[71] We get at this time (October, 1554), whilst the royal couple were at
Hampton Court, a glimpse of their life together. “As for newes you shall
understand that the King’s and Queen’s Majesties be in helth and merry,
whom I did see daunce togethers uppon Sunday night at the Court, where
was a brave maskery of cloth of gold and silver apparailed in mariners
garments, the chief doer whereof I think was my lord Admiral.”—Francis
Yaxley to Sir W. Cecil, Landsdown MSS. (Cotton), vol. iii. 44.
[72] Venetian Calendar.
[73] Ibid.
[74] In the Venetian Calendar, 21st September, 1554, there is a dignified
letter from Pole to Philip reproaching him for allowing him, a Prince of
the Church, an Englishman exiled for Mary’s sake half a lifetime, and
a Legate of the head of the Church, thus to knock at the door of his
country unheeded by a Catholic King.
[75] Mason to the Queen and King, 9th November, Foreign Calendar.
[76] Ibid.
[77] Enriquez’s narrative (Sociedad de Bibliofilos) and John Elder’s
letter, Camden Society. Queen Jane and Queen Mary.
[78] John Elder says that, as an instance of Pole’s good repute, that
when he (Elder) was in Rome it was a common saying there, not only
amongst Englishmen, but amongst Italians as well, “_Polus Cardinalis
natione Anglus pietatis et literarum testimonio dignus, non qui Polus
Anglus, sed qui Polus angelus vocetur_.”
[79] Enriquez’s narrative.
[80] John Elder’s letter.
[81] Papiers d’État de Granvelle, vol. iv.
[82] Enriquez’s narrative.
[83] Enriquez’s narrative.
[84] Michaeli says that ten thousand people listened to the sermon.
[85] Signor Claretta has published (Pinerolo, 1892) an interesting series
of documents from the Turin Archives giving full particulars of the visit.
[86] The assertion of so many historians that she came to Whitehall at
Christmas, 1554, is erroneous. She did not come till the end of April,
long after Savoy’s departure.
[87] At this time (late in 1554) a large number of Spanish shopkeepers
and artisans had established themselves in London under the erroneous
belief referred to in an earlier page, that the marriage of Philip meant
their entering into possession of the kingdom. This had been so much
resented by the Londoners that not only were attacks upon these people
constant, as recorded by Enriquez and others, but on the 12th October
Mary had been obliged to issue a decree commanding all Spanish tradesmen
to shut up their shops. This, of course, was a new source of complaint
with them.
[88] Foreign Calendar.
[89] Queen Jane and Queen Mary.
[90] Papiers d’État de Granvelle, vol. iv.
[91] On occasion of a grand tilting at Whitehall on the 25th March twenty
gentlemen made a brilliant show, and Philip distinguished himself so
much that the Queen became anxious and apprehensive, sending to beseech
him, as he had run so many courses and done enough, not to encounter any
further risk for her sake. He also attended another grand tilt at the
weddings of Lords Maltravers and Fitzwalter in the following month.
[92] Venetian Calendar.
[93] “Acts and Monuments.”
[94] Elizabeth’s Italian master was arrested in connection with one of
these publications, called “A Dialogue.”—Michaeli, Venetian Papers.
[95] Michaeli’s advices, Venetian Calendar.
[96] Michaeli on this visit mentions that he saw Queen Mary, “who was
looking very well; for, placing herself every morning at a small window,
she likes to see the procession pass, which at her desire, goes round
the palace court, she most courteously bowing her head in acknowledgment
to all persons who salute her ... as she did twice with extraordinary
cheerfulness and graciousness to the Portuguese ambassador and myself,
we having gone into the court to accompany the King to Mass, and joined
the procession on the invitation of the Lords of the Council. Her Majesty
expects and hopes during this week to comfort the realm by an auspicious
delivery, but the greater part of her women think that she will go
beyond.”
[97] Renard to the Emperor, 27th June, 1555.—Papiers d’État de Granvelle.
[98] Michaeli, Venetian Calendar.
[99] Ambassades de Noailles, vol. v. 136.
[100] Ambassades de Noailles, vol. v. 98.
[101] Ambassades de Noailles.
[102] Michaeli to the Doge, 3rd September, 1555.—Venetian Calendar.
[103] It must be recollected that Philip’s tolerance and moderation with
regard to the extreme persecution of heresy in England was purely a
matter of policy, as his after life clearly proved. At a later period,
moreover, he actually claimed for himself the credit of the religious
persecution. Cabrera de Cordoba quotes a letter from him to his sister
Juana, in which he says, “I, having diverted the realm [England] from the
sects and brought it into obedience to the Church, and having always been
in favour of the punishment of the heretics, which is now being carried
out so smoothly in England” (Cabrera, “Vida de Felipe II.”).
