LETTER I.

_Roxbury, April 26, 1776._

You have been informed of the measures which the promoters of

independency adopted for the ripening of that event; in the advice which

congress were prevailed upon to give to the New-Hampshire, the

South-Carolina, and Virginia conventions.

[Jan. 5, 1776.] The New-Hampshire provincial convention proceeded in

their design, and voted, “that this congress take up civil government in

form following—We being authorised in particular to establish some form

of government, provided that measure be recommended by the continental

congress, and a recommendation being transmitted—the sudden departure of

his excellency John Wentworth and several of the council leaving us

destitute of legislation, and no executive courts being open to punish

criminal offenders—therefore protesting that we never meant to throw off

our dependence upon Great-Britain, and that we shall rejoice if such a

reconciliation, between us and our parent state, can be effected, as

shall be approved by the continental congress—do resolve; that the

congress do assume the name and power of a house of representatives:

that they proceed to choose twelve persons, to be a distinct branch of

the legislature, by the name of a council for this colony; and that no

act shall be valid unless passed by both branches.” But this procedure

was not universally approved. A memorial and remonstrance of the

freeholders and inhabitants of Portsmouth was presented to the

convention sitting at Exeter. [Jan. 10.] It sets forth, that “the

memorialists are greatly alarmed, by the information, that they are

about to dissolve their existence as a convention and assume that of a

house of representatives, and to proceed to the election of twelve

counsellors, who are to act as another branch of legislation for the

future government of this colony.” They remonstrate against the

procedure from an opinion that the inhabitants will not generally

approve it; and wish therefore that the minds of the people may be fully

taken on such a momentuous concernment, for that it is their inherent

right to know the plan, before adopted and carried into execution. They

say also, “it amounts to an open declaration of independency, which we

can by no means countenance.” A dissent and protest was brought into

convention, [Jan. 12.] by several of the representatives; the purport of

it was, “We dissent and protest against the present plan of taking up

government for the following reasons—the vote of the continental

congress countenancing the same, was obtained by the unwearied

importunity of our delegates there, as appears by their letter;—the said

vote does not appear to have been unanimous, but we have reason to think

otherwise;—New-York and Virginia (which are in similar circumstances

with us, and are much larger and more opulent, and we presume much

wiser, and to which we would pay all due deference), have not attempted

any thing of the kind, nor as we can learn have desired it;—it appears

assuming for so small a colony to take the lead in a matter of so great

importance;—our constituents never expected us to make a new form of

government, but only to set the judicial and executive wheels in

motion;—it appears to us, too much like setting up an independency on

the mother country.” The convention however proceeded in their plan; but

when it was executed, and the body had assumed the form of two houses,

they had the consistency to receive petitions [Jan. 18.] from the towns

of Portsmouth, Dover, Newington, Rochester, Stratham, North-Hampton,

Rye, New-Market, Kensington, Greenland, and part of Brentwood, against

taking up government in the new established form. Both houses met in the

town-house, the petitions were read, considered, and fully argued by the

council for the petitioners. It was voted, [Jan. 27.] that the committee

write to the continental congress, and lay the plan of government taken

up by the colony before them, and let them know that a number of members

of this house dissented from and protested against the same, because of

its being supposed to breathe too much of the spirit of independency;

and request to know the judgment of the congress thereon. Whatever

letter the committee might write was porbably forwarded under cover to

one of their own delegates; and by the advice of certain members was not

brought before congress as a body, till the day after they had given

their sanction to the plan, by admitting upon their journals, on the

29th of February, the credentials of the delegates chosen by the house

of representatives on January the 23d.

When Mr. S. Adams saw the instructions given by the capital of

New-Hampshire, he was dissatisfied, and fearful, lest if that colony

took a wrong step, it should wholly defeat the design, he owned, he had

much at heart. He had been alarmed before in the beginning of the month,

when a motion was made in congress to this purpose.—“Whereas we have

been charged with aiming at independency, a committee shall be appointed

to explain to the people at large the principles and grounds of our

opposition, &c.” It would not do for Mr. S. Adams evidently to interest

himself in opposing the motion, though he was apprehensive that they

should get themselves on dangerous ground; but some other delegates

prevailed so far as to have the matter postponed; and yet they could not

prevent the assigning of a day to consider it. Some little time before,

he had conversed with another gentleman, probably a Virginia delegate,

about a confederation; when they agreed it must soon be brought on, and

that if all the colonies would not come into it, it had better be done

by those that incline to it. Mr. Adams promised, he would endeavour to

unite the New-England colonies in confederation, if none of the rest

would join in it; the other approved of it, and said that if Mr. S.

Adams succeeded, he would cast in his lot among them. Many of the

principal gentlemen in the Massachusetts have been long urging their

delegates at congress to bring forward independency; the more so, for a

persuasion that, resistance unto blood having been once made against the

governmental measures the British spirit will never be quieted, with any

thing short of those concessions and satisfactions, which Americans

never make. General Washington has no wish, that the congress would

declare the colonies independent: but many other officers, especially

among the New-Englanders, are desirous of it; though the situation of

their military affairs could of late afford them no reasonable

encouragement. They have been obliged to change their army by a new

enlistment under the mouths of their enemy’s cannon; and while employed

in this operation, had not for some time men enough to defend their

lives had the British troops commenced an attack. They had to guard an

extent of better than a dozen miles, with few more troops than what were

in Boston. Such was the want of muskets, that in order to supply the new

enlisted soldiers, they forcibly detained those belonging to the

privates whose time was out, and who refused to serve longer; but not

without paying for them.

Gen. Green wrote from—Prospect Hill, January 4, 1776. “Had the enemy

been fully acquainted with our situation, I cannot pretend to say what

might have been the consequences. I this day manned the lines upon this

hill, and feel a degree of pleasure that I have not felt for several

days. Our situation has been critical. We have no part of the militia on

this hill; and the night after the old troops went off, I could not have

mustered seven hundred men, notwithstanding the returns of the new

inlisted troops amounted to nineteen hundred and upward. I am now strong

enough to defend myself against all the force in Boston.” Gen.

Washington thus expressed himself on the first of the month: “It is not

perhaps in the power of history to furnish a case like ours—to maintain

a post within musket shot of the enemy for six months together

without——(_powder_, he avoided inserting the word lest the letter should

miscarry;) and at the same time to disband one army and recruit another,

within that distance of twenty odd British regiments, is more than

probable was ever attempted.”

The conduct of the New-Yorkers not answering the desires of captain

Sears, he had for some time taken up his abode in Connecticut. Being

apprehensive, that general Clinton who was preparing to go upon some

expedition with a body of troops, might possibly be destined for

New-York, and considering of what importance it was that the city should

not be possessed by him, he came to gen. Washington, and urged the

necessity of its being secured by American forces. But the general could

spare no troops, every man of them being wanted in the environs of

Boston. Sears proposed that Washington should write to gov. Trumbull,

pressing him to raise two regiments for the service. His application was

strengthened by a letter of gen. Lee’s, who wrote to the commander in

chief, [Jan. 5.] “New-York must be secured, but it will never, I am

afraid, be secured by direct orders of congress for obvious reasons. I

propose that you should detach me into Connecticut, and lend your name

for collecting a body of volunteers. I am assured, that I shall find no

difficulty in assembling a sufficient number for the purpose wanted.

This measure I think absolutely necessary to our salvation; and if it

meets with your approbation, the sooner it is entered upon the

better—indeed the delay of a single day may be fatal.” Mr. John Adams

being at Watertown with the general court, gen. Washington desired his

opinion on Lee’s plan. Mr. John Adams, in a letter of the next day,

[Jan. 6.] showed that the plan was practicable, expedient, and lay

properly within his excellency’s authority, without further directions

from congress. He took notice that a body of people on Long-Island were

intrenching themselves professedly to oppose the American system; that

there was a body of tories in the city of New-York waiting only for a

force to protect them; and that the Jersey troops had been already

ordered to that city. The measures to be taken being settled, the

dispatches were got ready, and Capt. Sears set off with them, for

Connecticut. [Jan. 8.] Gov. Trumbull was much pleased, got the committee

of safety together, hastened the business, and col. Waterbury and col.

