluding a treaty
conformable to the plan you have received. If you shall find that to be
impracticable, you are hereby authorised to relax the demands of the
United States, and to enlarge the offers agreeable to the subsequent
directions. The eighth article will probably be attended with some
difficulty. If you find his most christian majesty determined not to
agree to it, you are empowered to add to it as follows: “That the United
States will never be subject, or acknowledge allegiance, or obedience to
the king, or crown, or parliament of Great-Britain, nor grant to that
nation any exclusive trade, or any advantages, or privileges in trade,
more than to his most christian majesty, neither shall any treaty for
terminating the present war between the king of Great-Britain and the
United States, or any war which may be declared by the king of
Great-Britain, against his most christian majesty, in consequence of
this treaty, take effect until the expiration of six calendar months
after the negociation for that purpose shall have been duly notified, in
the former instance by the United States to his most christian majesty,
and in the other instance by his most christian majesty to the United
States, to the end that both these parties may be included in the peace
if they think proper.” If his majesty should be unwilling to agree to
the 16th and 26th articles, you are directed to consent, that the goods
and effects of the enemy on board the ships and vessels of either party,
shall be liable to seizure and confiscation. You will solicit the court
of France for an immediate supply to twenty or thirty thousand muskets
and bayonets, and a large supply of ammunition, and brass field-pieces
to be sent under convoy by France. The United States engage for the
payment of the arms, artillery and ammunition, and to endemnify France
for the expence of the convoy. It is highly probable that France means
not to let the United States sink in the present contest; but as the
difficulty of obtaining true accounts of our condition, may cause an
opinion to be entertained, that we are liable to support the war on our
own strength and resources longer in fact than we can do, it will be
proper for you to press for the immediate and explicit declaration of
France in our favor, upon a _suggestion_ that a re-union with
Great-Britain may be the consequence of a delay. Should Spain be
disinclined to our cause, from an apprehension of dangen to her
dominions in South-America, you are empowered to give the strongest
assurances, that that crown will receive no molestation from the United
States in the possession of these territories.”
“You will transmit to us, the most speedy and full intelligence of your
progress in the business, and of any other transactions that it may
import us to know. You are desired to get the best and earliest
information that you possibly can, of any negociation that the court of
London may be carrying on for obtaining foreign mercenaries to be sent
against these states the next campaign: and if any such design is in
agitation, you will endeavor to prevail with the court of France to
exert its influence, in the most effectual manner, to prevent the
execution of such designs. You are desired to obtain as early as
possible, a public acknowledgment of the independency of these states on
the crown and parliament of Great-Britain by the court of France.”
“In conducting this important business, the congress have the greatest
confidence in your address, abilities, vigilence, and attachment to the
interests of the United States, and wish you every success.”
Though it has not been already mentioned, yet as far back as July, the
congress refused to ratify the cartel settled between gen. Arnold and
capt. Forster, at the Cedars. They declared gen. Arnold’s agreement to
be no more than a sponsion, subject to be ratified or annulled, at their
discretion, he not being invested with powers for the disposal of
prisoners not in his possession, nor under his direction; and refuse to
deliver the prisoners to be returned on their part, till the British
commander in Canada delivered into their hands the authors and abettors
of the murders committed on the American prisoners, and made
indemnification for the plunder at the Cedars, taken contrary to the
faith of the capitulation. Thus the hostages have been left in Canada
unredeemed. Capt. Sullivan has written to his brother the general, from
Montreal, August the 14th, and expressed his surprise at hearing that
congress, instead of redeeming him and the other hostages according to
the cartel, had demanded capt. Forster to be delivered up; and declared
in the most solemn manner, that not a man living could have used more
humanity than capt. Forster did, after the surrender of the party to
which he belonged. Such gentlemen of the army as speak of it at
head-quarters, seem to wish the treaty had been ratified rather than
disallowed; and the commander in chief appears to be like minded.
[Oct. 1.] General Mifflin was requested to resume the office of
quarter-master-general, and it was resolved that his rank and pay as a
brigadier should be continued. Congress determined upon borrowing five
millions of continental dollars for the use of the United States, and
the faith of the states is pledged for the payment of principal and
interest. To encourage gentlemen of abilities to engage as
commission-officers in the battalions to be raised, the pay, from the
colonel to the ensign is to be increased. It has also been recommended
to the respective states, to use their utmost endeavors, that all the
officers to be appointed, be men of honor and known abilities, without a
particular regard to their having before been in the service.