[104] State Papers, Domestic, September, 1555.
[105] Ambassades de Noailles.
[106] This, of course, was late in 1555, before the truce of Vaucelles in
February, 1556.
[107] Michaeli to the Doge, Venetian Calendar, 28th April, 1556. She had
been asked many times to go to Flanders to stay with Philip’s aunt, Mary
of Hungary.
[108] The process of these conspiracies may be followed step by step in
the Letters of Noailles (Ambassades), Michaeli (Venetian Calendar), and
Wotton (Foreign Calendar).
[109] Michaeli, Venetian Calendar.
[110] In a pathetic and submissive letter (Cotton, Titus B. 2, 57,
British Museum) Mary beseeches Philip to allow her to defer the matter
until he comes to England. Her doubts on the matter seem to have been
partly inspired by jealousy of her sister, who if she married Emmanuel
Philibert in Flanders would be near Philip, for she adds: “If you will
not defer it I shall be jealous of your Highness, which would be worse
for me than death—I have already begun to feel uneasy.”
[111] Noailles and Michaeli.
[112] The particulars of this treaty will be found in the author’s
Calendar of Spanish State Papers, Henry VIII., vols, vi., vii., and viii.
[113] Sorzano to the Doge, May, 1557, Venetian Calendar, detailing a
conversation with Henry on the subject.
[114] The Earl of Bedford, writing to Cecil on the 21st August, says that
“the Count of Egmont with two thousand Spaniards and Schwartzreiters
and as many of us made a ride into France of twenty-two miles, and
found no great resistance, nor should have done though we had gone much
further.”—Haynes’ State Papers.
[115] The vast monastery palace of the Escorial owed its origin to such
a promise on the part of Philip II. when he saw to his sorrow that his
troops had destroyed and sacked a church and cloister dedicated to St.
Laurence at St. Quintin. To appease the saint, he promised on the spot
to build the grandest monastery to St. Laurence in the world, and he
kept his word. For the greater part of his life the building of this
stupendous pile upon the sterile Guadarrama steppes was an obsession of
the King.
[116] Lord Grey de Wilton to the Queen.—Domestic Calendar.
[117] An interesting account of the defence and loss of Guisnes is given
by Lord Grey himself (Camden Society).
[118] MSS. Simancas, Philip to Feria, January, 1558.—Estado, 811.
[119] Howard suspected the influence that had been exerted against him,
and charged Feria with it. The Spaniard assured him that he had been
misinformed; and in order to mollify him Philip wrote to the Queen asking
her to give Howard some Court appointment instead of the Admiralty.
Clinton was by Philip’s influence also placed in the Council, of which
Howard was not a member, but became so, as well as Lord Chamberlain,
shortly afterwards.
[120] Feria to the King, 12th February, 1558 (MSS. Simancas, Estado 811).
Philip replied that he could not send the 10,000 crowns required at once,
as he was very short of money, but would send it as soon as he could get
it in Spain.
[121] MSS. Simancas, Estado 811, Feria to the King, 10th March.
[122] Philip had written to Feria a day or two before saying that the
English orders for powder, &c., in Flanders were so excessive that if
they were made public the dealers would at once put up the price to his
detriment, and he begged that the amount might be reduced. In Rymer’s
“Federa” there is a list of the munitions which Gresham was to obtain
in conjunction with the Italian banker Bonvisi, who had advanced a loan
to Mary: “3,500 hackequebutts, 1,000 pistolets, 500 pondera (lbs.) de
Mauches, 100,000 pondera (lbs.) petre salse (saltpetre), 3,000 corselets,
2,000 mourreyens, 3,000 iron cappes, 8,000 lances and pikes.”
[123] Feria, writing to the King on the 6th April, says in reference to
this: “Gresham writes that he has found much difficulty and has only
taken up £10,000. I do not know how this comes to pass, for Paget and
the rest of them told me at first that the loan for £100,000 was already
arranged with the merchants I wrote about, and I naturally thought
that as it had been settled between them and me that Gresham should go
straight to your Majesty that the affair would be carried through at
once.... He took letters from the Council to your Majesty, and the Queen
instructed him to go straight to you. Now it seems from what he writes
that he has not been to Brussels, and he deserves punishment at your
Majesty’s hands, as I have told the Queen.”—MSS. Simancas, Estado 811.
[124] Foreign Calendar.