Ward’s regiments were raised and ready to march, by the time gen. Lee

got to Stamford, within fifty miles of New-York, and near upon two

hundred and fifty miles from Cambridge. Lee set off on the 11th; and

when at New-Haven, one hundred and sixty miles distant, wrote on the

16th to Washington. “I shall send immediately an express to congress

informing them of my situation and at the same time conjuring them not

to suffer the accursed provincial congress of New-York to defeat

measures so absolutely necessary to our salvation.” Many of the New-York

provincial congress (if not the majority) were adjudged real tories,

some so deemed might be only timed whigs. By the 22d. gen. Lee had

collected at Stamford 1200 Connecticut troops. The New-York committee of

safety were very averse to his marching them into the city, and wrote to

him upon the occasion. He answered with much prudence, judgment and

resolution; and sent to the continental congress for advice. They

directed him to repair to the city, and appoint three of their members

to meet him there, and advise with him on the measures proper to be

pursued. He was detained at Stamford with the gout. The members from

congress and col. Watery being at New-York, gen. Lee directed capt.

Sears to take Waterbury’s regiment, and march it immediately for the

city. At King’s-bridge he was met by a number of citizens, who intreated

him to halt, for that the enemy had declared that if any troops came in,

they would burn the city. Sears pleaded his orders, and marched on. When

nearer the city he was applied to afresh, and strongly urged to remain

at a distance from it; he observed, that neither the members of congress

nor col. Waterbury, had sent him any orders; he therefore continued his

march into the city. The citizens were in the utmost confusion,

expecting the enemy would execute their threats, but they refrained.

[Feb. 4.] Gen. Lee came on when able; and arrived at New-York in less

than two hours after gen. Clinton arrived at the Hook, in the Mercury,

together with a transport brig. Their arrival threw the city into such a

convulsion as it never knew before. Though it was the Sabbath the

inhabitants were engaged in moving away their effects the whole day, and

continued it all night. Gen. Clinton sailed from Boston on the 19th,

with a number of grenadiers and light infantry, as supposed for

Virginia. He touched at the Hook, probably to consult gov. Tryon, and

see whether any thing effectual could be done to strengthen the British

interest in New-York. After a short tarriance, he proceeded to the

southward. Gen. Lee, upon his arrival gave out, “If the men of war set

one house on fire in consequence of my coming, I will chain a hundred of

their friends together by the neck, and make the house their funeral

pile.” He would in all likelihood, have retaliated in some formidable

manner. While Clinton remained at the Hook, various works were erected

for the defence of the city. Nine days before his arrival, on the 26th

of January, and a week after his sailing, care was taken to send over to

Long-Island seven hundred of the Jersey militia, and three hundred of

the Jersey regulars, to disarm those persons in Queen’s county who

opposed American liberty, and to secure their leaders, which was

accomplished.

The congress, receiving information of the disaffection of the

inhabitants of Tryon county, resolved upon disarming them, and providing

for the future tranquility of those parts. They committed the business

to gen. Scuyler. The general having no troops at Albany to carry into

execution their resolutions, was under the necessity of communicating

his business to the sub-committee of the county, after having

administered an oath of secrecy. They contrived to call upon 700

militia; but so great was the zeal of the people, that they followed in

such numbers (although the weather was cold in the extreme) that by the

time he reached Caghnawaga, he had near 3000 men, including 900 of the

Tryon county militia. [Jan. 16.]. On Tuesday the 16th, the general

marched to Schenectady; and in the evening, a deputation from the Mohawk

Indians delivered him a speech in a haughty tone, evidently calculated

to prevent his proceeding to Sir John Johnson’s, who was thought, or

known to be making military preparations. Scuyler, in his answer told

them, that he had full proof, that many people in Johnstown, and the

neighbourhood thereof, had for a considerable time past made

preparations to carry into execution the wicked design of the king’s

evil counsellors, and added, “We have no objection, nay, we wish that

you and your warriors should be present to hear what we shall propose to

Sir John, and the people in and about Johnstown, who are our enemies.

But we beg of you to tell your warriors, that although we have no

quarrel with them, yet if we should be under the disagreeable necessity

of fighting with our enemies, and your warriors should join them and

fight against us, that we will repel force by force.” They replied and

said, “Brother Scuyler, the great man, attend. Every thing that has been

said to us, brother, has been perfectly agreeable to us, &c.” A letter

was sent to Sir John Johnson, requesting a meeting with him the next

day, and assuring him, that he and such persons whom he might choose to

attend him, should pass safe and unmolested to the place where he might

meet him, and from thence back to the place of his abode. Sir John

accordingly met gen. Scuyler about sixteen miles beyond Schenectady

accompanied by some of the leading Scotchmen, and two or three others,

when proposals were made to him: he begged time to answer until the next

evening, to which Scuyler consented. [Jan. 18.] On Thursday the general

approached within four miles of Johnstown. Sir John sent out answers to

the proposals of the preceding day, which not being satisfactory, the

general determined to march his troops to Johnson-hall, without delay:

but gave Sir John till twelve at night to reconsider the matter, after

which he would receive no proposals. At twelve an answer came from Sir

John, in behalf of himself, the inhabitants of Kingsborough, and the

neighbouring adjacent. It was agreed to deliver up all cannon, arms, and

military stores whatsoever, that to his knowledge were in the country, a

few favourite family arms excepted: that Sir John, having given his

parole of honour not to take up arms against America, shall confine

himself to certain limits:—that the Scotch inhabitants shall surrender

their arms, and the general may take any six prisoners from among them

as he chooses, without resistance, to be treated however with humanity,

and with all due deference to rank: that the inhabitants shall give up

their arms, and enter into like engagements with the Scotch

inhabitants:—and that all the men referred to in the above articles

shall be paraded at Johnstown on Saturday at twelve o’clock, and ground

their arms in the presence of such troops as the general may appoint.

These terms were agreed to, and on the next day general Scuyler marched

to Johnstown. [Jan. 20.] On Saturday he drew up his men in the street;

and the highlanders, between two and three hundred marched to the front

where they grounded their arms. These secured the general dismissed them

with an exhortation, pointing out the only conduct which could insure

them protection. In the evening he returned to Cagnuage, leaving col.

Herkimer and the committee of Tryon county to receive the arms of the

remainder, and to fix on six of the principal leaders to send to him. He

expected that the whole disarmed, or to be disarmed, would amount to

above six hundred. Gen. Scuyler’s conduct was highly approved by

congress: and those who accompanied him in the expedition were praised

for their patriotic services.

The following detached articles of intelligence must not be omitted. In

the first week in January, gov. Franklin’s dispatches for the ministry

were seized by lord Sterling’s troops and sent to congress. About the

middle of the month, the Jersey men descried a transport at sea. They

procured several boats, and sailed in quest of her with four days

provision. Lord Sterling commanded. Upon their coming up and along side

of her, she was taken without any resistance, for the sailors swore they

would not fight for common wages. The Americans are making saltpetre all

over the continent, from New-Hampshire to Virginia inclusively.

Let us return to the neigbourhood of Boston.

[Feb. 8.] Major Knowlton was dispatched with a hundred men to make an

incursion into Charlestown, and burn a number of houses, that they might

be no longer of service to the enemy. He crossed the mill-dam upon the

ice, between Cobble Hill and Bunker’s Hill; and immediately proceeded

down the street on the westerly side of the last hill, and destroyed

about ten houses, and brought off a few muskets. He performed the whole

in less than an hour, without the loss of a single man killed or

wounded, though the British garrison kept up a considerable fire of

musketry from Bunker’s Hill. This expedition confounded the amusement

carrying on in Boston, at the same instant.

The British soldiers were much afflicted with sickness and the scurvy,

occasioned by the want of vegetables and fresh provisions,

notwithstanding the powerful exertions made at home to throw in

supplies. Many of the vessels, which were loaded in England with live

stock, vegetables and porter, had been either taken on the coast of

America, or blown off to the West-Indies, by the severe north-west

winds, which usually prevail during the winter months. Out of 40 sail of

transports only eight had arrived. None of these things however hindred

the officers from amusing themselves, all they could, in the present

situation. They had their balls and theatre, that so they might forget

themselves, while seemingly forgotten by their native country. It so

happened that they had finished attending the _Busy Body_; and the scnes

were changed, that the farce of the _Blockade of Boston_, said to be

written by gen. Burgoyne, might be performed. The figure designed for

gen. Washington had just made his appearance (as we are told) upon the

stage, with a large wig and long rusty sword, together with his orderly

serjeant, who had on his sholders a rusty gun seven feet long; now it

was, that one of the regular serjeants came running on the stage, threw

down his bayonet and called out lustily, “the Yankees are attacking

Bunker’s Hill.” They who were unacquainted with the farce, thought that

this was a part of it, but when gen. Howe cried out, _officers to your

alarm posts_, instead of mirth and laughing, there was shrieking,

crying, fainting, &c.