[Oct. 17.] Mr. Duche having by letter informed the president that the
state of his health (probably influenced by the bad aspect of the
American cause) and his parochial duties were such as obliged him to
decline the honor of continuing chaplain to congress, they resolved that
the president return the thanks of the house, for the devout and
acceptable manner in which he discharged his duty during the time he
officiated; and that 150 dollars be presented to him as an
acknowledgment of his services. In about a fortnight he expressed his
obligations to congress, in a polite letter, and requested, as he
accepted their appointment from motives perfectly disinterested, that
the money voted him, might be applied to the relief of the widows and
children of such of the Pennsylvania officers as have fallen in the
service of their country. Several French officers have been
commissioned; the chevalier Matthias Alexis Roche de Fermoy, upon
applying to be employed, was appointed a brigadier general. Dr. Franklin
sailed for France on the twenty-seventh.
[Nov. 18.] Congress agreed upon the scheme of a lottery by which they
mean to raise a sum of money for defraying the expences of the next
campaign. The recuiting service proving very unsuccessful, they
resolved, [Nov. 21.] that each state be at liberty to direct their
recruiting officers to enlist their men either for the war, or three
years. The reduced state of the army, together with the successes and
superiority of the enemy put congress upon ordering the president to
write to the four New-England governments, and request them to use their
utmost influence in raising their respective quotas, and to hasten their
marches with all possible diligence to the places of rendezvous. The
Massachusetts assembly have ordered a fourth of the militia to be raised
for the reinforcement of the army to the southward, and proposed paying
a bounty of 15l. sterling a man to those of their state who will enlist
for three years or during the war. This proposal however congress could
not assent to; as it tended to excite an expectation of the same bounty
in the rest of the troops.
[Dec 10.] The probability of the enemy’s advancing to Philadelphia,
induced congress to direct gen. Putnam, who was stationed in the city,
immediately to parade the several recruits and other continental troops
in it, and to proceed without delay to make the proper defences for its
security. The next day, they recommended to all the United States as
soon as possible to appoint a day of fasting and humiliation. It is left
to each state to issue out proclamations, fixing the day that appears
most proper within its own bounds. On the 12th, generals Putnam and
Mifflin being called to a conference, and having by strong arguments
urged the necessity of the congress’s retiring, it was thereupon
resolved to adjourn to Baltimore in Maryland, to meet on the 20th inst.
inasmuch as the movements of the enemy had rendered the neighbourhood of
Philadelphia the seat of war.—Till congress should otherwise order gen.
Washington was to possess full power to direct all things relative to
the department, and the operations of war.
It remains, that we take a survey of what has been doing to the
northward, and under gen. Gates.
Toward the latter end of July, one lieutenant Whitcomb, a green mountain
boy, who was out with a scouting party, was guilty of a most base, and
villainous action, from no other principle, than a desire of plunder. He
wanted a sword and a watch; and in order to supply himself shot general
Gordon as he was riding unarmed from St. John’s toward Chamblee. The
general died a few days after. This, as was natural, raised the
resentment of Sir Guy Carleton’s army. It is a pity, that he could not
have been delivered up instantly to Sir Guy; but through the weakness of
government and military discipline, he will escape deserved punishment.
Colonel Beedle and major Butterfield, instead of being shot for their
cowardly conduct in the business of the Cedars, are only cashiered, and
rendered incapable of bearing any commission in the army of the United
States. The new articles of war, agreed upon in September, will subject
men to deserved punishment for the future.
When general Arnold had reached Crown-Point with the army and the goods
he had brought from Montreal (which he was careful to keep with, all he
could) persons soon followed with invoices, and claimed pay for them.
Silks and other valuable articles were missing. General Arnold upon this
brought col. Hazens before a court-martial. He was tried on a charge,
that the packages had been pillaged, and the goods lost, through his
refusing to take care of them. The colonel was honorably acquitted; but
such was the behavior of the general before the court, in challenging
every man of them, and abusing them all, that they demanded of general
Gates his being put under arrest; the moment the demand was made,
general Gates thought himself obliged to act dictatorially, and to
dissolve the court; that so the United States might not be deprived of
the services of one whom he viewed as an excellent officer, at an
important period, when they were much wanted. The court however, did not
dissolve till they had finished their other business, and given
judgment; and had prepared the account of the trial, and put it in the
way to be forwarded to general Washington or the congress. Gates had
fixed upon Arnold to command the American fleet to be opposed to the
British, on Lake Champlain, and therefore would pay no attention to any
charges brought against him. Colonel Brown complained of him, for
accusing him of plundering the officers baggage taken at Sorel, contrary
to the articles of capitulation, and praying that he might be put under
arrest and brought to trial; but it was to no purpose. The command for
which Arnold was destined, superseded all other considerations for the
present.