[125] MSS Simancas, 10th March, 1558, Estado 811.
[126] MSS. Simancas, Estado 811.
[127] In the letter written by Philip to Feria in reply to that quoted
above he says that he has written to Clinton ordering him to go to
Flanders at once to receive Philip’s orders as to what he is to do with
the English fleet, “in order that the money it is costing should not be
spent fruitlessly.”—MSS. Simancas, Estado 811.
[128] MSS. Simancas, Estado 811.
[129] Feria’s suggestion, to which this is a reply, runs thus: “I wrote
to your Majesty that I did not see Madam Elizabeth when I came here
because my principal means of carrying through what I wanted was the
goodwill of the Queen, and I was anxious not to run counter to her in
anything, especially as your Majesty had given me no instructions to
the contrary. I afterwards sent a message of apology to Madam Elizabeth
by the Admiral’s wife [_i.e._, Lady Clinton], who was brought up with
her and is much in her favour. I said that after she left [London] I
had received orders from your Majesty to pay my respects to her in your
name. I told Paget to excuse me to her also, but I do not think he did
so. On the contrary, the Admiral’s wife told me that he asked Madam
Elizabeth whether I had visited her, and when she said no he expressed
much surprise. Figueroa and myself think the matter should not be left
thus, and that it would be best for me to go and see her before I leave.
She lives 20 miles away. I shall be glad of your Majesty’s instructions”
(MSS. Simancas, Estado 811, Feria to the King, 18th May).
[130] A good instance of this is given in the appointment of the
commander of 1,000 English pioneers who had been raised for Philip’s
service. Feria wished to send Major Randolph in charge of them. The
Councillors appointed another man and said that Randolph was to be
appointed to a post on shore in connection with the navy. Feria insisted,
and a long quarrel resulted, Feria insisting that Philip should write
peremptorily to the Queen about it.
[131] This was certainly not the case. Suriano, the Venetian ambassador,
writing from Brussels on the 12th November, on Feria’s hasty voyage to
England, when Mary was known to be dying, says drily: “He is in great
favour with the Queen and he likewise fancies himself popular there [in
England], but may God grant, in case of her Majesty’s death, that he do
not experience to his detriment the perverse nature of those people, and
their most inveterate hatred of foreigners and above all of Spaniards”
(Venetian Calendar, 12th November). The fable of Feria’s great power in
England persisted for years, probably owing to his marriage with Sir
William Dormer’s daughter Jane, which brought him into relationship with
the Sidneys and a powerful group of English noble families. Dr. Man, the
English ambassador in Spain in 1567, writes to Cecil (Cotton MSS., Galba
ciii.) that he had heard a Spanish gentleman say at table that the “Count
de Feria was so beloved in England that in case he would he might have
made himself King of England. Which although it be an untruth yet it
argueth a confidence the Spaniards have of some great part the Count is
yet able to make in England.” In fact, Feria, whose hatred of Elizabeth
was intense, was extremely unpopular for his arrogance and presumption in
England.
[132] MSS. Simancas, Estado 811.
[133] Philip was already in peace negotiations with the French; and the
English Commissioners were holding out strongly for the restitution of
Calais as a condition.
[134] Venetian Calendar, 29th October, 1558.
[135] The letter from Feria, dated 14th November, detailing this
interview with Elizabeth was abstracted by Gonzalez many years ago with
other papers of the period and translated into English. Unfortunately
since then the letter appears to have been lost. At least I could not
find it when I transcribed the other letters of the period relating to
England in the Spanish Royal Archives at Simancas. The letter, however,
was printed in Kervyn de Lettenhove’s “Relations Politiques,” &c.
[136] From Father Clifford’s contemporary “Life of the Duchess of Feria”
(published), for the inspection of the original manuscript of which I am
indebted to its present possessor, Lord Dormer.
[137] Spanish Calendars of Elizabeth (Hume).
[138] Spanish Calendars of Elizabeth, vol. i. (Hume).
[139] The English correspondence on this matter is of much interest. It
is in Forbes’s State Papers.
[140] Philip to Feria, 14th February, 1559.—Spanish Calendars of
Elizabeth (Hume).
[141] Elizabeth was all the time in negotiation with the Reform party in
France through Guido Cavalcanti for a separate peace, if possible, on
better terms than could be got in conjunction with Spain. She was quite
willing to leave Philip in the lurch, if necessary, though the Catholic
advisers of Henry II. had entirely different views. The correspondence is
in Forbes’ State Papers of Elizabeth.
[142] Hatfield Papers, part i, p. 151.
[143] Spanish Calendar of Elizabeth (Hume).