The inhabitants of the town have been supplied with fresh provisions

once in a while from Nova-Scotia. Within two days of the above affair, a

sloop arrived with beef, poultry and hay, the hay sold for a guinea a

hundred weight, the beef for one and six-pence the pound, geese nine

shilling a piece, and other articles proportionably, in sterling money.

There was such a continued backwardness in the Americans to serve in the

army, that gen. Washington was more and more convinced that it could

never be raised to the new establishment by voluntary inlistments. [Jan.

18.] Such was its present inequality to capital operations, that it was

unanimously agreed in a council of war, to request thirteen regiments of

militia to be at Cambridge by the first of February, and to remain if

wanted to the last of March, that so a vigorous attempt might be made on

the army at Boston, if practicable. The news of the unsuccessful attempt

upon Quebec, and gen. Montgomery’s death. [Jan. 24.] was publicly known

not only in the American quarters but at Boston. Let me give you an

account of the siege down to the latest intelligence from thence.

The garrison of Quebec, when gen. Montgomery appeared before it,

consisted of col. Maclean’s men, a hundred and seventy; a company of the

seventh regiment, sixty; marines, forty; militia, about eight hundred;

and seamen belonging to the king’s frigates and to the merchant ships

which wintered in the harbor, four hundred and fifty; in all, fifteen

hundred and twenty. The general was at the head of upwards of eight

hundred men[1] only so small was the force he brought with him, after

leaving a corps at Montreal; and so much was Arnold’s detachment

reduced, by the return of col. Enoe’s division and other unfavorable

circumstances. Thus you see the besiegers were little more than half the

garrison. Upon his appearing before the city he sent forward a flag of

truce which was fired upon by order of Sir Guy Carleton; [Dec. 6, 1775.]

at this gen. Montgomery was so provoked, that the next day he wrote to

Sir Guy a letter, in which he departed from the common mode of conveying

his sentiments, and made use of threats and language that he would

otherwise have probably declined. Notwithstanding the inclemency of the

season he set about erecting works. His batteries were composed of snow

and water, which soon became solid ice. He planted on them five pieces

of ordnance, twelve and nine pounders, with one howitzer; but the

artillery was inadequate, and made no impression; it was therefore soon

in contemplation to storm the city. [Dec. 16.] A council was held by all

the commanding officers of col. Arnold’s detachment in the evening; and

a large majority was for storming the garrison, as soon as the men were

provided with bayonets, spears, hatchets, and hand granades. In a few

days several of the men were ill of the small-pox those who were well

and fit for service were ordered to wear hemlock sprigs in their hats to

distinguish them in the attack upon the works. [Dec. 25.] Col. Arnold’s

detachment paraded in the evening, at capt. Morgan’s quarters, when gen.

Montgomery attended, and addressed them on the subject of an assault on

Quebec, in a sensible spirited manner. The scheme of storming was wholly

the general’s who in the council of war on the occasion, showed the

necessity, practicability, and importance of it, in such a clear and

convincing manner, that they were all agreed and full in the measure.

But he was forced into the scheme from this circumstance, that a part of

his army had to serve no longer than to the end of the year, and three

companies of Arnold’s detachment were uneasy, and were determined to

return home. His army did not now exceed eight hundred sick and well;

only seven hundred and thirty were fit for duty.[2] The attempt had the

appearance of rashness, but the general was persuaded that men, who had

behaved so well, would follow him, and that many of Sir Guy Carleton’s

forces would not fight, when actual service commenced. The general in

his dispatches wrote, [Dec. 36.] “I have so early reported to you my

determination to return home, I take it for granted measures are taken

to supply my place. Should not any body arrive, I must conclude congress

mean to leave the management of affairs in gen. Wooster’s hands,

(Wooster was at Montreal.) If this business should terminate in a

blockade, I shall think myself at liberty to return. However if

possible, I shall first make an effort for the reduction of the town. I

had reason to believe, when I wrote last, the troops well inclined for a

coup de main. I have since discovered, that three companies of col.

Arnold’s detachment are averse. They are within a few day of being free

from their engagements: I must try every measure to prevent their

departure.” [Dec. 27.] The next day at evening the troops assembled by

his order, with design to make an attack and were about to march, when a

fresh order came for their returning to quarters—the weather being

thought not proper. Several men deserting to the enemy, the general was

induced to alter his plan, so that no part of it transpired to the

besieged. [Dec. 30.] The weather being stormy, and the ladders being

ready, the troops were ordered to parade at two o’clock the next

morning.

[Dec. 31.] The troops assemble at the time appointed—they that are to

make the attack by the way of Cape Diamond, at the general’s quarters on

the heights of Abraham, and are headed by the general—they that are to

make the attack through the suburbs of St. Roe, at the guard-house in

St. Roe, and are headed by col. Arnold. The division under Montgomery

consists of the 1st. 2d. 3d. and 4th. battalions of the New-York troops,

and part of col. Easton’s regiment; but of about two hundred men only.

The division under Arnold is made up out of the two battalions detached

from Cambridge, and amount to about three hundred. Col. Livingston, with

a regiment of one hundred and sixty Canadians, and major Brown with part

of a regiment of Massachusetts troops, are to make a false attack upon

the walls to the southward of St. John’s gate, and in the mean time to

set fire to the gate with the combustibles prepared for that purpose.

The colonel is also to give the signals for the combination of attack,

which is to begin exactly at five o’clock. (It is said that capt. Frazer

of the emigrants, then on picket, going his rounds, saw the rockets

fired off as signals, and from his knowledge of the service forming a

conjecture of what would happen, beat to arms without orders, and so

prepared the garrison for defence.) The different routes the assailing

bodies have to make, the depth of the snow, and other obstacles, prevent

the execution of Livingston’s command. The general moves with his

division, attended by a number of carpenters, to the pickets at Cape

Diamond. These are soon cut with the saws, and the general pulls them

down with his own hands. He enters with his aid de camp Mr. M’Pherson,

Mr. Antill the engineer, capt. Cheeseman, and the carpenters. As they

are entering, their guides forsake them; which alarms the general and

other officers, who are unacquainted with the pass and situation of the

enemy’s artillery. They however press on. The general observing that the

troops do not follow with spirit, calls out “Fie! for shame! shall the

New-York troops desert the cause in the critical moment? Will you not

follow when your general leads? Push on brave boys, Quebec is ours.” A

few act with resolution, advance, and attack the guard-house, when the

enemy give a discharge of grape shot from their cannon, and of small

arms; which occasions the fall of the general, his aid de camp, capt.

Cheeseman and others. The firing from the guard-house ceases, by the

enemy’s quitting their post, and the opportunity offers for the

assailants to push forward with success. But the deputy quarter master

general Campbell, with the rank of a colonel, assumes the command; and

not being equal to the special service of the moment, unhappily orders a

retreat, which takes place and the wounded are carried off to the camp.

We now come to col. Arnold’s division, which is ordered to proceed in

the following manner, viz. a lieutenant and thirty men are to march in

front as an advanced guard; then the artillery company with a field

piece mounted on a sled; after that the main body, of which capt.

Morgan’s company is first. The advanced party is to open, when near the

battery raised upon a wharf, which the assailants are obliged to attack

in their way; and when the field piece has given them a shot or two, the

advanced party are to rush forward with the ladders, and force the

battery, while capt. Morgan’s company are to march round the wharf if

possible, on the ice. But the snow being deep, the piece of artillery is

brought on very slowly, and is finally obliged to be left behind. The

main body also are led wrong. There is no road, the way is dark and

intricate, among stores, houses, boats and wharfs; and they are harassed

at the same time with a constant fire of the enemy from the walls, which

kills and wounds numbers, without their being able in the least to annoy

them. The field piece not coming up, the advanced party with capt.

Morgan’s company attack the battery, some firing into the port-holes, or

kind of embrasures, while others scale the battery with ladders and

immediately take possession of it and of the guard consisting of thirty

men. This attack is executed with such dispatch, that the enemy

discharge only one of their cannon. One or two men are lost on each

side. Colonel Arnold receives a wound in one of his legs with a musket

ball, and is carried to the general hospital. When the prisoners are

taken care of, and a few men come up (which is in about half an hour)

the men attempt the next barrier, but cannot force it as the main body

is some time before it can arrive, occasioned by the beforementioned

obstacles. The enemy moreover, having the opportunity, from the retreat

of Montgomery’s division after his fall, turn their whole force and

attention upon this, so that before it can attempt the second barrier

the assailed get such a number of men behind the barrier, and in the

houses, that the assailants are surrounded with a fire from treble their

number, and find it impossible to force it, the former being under

cover, while the latter are quite exposed: here they lose some brave

officers and men. What adds to their embarrassment, they fail of being

aided by a company of their comrades, who were quartered on the north

side of the river St. Charles, and not having notice in season, in

endeavouring to join the main body, are surprised and mostly taken

prisoners, by a party, who make a sortie through palace gate. They who

are near the second barrier, at length take possession of some houses,

and from them keep up a constant fire for some time; but as the party,

which sallied out of palace gate, comes upon the rear of the assailants,

and the number of these is greatly lessened by killed and wounded, it is

thought best to retreat to the first battery. This they do with the

greatest part of their men, where, upon a consultation of officers

present, it is the unanimous opinion, that a further retreat is

impracticable. They maintain their ground till ten o’clock and all hope

of relief being over, are at last obliged to surrender prisoners of war,

with great reluctuance.