The utmost efforts were made on the side of Canada by the British, for
obtaining a superiority on the lake, and for the reduction of
Tyconderoga and Mount Independence. A fleet of above thirty fighting
vessels, of different kinds and sizes, had been little less than
created; though a few of the largest were re-constructions, having been
first framed in Great-Britain, then taken to pieces and sent over. Add
to this, that a gondola weighing thirty tons, with above four hundred
batteaux, had been dragged up the rapids near Chamblee. The objects in
view were answerable to all these exertions. If the royal army under Sir
Guy Carleton could have forced their way down to, and possessed
themselves of Albany before the severity of the winter set in, the
northern states would have been exposed in their most defenceless parts,
and have had the communication with the southern cut off, while one
between generals Carleton and Howe would have been established; and thus
Carleton’s army would have had a principal share in the honor of
bringing the war to a speedy conclusion.
The Americans had not equal advantages with the British for the
construction of vessels. They labored under immense difficulties; and
had to bring ship-builders, artillery, and most of the materials for a
naval equipment from a great distance. But by an assiduity, perseverance
and spirit, which did not fall short of what was employed against them,
they had by the 18th of August, at Crown-Point, 1 sloop, 3 schooners and
5 gondolas, carrying 55 guns, twelve, nine, six and four pounders,
beside 70 swivels, and 395 men; and completely fitted for action. With
some or all of these, gen. Arnold sailed down the lake to reconnoitre
and gain intelligence. He wrote to gen. Gates, “This morning [Sept. 16.]
at one o’clock, Antonie Gerouse, (his real name was Girard) a Frenchman,
whom I sent to St. John’s, returned, and gives the following account,
viz.—that at Isle-aux-Noix there are three thousand troops encamped, and
forty pieces of cannon mounted on their lines—at St. John’s three
thousand men, one hundred and fifty batteaux, and he was told that two
hundred were at Chamblee—that two schooners are completed and manned,
one mounting twelve, and the other fourteen brass twelve pounders—small
vessels on the stocks to carry three guns each—one gondola taken from
us, and three new ones built, these to mount three guns each—a number of
flat-bottomed boats, to carry one gun each, and a floating battery with
two masts, nearly done, to carry twenty-four eighteen pounders and two
mortars. He imagines the whole will be completed in a fortnight. I think
him placed as a spy on us; have sent him to you to be disposed of as you
think proper. From the accounts of the two men who have viewed
Isle-aux-Noix, the account of this Frenchman must be false, and a story
formed for him by the English officers.” The poor Frenchman was put in
irons, and sent to Albany. The two men never went to the isle, but made
up a story to screen their own baseness: a close and separate
examination of them might have detected the imposition. When by their
unremitting industry the British entered the lake about the time the
Frenchman conjectured, the fleet consisted of the ship Inflexible, which
had been re-constructed at St. John’s, from whence she sailed in
twenty-eight days after laying her keel, and mounted with 18 twelve
pounders—the Maria schooner, mounting 14 six pounders—the Carleton, 12
ditto—the Thunderer, a flat-bottomed radeau, carrying 6 twenty-four
pounders and 6 twelve, beside two howitzers—some gondolas, one having 7
nine pounders—twenty gun-boats, carrying each a brass field-piece, from
9 to 24 pounders, and some with howitzers—and four long boats, with each
a carriage gun, serving as armed tenders. These were all designed for,
or appertained to battle, and were attended with a vast number of
vessels, batteaux and boats destined for the transportation of the army,
with its stores, artillery, baggage and provisions. The armament was
conducted by capt. Pringle, and the fleet navigated by about 700 prime
seamen, of whom 200 were volunteers from the transports, who boldly and
freely partook with the others in the danger of the expedition. The guns
were worked by detachments from the corps of artillery. The equipment
was well appointed and amply furnished with every thing necessary.
The Americans went on with the greatest possible dispatch, and, before
any action could commence, had reinforced gen. Arnold with a cutter, 3
gallies and 3 gondolas, carrying from 4 to 18 pounders. The American
force was in no degree equal to the British, either as to the goodness
of the vessels, the number of guns, the weight of metal, or other
furniture of war. Gen. Arnold had only two schooners with him, and so
but 15 vessels, when Sir Guy Carleton proceeded up the lake, and found
him forming a strong line to defend the passage between Valicour-Island
and the western main. A warm action ensued [Oct. 11.] and was vigorously
supported on both sides for some hours; but the wind being unfavorable,
the Inflexible, with some other vessels of force, could not be worked
up, so that the weight of the action fell upon the schooner Carleton and
the gun-boats, which (say the British) they sustained with the greatest
firmness, men and officers displaying such extraordinary efforts of
resolution as merited and received the highest applause from their
commanders. The Americans therefore could not have been deficient in
their exertions, but must be entitled to a proportionable share of
praise for having made such a formidable resistance. Gen. Waterbury
fought most intrepidly, walking upon the quarter-deck the whole time;
all his officers were killed or wounded, excepting a lieutenant, and the
captain of the marines.