[144] “Queens of Old Spain,” by Martin Hume.
[145] 12th July, Spanish Calendar, vol, i.
[146] The Bishop of Aquila to Feria, 7th March, 1560.—Spanish Calendar,
vol. i.
[147] This pretended _rapprochement_ may be followed in detail in
Quadra’s letters in the Spanish Calendar. The intrigue was mainly
engineered by Lady Mary Sidney.
[148] Spanish Calendar, vol. i.
[149] Quadra wrote a letter to the Emperor on the 26th June, before
he received Philip’s instructions, worded in a way that was purposely
intended to deceive. Whilst saying that the Scots were not favourable
to the Archduke’s suit unless he brought enough money to keep himself
and also that he was strong enough to assert Mary’s claim to the English
Crown, he hinted that it was to France and not to Spain that she was
looking for a husband. No word is mentioned about Don Carlos.—Spanish
Calendar, vol. i. 340.
[150] Serious allegations of intrigues against the Queen had been made
against the Bishop by a former secretary of his to Cecil. Shan O’Neil was
known to have frequented his house; English Catholics were known to be
attendants at Mass in the embassy chapel, and many other complaints were
made besides the harbouring and connivance in the escape of the fugitive
Italian. The Bishop himself was placed under arrest and subsequently
deprived of the use of Durham House as a result of the investigation of
these charges.—Spanish Calendar, vol. i., and Domestic Calendar of the
same date, 1563.
[151] And not alone to Philip. The merchants of Antwerp wrote
beseeching letters to Cecil, and also to Gresham, asking for their
influence to procure the re-establishment of commercial intercourse.
The correspondence on the subject, extending over many months, is in
the Spanish Calendar, vol. i., and in the Flanders Papers of the date
(1564) at the Record Office, for the most part abstracted in the Foreign
Calendar.
[152] Some of the arguments he is directed to use sound strangely
incongruous as coming from Philip. “You may say that they cannot fairly
refuse the request about the [Catholic] churches, for even the Turk
allows Christians who live in his country to worship God in their own
way.”—Spanish Calendar, vol. i. 353.
[153] The meaning of this is that Dudley and his Catholic friends were
saying that the suspension of commercial intercourse was favourable to
them, as it was driving Englishmen to desperation, and would lead to a
revolt against Cecil.
[154] Guzman was warned by his master that he must be very wary how he
listened to treasonable suggestions, either from the English and Irish
Catholics or from Dudley’s friends, as in either case they might be
traps. If Dudley would get Cecil disgraced, Philip would be delighted,
but the hand of Spain must on no account be seen in it.—Spanish Calendar,
vol. i. 371.
[155] Spanish Calendar, vol. i.
[156] When Elizabeth visited the University of Cambridge on her autumn
progress, she declined, in consequence of want of time, to attend a
theatrical performance offered to her by the students. Before she reached
her next stopping-place she was persuaded to alter her mind, and she
returned to witness the play. To her annoyance the imprisoned Catholic
bishops were lampooned upon the stage with much sacrilegious buffoonery,
whereupon “the Queen was so angry that she at once rose and entered
her own chamber, using very strong language, and the torchbearers,
it being night, left them in the dark, and so ended this scandalous
representation.”—Spanish Calendar, vol. i. 375, Guzman to the Duchess of
Parma.
[157] The Duchess of Aerschot had written to her from Flanders to this
effect at the end of 1564.
[158] The King to Guzman, 6th June, 1565.—Spanish Calendar, vol. i. 433.
[159] Randolph to Cecil, 29th April, 1565.—Scottish Calendar (Bain).
[160] Cardinal Pacheco to Philip.—Spanish Calendar, vol. i.
[161] Labanoff, vol. vii.
[162] Spanish Calendar (Hume), vol. i., 16th July, 1565.
[163] Scottish Calendar, vol. i. (Bain).
[164] Scottish Calendar (Bain), 15th September, 1565.
[165] Ibid.
[166] Labanoff, vol. i.
[167] Spanish Calendar, vol. i. 497, Philip to Guzman.
[168] Diary of Sir James Melville of Hall Hill.
[169] How serious the situation was for Elizabeth, and how wide the
ramifications of the Catholic intrigue at the time, may be seen by a
letter written shortly after this by the English spy Rogers to Cecil.