By the best account that can be obtained at present, they have lost in

killed and wounded about a hundred—one captain and two lieutenants

killed—col. Arnold, two captains, two lieutenants, and a brigade major,

wounded. The loss of the general’s division is, the general, his aid,

capt. Cheeseman, and half a score privates killed, beside the wounded.

The general was shot through both his thighs and his head. His body was

taken up the next day: an elegant coffin was prepared, and he was

decently enterred the Thursday after. We are told, that when his body

was taken up his features were not in the least distorted, but his

countenance appeared regular, serene and placid—like the soul that had

lately animated it. The general was tall and slender, well limbed, of

easy, graceful and manly address.—He had the voluntary love, esteem and

confidence of the whole army. He was of a good family in Ireland, and

served with reputation in the late war with France. His excellent

qualities and disposition procured him an uncommon share of private

affection—his abilities, of public esteem. His death is considered as a

greater loss to the American cause, than all the others with which it

was accompanied.

When the continental troops had collected after the unsuccessful attack

on Quebec, there was a dispute who should command and whether it was

advisable to raise the siege, or tarry until a reinforcement should

arrive. A council of war agreed, that col. Arnold should command, and

should continue the siege, or rather the blockade, which was accordingly

done, apparently at no small risk, as they had not many more than four

hundred men fit for duty. But they retired about three miles from the

city, and posted themselves advantageously[3]. After mentioning, that

the prisoners made in the attempt to surprise Montreal have been sent to

Great-Britain, and col. Allen in irons, let us return to Boston and its

environs.

[Feb. 14.] About four in the morning, a party from the castle under col.

Leslie joined another, amounting to about five hundred, sent over the

ice to Dorchester Neck by gen. Howe. They burnt about half a dozen

houses; but the general’s scheme failed. He had been up the whole night,

getting ready for an attack with a large body of troops. He expected,

that the burning of the houses would occasion such an alarm, as to put

the American officers upon sending from Roxbury lines a large

reinforcement, and thereby giving him an advantageous opportunity of

attacking them; but at day break, he found their men as usual at their

alarm posts, so that he declined it. The strength of the ice having been

tried in one place, and the frost continuing, general Washington was

desirous of embracing the season for passing over it, from Cambridge

side into Boston. He laid before a council of war [Feb. 16.] the

following question: “A stroke well aimed at this critical juncture, may

put a final period to the war, and restore peace and tranquility so much

to be wished for, and therefore whether, part of Cambridge and Roxbury

bays being frozen over, a general assault should not be made on Boston?”

General Ward opposed the idea, saying, “The attack must be made with a

view of bringing on an engagement, or of driving the enemy out of

Boston, and either end will be answered much better by possessing

Dorchester heights.” General Gates was also against it. The commander in

chief was evidently for it. He did not appear enough sensible of the

importance of Dorchester heights; and probably confided too much in the

courage and perseverance of the continental troops and militia. When the

votes were called for, the majority were against the attack. The

commander in chief could not refrain from showing that he was greatly

dissatisfied. But a negative being put on the question, the next point

to be considered was, whether they should possess themselves of

Dorchester heights, with a view of drawing the enemy out. This was

agreed upon; and the conducting of the business was left wholly to

general Ward, who with generals Thomas and Spencer, commanded on that

quarter. They had been for some time collecting fascines, gabions, &c.

unknown to general Washington, in expectation that the same would be

wanted for this purpose. Had they not practised such foresight, it is to

be much doubted whether they could have been in sufficient forwardness.

The militia, which were called for from the New-England colonies to

assist in some grand operation meant to be undertaken between the first

of February and the end of March, collected apace; but the want of arms

was prodigious. Every thing was carried on with the utmost expedition;

that so the heights might be occupied as soon as possible. The design

was no secret, and many were fearful, that general Howe would secure

them before the Americans—but he could not spare a sufficient force for

the purpose. Not only so, but there was neither water nor covering upon

the heights; and had a corps been employed by him to gain the possession

of them, it would have been in danger of being surrounded, of having its

communication cut off, and of being obliged to surrender in less than

twenty-four hours, through the severity of the weather.

[Feb. 26.] The Americans had got forty-five batteaus, each to carry

eighty men, and two floating batteries, stationed at the mouth of

Cambridge river; by the help of these, they meant to rush into the

west of Boston, should the enemy make a serious affair of Dorchester.

A council of war was called to fix the time for going upon the

heights. The quarter master general, colonel Mifflin, was summoned to

the council for the first time. He went prepossessed in favor of the

night of March the fourth, a friend having reminded him, that probably

the action would be the next day; and that it would have a wonderful

effect upon the spirits of the New-Englanders, to tell them when about

engaging—“remember the fifth of March, and avenge yourselves for the

massacre at Boston.” When required to give his opinion, he spake in

favor of the aforementioned night, and supported it in opposition to

the contrary sentiment of general Gates, who for some reasons deemed

it an improper time. After a debate it was carried for that night by a

majority of one. It was included, that several regiments of militia

from the neighbouring towns, should march in, and do duty for a few

days on the lines of Dorchester and Roxbury. Among other preparations

which had been making against the day of action, the doctors,

surgeons, mates, &c. had been preparing two thousand bandages for

broken legs, arms and dangerous wounds.—

Though this circumstance was well known in camp, the men did not appear

daunted at the idea of the horrid carnage it imparted. There was a

spirit of animation among them, intimating a strong desire of coming to

blows with the enemy. To conceal the design of the Americans, and to

divert the enemy’s attention, a very heavy service of cannon and mortars

began to play upon the town, between ten and eleven, on Saturday night,

[March 2.] from Cobble Hill, Lechmere’s point and Lamb’sdam, a fortified

battery at Roxbury. The firing was continued all that, and the two

succeeding nights. The first night, two seven inch, and one ten inch,

and the _congress_ mortar burst; the last after firing twice or thrice.

Till the Saturday night, the enemy did not believe that the continentals

had so many warlike instruments. But Mr. Henry Knox, who was unanimously

elected by congress colonel of the regiment of artillery the 17th of

last November, had been to Tyconderoga, and brought from thence and

Crown Point across the lakes, while frozen sufficient to bear cannons,

mortars and howitzers, to the number of fifty and better. Shells, &c.

they had got from the king’s store at New-York, and out of the ordnance

brig. The cannonade and bombardment did little damage, only shattered

some houses and hurt a few soldiers.

[March 4.] All things being ready on Monday; as soon as the evening

admits, the expedition goes forward. The covering party of 800 men lead

the way; then come the carts with the intrenching tools; after them the

main working body of about 1200 under general Thomas: a train of more

than 300 carts, loaded with fascines, hay in bundles of 7 or 800 weight,

&c. close the martial procession. The bundles of hay are designed for

Dorchester neck, which is very low, and exposed to be raked by the

enemy; and are to be laid on the side next to them, to cover the

Americans in passing and repassing. Every man knows his place and

business. The covering party, when upon the ground, divides; half goes

to the point nearest to Boston, the other to that next to the castle.

All possible silence is observed. But there is no occasion to order the

whips to be taken from the waggoners, lest their impatience, and the

difficulty of the roads should induce them to make use of them, and

occasion an alarm[4]. The whips used by the drivers of these oxcarts,

are not formed for making much noise, and can give no alarm at a

distance. The men in driving their oxen commonly make most noise with

their voices; and now a regard to their own safety dictates to them, to

speak to their cattle, as they move on, in a whispering note. There are

no bad roads to require an exertion; for the frost having been of long

continuance, they are so hard frozen as to be quite good. The wind lies

so as to carry what noise cannot be avoided by driving the stakes and

picking against the ground, (still frozen above eighteen inches deep in

many places) into the harbour between the town and the castle, so that

it cannot be heard and regarded by any who have no suspicion of what is

carrying on especially as there is a continued cannonade on both sides.