The continuance of the impediments which prevented the Carleton and
gun-boats being seconded by the Inflexible and other vessels, induced
capt. Pringle, with the approbation or Sir Guy, to withdraw those that
were engaged, from the action. Two of their gondolas were sunk, and one
blown up with 60 men. The Americans had a schooner burnt, and a gondola
sunk. Being now sensible of their inferiority, they took the opportunity
of the night for attempting an escape. Gen. Arnold executed his design
with ability, and they were out of sight by next morning. But the chace
was continued, and one gondola taken on the 12th. The rest were
overtaken and brought to action, a few leagues short of Crown-Point,
about noon on the 13th. A warm engagement followed. The Washington
galley, commanded by gen. Waterbury, had been so shattered, and had so
many killed and wounded in the first action, that she struck after
receiving a few broad sides. The Congress galley was attacked by the
Inflexible and the two schooners, two under her stern and one on her
broad-side, within musket shot. The British kept up an incessant fire on
the Americans for four hours, with round and grape shot, which was
returned as briskly. Gen. Arnold was determined that his people should
not become prisoners, nor the vessels a prey to the enemy. He covered
the retreat of the few which escaped, at the expence of one-third of his
crew; and then with equal resolution and dexterity, ran the Congress
galley, in which he was, with four gondolas, on shore in such a manner
as to land his men safely and blow up the vessels, in spite of every
effort to prevent both. Officers and men behaved with the utmost
gallantry. Some vessels, they had lost all their officers, continued
fighting, for the crews refused to yield but with their lives. The
Americans glory in general Arnold’s bravery, though unsuccessful, and
much in the dangerous attention he paid to a nice piece of honor, in
keeping his flag flying, and not quitting his galley till she was in
flames, lest the enemy should have boarded her and struck it. The
American fleet consists now of only two gallies, two schooners, one
sloop and one gondola, for the 8th is missing.
But though general Arnold’s bravery is highly applauded, he is thought
by many to have been guilty of a great oversight, in not having
stationed his fleet just above Split Rock,[34] about thirty-five miles
from Ty, so as to have brought the guns of every one of his vessels to
have borne upon the British as they should have passed through singly,
which they must have done from the narrowness of the channel at that
place.
On Monday morning [Oct. 14.] the wind came about, and blew fresh after
the remainder of the fleet got in, and so continued for eight days, and
prevented the enemy’s coming up the lake to Ty. Within that period the
Americans made carriages for forty-seven or more pieces of cannon, and
mounted them; finished and strengthened their works; surrounded their
redoubts with abbetis; received a considerable reinforcement, and
acquired a preparedness for defence in every quarter. Could the enemy
have proceeded immediately on the Monday to Tyconderoga, they must have
succeded. You will be entertained with some sprightly letters written by
an officer, at the moment and upon the spot, to the daughter of a next
door neighbor; take the copies of them, and judge who it is that saves
the Americans from impending ruin. “Tyconderoga the twentieth of
October, six o’clock—The returns of the shattered remains of our fleet
soon let us know the worst.—A fine story! after all the pompous accounts
of our naval superiority.—Fine as it is, Jenny, it is true.—However we
did all that men could do, in the time and with the advantages we
had.—Can our country expect more?—I would not have you think we are
defeated however.——The fleet was strong, but our posts are much
stronger.—The enemy may give us another defeat, but it will cost them
dear.—We expect an attack every moment.——I have been up these two hours,
and through the guards and posts—to see them alert and vigilant. We will
eadeavor not to be surprised.—The attack whenever it comes will be
furious, and the defence obstinate, cruelly obstinate.—We are busy in
making every preparation for the most effectual security of our
posts—and shall in two or three day more, have little to fear from an
assault.” “Ty—Oct. 21, 1776. The fear is now past, Jenny, but not the
hurry.—Heaven has been pleased to give us a southerly wind for almost
the whole week past—this has allowed us time for a very considerable
preparation. We would now gladly be attacked—in two or three more days.