Many of the carts make three trips some four; for a vast quantitiy of

materials have been collected, especially chandeliers and fascines. By

ten o’clock at night the troops have raised two forts, one upon each

hill, sufficient to defend them from small arms and grape shot. The

night is remarkably mild, a finer for working could not have been

sellected out of the three hundred and sixty-five. They continue working

with the utmost spirit, till relieved the Tuesday morning (March 5.)

about three. It is so hazy below the height that the men cannot be seen,

though it is a bright moonlight night, above on the hills. It is some

time after day break before the ministerialists in Boston can clearly

discern the new erected forts. They loom to great advantage, and are

thought to be much larger than is really the case. General Howe is

astonished upon seeing what has been done; scratches his head and is

heard to say, “I know not what I shall do; the rebels have done more in

one night, than my whole army would have done in months.” The admiral

informs him, that if the Americans possess those heights he cannot keep

one of his majesty’s ships in the harbour. A council of war determines

to attempt dislodging them.

General Washington has settled his plan of defence and offence. Boston

is so surrounded on every land side by neighbouring hills, that nothing

can take place on the wharves or next to the water, but it may be noted

by the help of glasses. Proper signals having been agreed on, by means

of the hills, which are in view one of another, intelligence can be

conveyed instantly from Dorchester heights to Roxbury, and from Roxbury

to Cambridge and so the reverse. This mode of communicating information

is the speediest and safest. General Washington’s plan is, in case any

number of the enemy leave Boston to attack the heights and are defeated,

to communicate such defeat by the proper signal, when 4000 provincials

are to cross over from Cambridge side, and attempt the town in the

confusion that the regulars will be under. The boats are prepared, and

the men paraded ready to embark. General Sullivan commands the first

division, and general Green the second. Gen. Heath objected to the

command when offered, and remains in perfect safety with the troops left

in Cambridge. The whole force which the commander in chief now has,

including all the militia, is not much short of 20,000.

All is hurry and bustle in Boston. General Howe orders the ladders in

town to be cut to ten feet lengths, that they may be fit for scaling. A

large body of troops are to embark on board the transports, and to

proceed down the harbour, with a view of landing in the hollow between

the furtherest of the two fortified hills and the castle. The men are

observed by one, at whose door they are drawn up before embarking, to

look in general, pale and dejected; and are heard to say, “It will be

another Bunker’s Hill affair, or worse”—they have adopted the prevailing

mistake of Bunker’s for Breed’s Hill. Some show great resolution and

boast of what they will do with the rebels. When these troops, amounting

to about 2,000, and designed to be under the command of lord Percy, are

upon the wharves, and passing in the boats to the transports, the

Americans expect they are intended for an immediate attack, clap their

hands for joy, and wish them to come on. General Washington happens at

that instant to be on one of the heights; thinks with his men; and says

to those who are at hand,—“Remember it is the fifth of March, and avenge

the death of your brethren.” It is instantly asked by such as are not

near enough to hear,—“What says the general?” His words are given in

answer. They fly from man to man through all the troops upon the spot,

and add fuel to the martial fire already kindled, and burning with

uncommon intenseness. The surrounding hills and elevations about Boston,

affording a secure view of the ground on which the contending parties

are expected to engage, are alive with the numerous spectators that

throng them. A more interesting and bloody scene is apprehended to be

just upon commencing, than what presented at Charlestown. They wait, as

do the troops, officers and privates, the morning through; and till far

into the afternoon, when they are convinced of the tide’s being so far

ebbed, that no attack can be made by general Howe on the Tuesday, which

indeed is not his intention, for he is preparing to do it on the

Wednesday. The transports go down in the evening toward the castle, a

floating battery is also towed down, but the wind is unfavorable, and

before they reach their destination blows up fresh, and forces three of

the vessels ashore on Governor’s Island. A storm succeeds at night, such

as few remember ever to have heard; and toward morning it rains

excessively hard.

[March 6.] The design of general Howe was hereby frustrated, and a deal

of bloodshed providentially prevented. A council of war, was called in

the morning, and agreed to evacuate the town as soon as possible. The

time that had been gained by the Americans for strengthening their

works, before any attempt could be now made upon them, took away all

hope of success; which would have been more precarious than expected by

reason of colonel Mifflin’s having advised to, and provided a large

number of barrels, filled with stones, gravel and sand, that were placed

round the works, to be rolled down and break the lines of any hostile

advancing troops, when ascending the hills. He is entitled to much

praise for all his exertions, and particularly for his conduct on this

occasion. There was a full supply of teams and other requisites for the

service; and though the men were for a while without cover, and suffered

from the rain and cold, yet before Thursday evening he had a number of

barracks up; they having been framed beforehand, and brought upon the

ground on Monday night. [March 7.] There was a general hurry and

confusion in Boston; both troops and tories were as busy as possible in

preparing to quit the town, and to carry off all they could of their

military stores and valuable effects. The number of transports and

vessels was short of what were wanted. In the beginning of last

November, gen. Howe received a letter from lord Dartmouth, advising to

the evacuation of Boston, and the remeval of his troops to New-York. He

excused himself by pleading he had not sufficient shipping. He was now

obliged to evacuate with fewer.

[March 8.] A flag was sent out from the select men, acquainting general

Washington with the intention of the troops, and that general Howe was

disposed to leave the town standing, provided he could retire

uninterrupted by the country. General Washington brought himself under

no obligation; but expressed himself in words which admitted of a

favorable construction, and intimated his good wishes for the

town’s-people. He was at a loss to know where it was that general Howe

intended going; and though inclined to believe it was Halifax, yet to

guard against the evil of a mistake, while the British were preparing to

be gone, he sent off the riflemen by land to New-York, to assist in

securing that city.

[March 9.] General Howe issued a proclamation, ordering all woollen and

linen goods to be delivered to Crean Brush, esq. be they in whose hands

they might. [March 10.] Sundry shops belonging to persons in the

country, were broke open and all the goods, of whatever sort or kind,

taken by the said Brush and put on board ship to be conveyed away. The

next day shops were stripped by him of all their goods, though the

owners were in town. [March 12.] There was a licentious plundering of

shops, stores and dwelling-houses, by soldiers and sailors, carrying

destruction wherever they went: what they could not carry away they

destroyed. The next day the same scene were renewed though expressly

forbid in orders, and the guilty threatened with death, if detected in

that or firing a house. [March 14.] The streets were barricaded in

different parts of the town, and dispositions made, as though the troops

would soon take there departure. Stores &c. were plundered by sailors

from the ships of war, led by their officers under pretence of orders

from the admiral. [March 15.] Proclamation was made by the crier for

every inhabitants to keep to his house from eleven o’clock in the

morning till night, lest they should ennoy the troops in their intended

embarkation; but the wind coming about to east, they mostly returned to

their barracks again.—[March 16.] The troops waiting only for a fair

wind to embark, had little else to study but mischief, which they

practised to a great degree, by breaking open stores and tossing the

contents, being private proverty, into the dock; destroying the

furniture of every house they could get into, and otherwise committing

every kind of wantonness, which disappointed malice could suggest.

[March 17.] A breast work was discovered, to be thrown up by the

Americans at Nook’s Hill on Dorchester peninsula, which from its

proximity, had an entire command of Boston Neck and the south end of the

town—a work which the king’s troops had most fearfully dreaded. In

consequence of it, they began to embark at four o’clock in the morning,

and were all on board and under sail before ten.[5] When it was certain

that they were quite gone, search was made, for fear of what might be,

and fires were discovered in several houses so circumstanced as to

intimate a design of setting them on fire, which was happily frustrated.

Nothing but prevailing prejudice will impute such design to any other

than some unprincipled privates: though an officer of rank was strongly

suspected of having plundered under an official character, and of having

connived at the rascally conduct of smaller villains. What so hastened

the British upon a sight of the works at Nook’s Hill, was probably an

apprehension, that the Americans would possess themselves of Noddle’s

Island, and by erecting batteries at both places, enclose the harbor

with the fire of their cannon. When the king’s troops withdrew from

Charlestown, they left centries standing as usual with their firelocks

shouldered; but it was soon suspected what regiment they belonged to,

and that they were only effigies set there by the flying enemy. It

appears by one of the orderly books which was left behind, that their

force was 7575, exclusive of the staff; so that with the marines and

sailors, Howe might have been considered as 10,000 strong, had it not

been for the mutual jealousies which took place between the army and

navy.

The difficulties which the troops were under, from being so unexpectedly

obliged to evacuate Boston, were much increased by the numbers who were

under the necessity of removing with them. Many who were disaffected to

the American cause had fled there with their families for safety:

besides these, there were not a few of the old inhabitants, who

concluded it was far more prudent for them to withdraw than remain. Both

together, with their families, made up some hundreds, and with their

effects encumbered the transports; to which must be added the plunder

taken from the town, consisting of furniture and various other articles

of a bulky nature. The suddenness of the evacuation prevented an

application to Halifax for a supply of shipping to lessen the

embarrassments. When the fleet got down to King and Nantasket roads,

they remained there several days, and during that period, burnt the

blockhouse and barracks on Castle-Island, blowed up and demolished the

fortifications; but they did not undertake to carry off the cannon, and

only attempted rendering them unserviceable, which was affected as to

several.

General Washington was soon acquainted with the evacuation of the town,

when measures were taken to preserve the peace and order of it, by

placing guards and giving directions as to the admission of persons into

it. The day of evacuating being the Sabbath, was in favor of regularity.

On the Monday [Mar. 18.] his excellency sent off five regiments under

gen. Heath. After marching about a hundred miles, they embarked and went

from New-London through the Sound to New-York by water. The rest,

excepting a few which were left in Boston, took the same route, when the

fleet put to sea, the American army was well supplied with flour, while

in the neighbourhood of Boston, without any particular interruption,

owing to capt. Wallace’s having been ordered to cruise about

Rhode-Island, instead of New-London. Consequently the flour for the army

always got safe from New-York or elsewhere to New-London, from thence to

Norwich, and then by land to the place of destination.—About a week

after the evacuation, the British fleet sailed as was soon known, for

Halifax; but commodore Banks was left with two or three men of war to

protect the vessels that should arrive from Great-Britain or Ireland;

some of which will undoubtedly be taken notwithstanding such precaution.

It was but three day before the evacuation, that capt. Manly took a

transpart of 400 tons burthen, laden with pease, potatoes, pork,

sourcrout and ten packages of medicine.

When admission into Boston was allowed, the American troops were very

desirous of seeing the town. Many of them came from inland places and

were never in a sea-port; their curiosity was much excited on a variety

of accounts. But the small-pox was in several parts of it; and therefore

they only, who were past the disorder were to be admitted. Such however

was the desire of numbers, that they were guilty of a deception, to

obtain entrance. The thought of being liable to catch the distemper

would have terrified them in the highest degree a little while back; but

to gratity a different passion, they suppressed their fears, which might

operate for the preventing of their taking the infection. The works of

the enemy naturally engaged their attention. These, by judicious persons

who have surveyed them, are acknowledged to be excellent, and every one

is convinced, that it would have been a most hazardous attempt to have

endeavored forcing them.

General Washington appointed persons to procure an account and to take

care of the articles which the British troops left behind. Beside

others, there were at the Castle-Island and Boston 250 pieces of cannon,

great and small, more than half of which may be rendered serviceable by

the aids of ingenuity; the heaviest have been the least injured—four

thirteen and a half inch morters, two of them with their beds weighing

five tons each—2,500 chaldron of sea coal—25,000 hushels of wheat—2,300

bushels of barley—600 bushels of oats—100 jars of oil, containing a

barrel each—and 150 horses. Some of the ordnance were thrown into the

water; but the Americans will recover them. The joy of the inhabitants,

whether such as remained in town or withdrew for personal security, upon

finding themselves restored to the safe and peaceable enjoyment of their

ancient rights, freed from what they deemed an odious tyrannical

authority, in a situation to triumph over the disgrace of their enemies,

and with the prospect of speedy relief from the distresses which they

had been under for many tedious months—that joy is more easily conceived

than expressed. They received the commander in chief with every mark of

respect and gratitude, which could be shown to a deliverer.

[Mar. 28.] At his excellency’s request, Dr. Elliot preached a

thanksgiving sermon on the opening afresh of the Thursday’s lecture.

That you may not be at the trouble of turning to your Bible, take his

text in manuscript, “Look upon Zion the city of our solemnities; thine

eyes shall see Jerusalem a quiet habitation, a tabernacle that shall not

be taken down; not one of the stakes thereof shall ever be removed,

neither shall any of the cords thereof be broken.” When you are minded

to exaamine the context, look for chap. xxxiii. 20. of Isaiah. The

general and a number of officers attended. A dinner was provided for his

excellency and other gentlemen in public and private life.

The day after the lecture, (March 29.) the Massachusett’s council and

house of representatives complimented him in a joint address. They took

notice, among many other things, of his attention to the civil

constitution of the colony; of the regard he had always shown for the

lives and health of those under his command; of his having attended to

the preservation of their metropolis, in the quiet possession of which

they now were, without that effusion of blood they so much wished to

avoid. When they expressed their good wishes for him at the close, they

began with, “May you still go on, approved by heaven, revered by all

good men, and dreaded by those tyrants who claim their fellow men as

their property”—and finished with, “May future generations in the

peaceful enjoyment of that freedom, the exercise of which your sword

shall have established, raise the richest and most lasting monuments to

the name of a _Washington_.” His answer was proper, moderate, and

becoming his situation. It will be to his honor to mention, that in

private conversation, he expressed himself to this purpose: “The

recovery of Boston, by the speedy flight of the enemy, is more

satisfactory than a victory gained at the expence of much blood-shed.”

When he sent off an express to Lord Stirling, at New-York, he wrote,

“Gen. Howe abandoned Boston without destroying it. The town is in a much

better situation, and less injured than I expected, from the reports I

had received; though to be sure, it is much damaged, and many houses

despoiled of their valuable furniture.” The following anecdote of the

general may be acceptable. A gentleman who had heard the Rev. Mr. Davis

relate, that col. Washington had mentioned—he knew of no music so

pleasing as the whistling of bullets; being alone in conversation with

him at Cambridge, asked him whether it was as had been related; the

general answered—“If I said so, it was when I was young.” Let us take a

transient notice of the hardships experienced by the Boston inhabitants,

whether they remained in the town or withdrew from it, and resided

elsewhere till the evacuation. Notwithstanding the universal profession

of patriotism, advantages were too generally taken for oppressing them,

by extravagant charges. A sensible writer justly censured such

proceedings in the Connecticut Gazette; and complained, that the

refugees were obliged to pay far higher rents for houses than usual, and

in some instances double. The greatest sufferings of those who remained,

arose from the want of fuel and from provisions, not to mention such as

resulted from the presence of the British army and navy. Fresh

provisions were not alway to be had, and were mostly too dear for the

lower class to obtain; but at length the rations of the soldiers were so

plentiful, that by the aid of these and arrivals from Europe, they that

remained in the town had a tolerable supply of pork, peas, salt butter,

sweet oil and bread, at a moderate price. But the intense cold of the

season rendered the want of fuel extremely grievous. Families, which had

been accustomed to plenty, were obliged to burn with the most sparing

hand, and to save by going to their beds very early, and leaving them as

late. Many kept to them in the sharpest weather, other than as they got

up to dress their victuals and eat their meals. Numbers, to supply the

want of fuel, pulled up the floors of their houses, the stairs, and

whatever offered. The wooden buildings, taken down by order of gen.

Howe, were appropriated to the use of the royal refugees. It was as much

charity to the poorer inhabitants to admit them to a small fire, as to

furnish them with victuals. You must recollect the hard frosts you have

in Britain, once in a great number of years, to conceive of what persons

must endure through the want of fuel, from the long continued frosts of

this country. The houses which the British officers inhabited while in

Boston, were generally left in good condition; but afterwards much

damaged when tenanted by the Americans, whose style of life did not lead

them to pay attention to neatness and elegance.

_New-York_, most probably, is henceforward to be the grand scene of

action. Gen. Lee has left the city some time, and is gone to the

southward. While there, he took care to remove the good cannon on the

battery, and at the king’s store amounting to about a hundred, to a

place of safety; a third of them are thirty-two pounders. He also drew

up another tremendous oath to be administered to the tories, and sent

captain Sears over to Queen’s county with it; which led congress to

resolve, “That no oath by way of test be imposed upon, exacted or

required of any of the inhabitants of these colonies, by any military

officer.” In many of the streets of the city there are breast-works,

barricadoes, &c. and more are making, together with forts in abundance.

Actual service began in the colony, (April 6.) A British sloop sent her

boat ashore on Staten-Island to get water, and a party of riflemen took

the boat and crew prisoners. The firing between the sloop and the

riflemen lasted all day. The city, in a week’s time, was thronged with

provincials; and it might be concluded, that the environs were not very

safe from so undisciplined a multitude; but there are few instances of

so great a number of troops being together with so little mischief done

by them. However as they (especially the Connecticut soldiers, whom some

pronounced the dirtiest people on the continent) are not particularly

attentive to cleanliness, the owners of the houses where they are

quartered, if they ever get possession of them, must be years in

cleaning them, unless they get new floors, and new plaister the walls.