The enemy are at Crown-Point, and we expect that they may fancy this
ground in a day or two: they must pay a great price for it however, as
we value it highly.” “Ty—Oct. 27. If we are not attached within six
days, gen. Carleton deserves to be hanged.—We expect him indeed every
morning.—We have been favored with a strong southerly wind, almost
constantly since the defeat of the fleet, and are now _ready_.—The enemy
have forsaken us—I am not sorry indeed, Jenny.—We should have been much
at a loss had they invested us.—An attack we were prepared for, but they
must have been madmen, to risque their all on the event of _a-day_, when
a few weeks perseverance would have given them all they could wish.—How
much is gained by chance or as the doctor will call it, Providence.—They
did not happen to know our situation, but supposed we must be
_internally_, what our _external_ appearance (formidable enough)
pronounced us, and what they, with our advantages, would have
been.—Providence indeed, has once more saved us.”
General Gates was about 12,000 strong, when the enemy was at
Crown-Point. Most of the men were effective, many of the troops having
recovered. For some days after gen. Arnold’s defeat, Gates had only two
ton of powder, and when he had received a supply, no more than eight. It
has been thought, from information gained since, that the enemy sent one
of their engineers, disguised like a countryman, into the American camp,
as a spy; and that after two or three hours he returned; and by his
reports might occasion their going off the next day. The day they went
off, Mr. Yancey, the commissary general, had no flour in store for the
army. Gen. Gates sent him out of the way, that as he had no flour to
deliver out, the men might be kept easy, under a notion of their being
enough in the store, and upon the plea that they should be supplied on
his speedy return, but that it would not do to break open the doors. The
commissary had not even a barrel under his care. The Yorkers, chiefly of
Dutch extraction, inhabiting the neighborhood of _Lake George_, declined
crossing it with the supples designed for the army, through fear of the
Indians. This fear however was needless; for gen. Carleton, while he
allowed them to take prisoners, laid them under strict restraints not to
kill and scalp. When he found he could not keep them from scalping, he
acted with dignity, and dismissed every one of them, saying, he would
rather forego all the advantage of their assistance, than make war in so
cruel a manner. This conduct reflects great honor upon his character, as
the gentleman and the soldier. The day Sir Guy withdrew from
Crown-Point, Gates, upon being assured of the fact, instantly dissmissed
the militia, with thanks for their service, which he wished not to
prolong—for he had no provision for them. For near a week after, the
army had but a daily supply of between 20 and 30 barrels by land from
Bennington.
General Carleton, before he commenced his operations on the lake, had
prudently shipped off the American officers (made prisoners in Canada)
for New-England, supplying them at the same time with every thing
requistie to render their voyage comfortable. The other prisoners,
amounting to about 800, were returned also by a flag, after being
obliged to take an oath not to serve during the war, unless exchanged:
many of these, being almost naked, Sir Guy clothed, out of compassion.
By his tenderness and humanity, he has gained the affections of those
Americans, who had fallen into his hands; and has done more toward
subduing the rest than ever could have been effected by the greatest
cruelties.
The only danger to be guarded against by the Americans at Ty, and the
neighbouring posts, is, gen. Carleton’s attempting to possess himself of
them, when Lake Champlain shall be frozen over, so as to be capable of
bearing horses, which probably will not be till the middle of January.
The troops occupying these posts will not tarry longer than the end of
the year: before that there is time enough to procure a sufficient force
from the Massachusetts, Connecticut and New-Hampshire, to defend them.
And if the weeks, between Sir Guy’s returning to Canada and the frost’s
setting in so as to suspend all operations, are duly improved, something
considerable may be wrought toward securing the entrance into the
northern states. During the summer season, a road has been cut through
the woods, for some miles, leading to Mount Independence, and
communicating with the one leading to Hubbarton, so that the intercourse
between that post and the northern states can be carried on by land,
without coming either through Lake George, or by water from
Skeensborough. That the road is horridly bad for carriages and horses in
many places but not impassable, my own experience convinces me. Teams
have travelled them with heavy loads, though not without ropes fastend
to each side, and men attending to keep them from falling over, through
the unevenness of the ground. But it is astonishing, that loads of
tent-poles should be sent scores of miles to pass through these woods to
the American camp, instead of being ordered to cut in the neighbourhood,
where there was little other than woodland. By some strange fatality, or
folly, the Americans conduct their business in a most expensive way,
whereas they ought to exercise the greatest œconomy practicable without
injuring the common cause. If the fate of war depends upon the
expenditure of money, and the ability of the parties to continue the
expences, the United States must be a-ground much sooner than
Great-Britain, unless the latter practises and continues an equal degree
of extravagance and profusion.
Mr. James Lovell, who has at length recovered his liberty by an
exchange, was chosen, ten days ago, by the Massachusetts general court,
one of their delegates to congress.