Gov. Tryon has lost his credit with the citizens, and is now spoken of

with contempt and disgust.

The governor of _Virginia_, Lord Dunmore, was no less popular than Tryon

at one time; but is at length as little respected by the Virginians as

the other is by the New-Yorkers. The measures he has continued to

pursue, have only encreased, instead of diminishing the general

resentment. We left him on board a ship off Norfolk, on the 14th of

December, and col. Robert Howe in possession of the town. The Liverpool

frigate arrived from Great-Britain. Soon after, the captain sent a flag

of truce, and demanded to be informed whether his majesty’s ships of war

would be supplied from the shore with provisions: the reply was in the

negative; and the ships in the harbour being continually annoyed by the

riflemen from behind the buildings and ware-houses on the wharfs, it was

determined to dislodge them by destroying the same. Previous notice was

given, that the women, children, and other innocent persons, might

remove from the danger. (Jan. 1.) The entrance of the new year was

signalized at four o’clock in the morning, by a violent cannonade from

the Liverpool, two sloops of war, and the governor’s armed ship the

Dunmore; seconded by parties of sailors and marines, who landed and

fired the houses next the water. Where buildings instead of being

covered with tile, slate, or lead, are covered with shingles, (thin

light pieces of fir or cedar, half a yard in length, and about six

inches broad) let the wind be ever so moderate, they will, upon being

fired, be likely to communicate the conflagration to a distance, should

the weather be dry, by the lighted burning shingles being drived by the

force of the flames to the tops of other houses. Thus it happened here;

and most of the town was destroyed. Col. Howe, by his positive orders

and presence, did all he could to extinguish the fire; but in vain. It

is not improbable, that some of the soldiers and negroes, regardless of

all orders, instead of extinguishing, used all their endeavours to

spread the flames; and thought themselves justified, upon the principle

of the property’s belonging to persons inimical to the liberties of

America. A part of the town escaped; the owners were mostly whigs. Their

houses however, were afterward valued, and then burnt by the direction

of the ruling civil authority. Thus the whole town was reduced to ashes,

that the enemy might have no shelter, should they be inclined to

establish a post on the spot. A few men were killed and wounded on both

sides at the burning of Norfolk, the most populous and considerable town

for commerce of any in the colony. It contained about 6000 inhabitants,

and many in affluent circumstances. The whole loss is estimated at more

than three hundred thousand pounds sterling. However urgent the

necessity, it was an odious business for a governor to be himself a

principal actor in burning and destroying the best town in his

government. The Americans afterward cut off every possible resource from

the ships, burnt and destroyed the houses and plantations within reach

of the water; and obliged the people, chiefly royalists, to remove with

their cattle and provisions further into the country. The horrid

distresses brought upon numbers of innocent persons by these operations,

must pain the feelings of all who are not hardened by a party spirit.

Governor Martin demands our next attention. Though he was obliged to

take refuge on board a ship of war, he contemplated the reduction of

North-Carolina to royal obedience. He had been informed, that a squadron

of men of war, with seven regiments, under the conduct of Sir Peter

Parker and lord Cornwallis, were to leave Ireland on an expedition to

the southern provinces in the beginning of the year, and that

_North-Carolina_ was their first, if not principal object. He knew also

that gen. Clinton, with a small detachment, was on his way to meet them

at Cape Fear. He had for some time formed a connection with the

regulators, and highland-emigrants, in the western parts of the

province. To these people he sent several commissions for the raising

and commanding of regiments, and granted another to Mr. M’Donald to act

as their general. He also commanded all persons by proclamation, to

repair to the royal standard which was to be erected by the general

about the middle of February. The highlanders and regulators collected

and embodied at Cross Creek the beginning of the month; and by the 19th

amounted to about fifteen or sixteen hundred. Gen. Moore hearing that

they were assembling, marched with his own regiment, and all the militia

he could collect, about 1100 in all, to an important post within seven

miles of Cross Creek, which he secured on the 15th Feb. On the 12th they

marched within four miles of him, and sent in, by a flag of truce, [Feb.

20.] the governor’s proclamation, a manifesto, and a letter to the

general, which he answered. That and the following night they crossed

the north-west river, and took their rout to Negro Head Point. On

information hereof gen. Moore sent an express to col. Caswell, who was

upon his march with 800 men to join him, and directed him how to proceed

upon the occasion. Colonels Lillington and Ashe were ordered, if

possible to reinforce him; and if they could not, to take possession of

Moore’s Creek bridge. The general pursued the enemy; but did not come up

with them. He proposed getting to and securing the bridge, which was

about ten miles from them. Want of horses occasioned a delay; but col.

Lillington had taken his stand there just in time, and the next

afternoon was reinforced by col. Caswell. The colonels immediately

raised a small breast-work and destroyed part of the bridge. The next

morning at break of day, [Feb. 27.] an alarm gun was fired, directly

after which, scarcely leaving the Americans a moment to prepare, the

enemy with capt. M’Cleod at their head (gen. M’Donald being ill) made

their attack. Finding a small intrenchment next the bridge quite empty,

they concluded that the Americans had abandoned their post, and in the

most furious manner advanced within thirty paces of their breast-work

and artillery, where they met with a warm reception. Captains M’Cleod

and Cambell fell within a few paces of it; and in a few minutes the

whole army was put to flight, and shamefully abandoned their general,

who was the next day taken prisoner. They lost only about 70 killed and

wounded. The Americans had only two wounded, one of them survived. The

conquerors took 13 waggons, 350 guns and shot bags, about 150 swords and

dirks, and 1500 excellent rifles. The joy this conquest diffused among

the North-Carolinians is inconceivable, the importance of it being

heightened by gen. Clinton and lord William Campbell’s being then at

Cape Fear in sanguine expectation of being joined by the vanquished. The

Americans under colonels Caswell and Lillington were about 1000 strong.

Parties of men have been dispersed through the colony, to apprehend

suspected persons, and disarm all the highlanders and regulators routed

in the battle who are discharged if privates, but the officers are

secured. It was but a few months since——capt. M’Cleod and another

officer took a solemn oath before the committee at New-bern, that their

business in North-Carolina was only to see their friends and relations.

In _South-Carolina_, when the recommendation of the continental congress

for the establishment of a form of government came to be considered, a

great part of the provincial congress opposed the measure; it had so

much the appearance of an eternal separation from a country, by a

reconciliation with which many yet hoped for a return of ancient

happiness. While they were suspended on this important debate, an

express arrived from Savannah, with the act of parliament, passed

December 21, 1775, confiscating all the American property found floating

upon the water; and compelling all the crews belonging to American

vessels, without distinction of persons to serve as common sailors in

the British ships of war. By this act they considered all the colonists

from New-Hampshire to Georgia inclusively, as thrown out of the king’s

protection. The timely arrival of it turned the scale, silenced all who

were advocates for a reconciliation, and produced a majority for an

independent constitution. In less than an hour after the act was read in

the convention, an order was issued to seize for the public, a Jamaica

vessel laden with sugar, which had put into Charlestown in her way for

London; though she had the day before obtained leave to pass the forts,

and meant to sail in the afternoon. Still the attachment of numbers to

Great-Britain was so strong, that though they assented to the

establishment of an independent constitution; yet it was carried after a

long debate, that it is only to exist, “till a reconciliation with

Great-Britain and the colonies shall take place[6].”

The transactions in _Georgia_ remain to be related. Gen. Howe, while at

Boston, in order to obtain rice, sent major Grant and capt. Maitland

with four transports and 200 marines to Savannah. The South-Carolina

congress having timely information, commissioned col. Stephen Bull to

act in aid of the Georgians: he accordingly marched a body to their

assistance. A battery was erected, which fired smartly upon the

transports on their arrival in the harbour. Upon this they went round an

island in the night to get at some vessels going to Great-Britain. About

four o’clock in the morning of March the third, the enemy, by collusion

with the masters and others, got on board these ships, where they

attempted to conceal themselves. But knowledge of it being obtained, 300

men were immediately marched opposite the shipping, with three four

pounders, and threw up a breast-work. Firing between both parties after

a while ensued. At length it was determined to burn the vessels, orders

were issued to fire the Inverness and cut her loose; which being

executed the marines in the utmost confusion, got on shore in the marsh,

while the riflemen and field pieces were incessantly galling them. The

shipping were also in the utmost disorder. Some got up the river under

cover of an armed sloop, while others caught the flame, and, as they

passed and repassed with the tide, were the subject of gratulation and

applause. Seven loaded vessels were burnt, and the intention of gen.

Howe entirely frustrated.

_Philadelphia_ will detain us for a while. Congress resolved, (Jan. 15.)

“That to express the veneration of the U. Colonies for their late

general, Richard Montgomery, and the deep sense they entertain of the

many signal and important services of that gallant officer; and to

transmit to future ages, as examples truly worthy of imitation, his

patriotism, conduct, boldness of enterprise, insuperable perseverance,

and contempt of danger and death, a monument be procured from Paris or

any other part of France, with an inscription sacred to his memory, and

expressive of his amiable character and heroic atchievements; and that

Dr. Smith be desired to prepare and deliver a funeral oration in honor

of the general, and those officers and soldiers, who so magnanimously

fought and fell with him in maintaining the principles of American

liberty.”

They ordered gen. Thomas to take the command of the troops in Canada;

endeavouring to collect gold and silver, in exchange for continental

bills of credit, for the service in that quarter; and appointed [Mar.

20.] Dr. Franklin, Samuel Chase, and Charles Carroll, esqrs.

commissioners to form a union between the people of the United Colonies

and those of that province.—They left New-York in the beginning of April

on their way thither. As the priests have been prevailed upon to refuse

the sacraments to those of the Canadians, who are deemed rebels, and as

it operates powerfully against the American interests, a priest is gone

from Maryland to perform all the needful services of the Romish

religion. Congress came to the resolution, (Mar. 23.) “That the

inhabitants of these colonies be permitted to fit out armed vessels to

cruise on the enemies of the United Colonies;” and many others which

related to it. They took notice, in the declaration which preceded them,

of the act of parliament passed the 21st of December. This act has made

many converts to independency in all the colonies. [Mar. 25.] After

reading gen. Washington’s letter of the 19th, informing congress of the

evacuation of Boston, they ordered thanks to be presented to him, in

their own and in the name of the Thirteen United Colonies; and to the

officers and soldiers under his command; and that a medal of gold be

struck in commemoration of the event, and presented to his excellency.

They resolved (April 6.) to admit of the importation of any goods and

merchandize, (if not of the growth, production and manufacture of, or

brought from any country under the dominion of the king of

Great-Britain) except East India tea. They on the same day determined,

“That no slaves be imported into any of the colonies.” They ordered

(April 10.) a speech to be delivered to capt. White Eyes, whom they, no

less than lord Dunmore, in compliance with the expectation of the

Indian, addressed with a—“_brother capt. White Eyes_.”

The disuse of tea is again fashionable through the United Colonies. It

became so in the Massachusetts, soon after the East India Company’s teas

were destroyed on December the 16th, 1773. Coffee, which is about

nine-pence sterling the pound, is substituted by vast numbers for the

once favourite herb of China; now the more readily exploded for having

been the accidental occasion of the troubles with which the colonists

are exercised.

[April 1.] Dr. Warren’s merit obliges me to mention, that the lodge of

Free Masons, whereof he was late grand master, agreed to take up his

remains, and in the usual funeral solemnities of that society, decently

to inter the same. The spot where he was buried, was pointed out with

those attending circumstances that assured them, that they had gained

the possession thereof, though consisting of bones only; which were

honourably interred in Boston, (April 8) being attended by a grand

procession of the society, accompanied by a crowd of spectators.

Commodore Ezekiel Hopkins’s naval expedition is the last article of

intelligence to be related. The fleet consisted of two ships, two brigs,

and a sloop, all armed and well manned, including better than 200

marines. On the 17th of February they left Cape-Henlopen, and after a

pleasant passage of fifteen days, came to an anchor off the island of

Abacco, about seventeen leagues from New-Providence, which gave the

commodore an opportunity of enquiring into the state of the last island,

and of learning that it was well supplied with warlike stores; on which

it was deemed a proper object. The marines were embarked on board some

small vessels belonging to New-Providence, which had been taken; and the

whole sailed Saturday evening, March the 2d; the next morning all the

men were landed at the east end of the island. They were marched toward

the fort built about half way between the landing and town. Upon their

approaching it, the garrison fired upon them, then spiked up the cannon,

and retired to the fort within the town. The Americans took possession

of that which had been abandoned, (March 3) and stayed there the whole

night to refresh themselves. The next morning they marched forward to

the town, and entered it without meeting any interruption. The officer

went to the governor, and demanded the keys of the fort which were

immediately given. Upon taking possession of it, he found 40 cannon

mounted and all well loaded, beside a great quantity of shot and shells,

with 15 brass mortars, but missed of the grand article, 150 casks of

powder, which the governor carefully sent off the night before. They

remained on the island, till they had gotten all the stores on board the

fleet, and then the whole took their departure on the 17th. They brought

away with them governor Monford Brown, the lieut. governor, and a

counsellor.

[April 4.] The fleet fell in with a British schooner, on the east end of

Long-Island, and took her. The next day they took a bomb brig of eight

guns and two howitzers, ten swivels and forty-eight men, well found with

all sorts of stores, arms, powder, &c. On the 6th, about one in the

morning, they fell in with his majesty’s ship the Glasgow (of twenty

nine pounders and 150 men) and her tender. At half past two, the Cabot

brigantine, capt. Hopkins, jun. came up with the Glasgow, and upon

finding who she was, immediately fired her broadside; when the Glasgow

made her a return of two-fold, and with the weight of her metal damaged

her so much in her hull and rigging, as obliged her to retire for a

while to refit. On her retiring, the Alfred of twenty nine pounders on

the lower, and ten six pounders on the upper deck, commanded by the

commodore, capt. Hopkins, sen. came up and engaged the Glasgow for three

glasses as hot as possible on both sides. While thus engaged, the

Columbus, capt. Whipple, of eighteen nine pounders on the lower, and ten

six pounders on the upper deck, ran under the Glasgow’s stern, raked her

as she passed, and then luft on her lee beam, while the Anandona brig of

sixteen six pounders, took her station on the larboard quarter of the

Glasgow; the Providence sloop of twelve six pounders altered her station

occasionally. By day light the station of the American vessels was

changed, as the two ships had dropt on each quarter of the Glasgow,

while one of the brigs kept a stern, giving a continual fire. Captain

Tyringham Howe, of the Glasgow, perceiving the force of the American

fleet, seemingly increased by a large ship and a snow, which kept to

windward as soon as the action began, and discerning none of captain

Wallace’s fleet to afford him the prospect of support, very prudently

made all the sail he could crowd, and stood in for Newport. The bravery

of captain Howe’s behaviour is to be commended. That he should have

escaped from a force, so much superior when united, does not give

satisfaction to the Americans, and is imputed to some failure in conduct

or courage on the side of their commanders. Commodore Hopkins, in his

account of the action, has written, “We received considerable damage in

our ship, but the greatest was in having our wheel-rope and blocks shot

away, which gave the Glasgow time to make sail; and I did not think

proper to follow, as it would have brought on an action with the whole

of their fleet, and I had upward of thirty of our best seamen on board

the prizes: I therefore thought it most prudent to give over the chace,

and secure our prizes; and having taken the Glasgow’s tender, arrived

the seventh with all the fleet”—at New-London. [April 16.] The congress

have given orders, “that the cannon and such other stores as are not

necessary for the fleet, be landed and left at New-London; and that such

of the cannon and wheels as governor Trumbull shall direct, may be

employed for the defence of that harbor.

Commodore Hopkins is thought not to have followed his instructions and

to have displeased by departing from them.—The Alfred had six men killed

and as many wounded. The Cabot had four men killed and seven wounded,

the captain among the latter. The Columbus had one man who lost his arm.

The Glasgow had one man killed, and three wounded by the musketry from

the Americans. The main damage on each side lay in the hulls and

rigging.

Many of your papers, it is observed, are very liberal in bestowing upon

the colonists the appellation of rebels, traitors, cowards, &c. while

those printed on this side the Atlantic are calling the parties employed

against the Americans by sea and land, pirates, banditti, ministerial

butchers, butchering assassins, cut-throats, thieves, &c. These abusive

names take with the unthinking multitude, whether in high or low life,

and set a keener edge upon the spirit of party; but are productive of

much cruelty, and tend to beget a rooted antipathy. You will not object

to any expence, that may attend the conveyance of this letter by way of

France, no other safe one offering at present. My correspondent there

will cheerfully undertake the care of any you may want to forward to

America.