Arthur Pole, who was a prisoner in the Tower, had surrendered in Mary’s
favour his claim to the Crown of England, and if he could escape from
his prison was to come to Scotland to support her with others of his
kin. Darnley himself, trying to outbid Mary, had boasted that forty
gentlemen and more in England were ready to serve him. Letters passed
fortnightly between the Countess of Lennox in the Tower and her son,
whilst every month an emissary of the northern Catholic gentry came in
disguise to Darnley from Carlisle. A regular plan, moreover, was prepared
for the capture and fortification of Scilly in the Catholic interest,
and the representative of the Irish rebel Shan O’Neil was made much of
by Darnley, who, amongst other presents, sent to Shan two hundred crowns
with which to buy whiskey. The hopes that Mary and Darnley built upon the
English Catholics and Spain were therefore well founded, if they had been
well handled.—Scottish Calendar, vol. ii. 293.
[170] Guzman to the King, Spanish Calendar, vol. ii., 16th February, 1568.
[171] One of the English spies in Madrid, Hogan, said that it was really
Feria who had got Man into the trouble.
[172] Spanish Calendar, vol. ii.
[173] Spanish Calendar, vol. ii., 9th August, 1568.
[174] “I told him that, as for arranging anything of the sort between
the Cardinal and the Duke, I regarded such a statement as a silly joke,
the vain babble of the idle. I could assure him that to say that such
a treaty had gone through my hands was absolutely false. If I had done
such a thing against the Queen I should deserve heavy punishment from
your Majesty, and even from the Queen herself, such action being entirely
opposed to my instructions. I had never in my life had any communication
with the Cardinal, and I was quite sure the Queen would not believe
such nonsense.”—Spanish Calendar, vol. ii., 65. The English did not
seem to understand fully at this time Philip’s distrust of all French
interference, even that of the Guises.
[175] This letter is not in Labanoff, but it is probably similar to that
sent to Charles IX. from Carlisle on the 26th June.
[176] Spanish Calendar, vol. ii. 71.
[177] Paget House had been the palace of the Bishops of Exeter, and was
the first of the great houses on the river side of the Strand outside
Temple Bar, on the site of what is now called the Outer Temple. It had
been granted by Henry VIII. to Lord Paget.
[178] Very shortly after this, 30th October, when he had got into touch
with Mary’s imprudent agent, the Bishop of Ross, de Spes wrote to the
King: “I am of opinion that this would be a good opportunity for taking
Scottish affairs in hand successfully, and restoring the Catholic
religion in this country; and if the Duke [of Alba] were out of his
present anxiety and your Majesty wished, it could be discussed.”—Spanish
Calendar, vol. ii. 81. A week later de Spes wrote: “It appears as if
the time was approaching when this country may be made to return to
the Catholic Church, the Queen being in such straits and short of
money. I have already informed your Majesty of the offers made by the
brother-in-law of Viscount Montagu, on condition that they may look for
the protection of your Majesty.”
[179] Almost simultaneously de Spes went to the French ambassador in
London (La Mothe) and proposed joint action between them first to oust
Cecil from his office, and secondly to stop trade with England entirely
both from France and the Spanish dominions, the ostensible object being
that, if this were done, Elizabeth and her subjects would be obliged to
become Catholic to avoid ruin. De Spes even proposed that the French
should pull the chestnuts out of the fire for him by stopping trade
first. La Mothe, in writing his account of the suggestion to Catharine,
calmly points out the evident absurdity of both proposals. De Spes
apparently had no notion of the incompatibility with Philip’s objects of
joint action of France and Spain in England.—Correspondance de la Mothe
Fénélon, vol. i.
[180] These letters are in the Spanish Calendar, vol. ii.
[181] How dangerous the position was at the time is seen by a letter
(3rd December, 1568) from Sir Francis Knollys, who had charge of Mary at
Bolton, to Cecil, in which he says that he has less fear that the attempt
to release Mary by subterfuge as Cecil thought, than by force, and begs
for more troops to resist attack from without. “We all agree herein, that
this is an inconvenient and dangerous place for this Queen to tarry in.”
[182] Whilst this letter was being written, Cecil and the Lord Admiral
(Clinton) with a great train of followers and the alderman of the City
came to Paget House and demanded to see de Spes. Cecil angrily told him
that he had advised the Duke of Alba to seize English property, for which
disloyal act the Queen placed him (de Spes) under arrest, dismissing his
Spanish servants, and handing the charge of the house to Henry Knollys,
Arthur Carew, and Lord Knyvett. De Spes answered defiantly, and the
breach became wider than ever. Proclamations and counter proclamations,
or printed broadsheets, were issued by the English Council and by de Spes
respectively, each claiming that justice was on their side with regard to
the seizures.—De Spes to the King, 8th January, 1569, Spanish Calendar,
vol. ii.
[183] The King to de Spes, 18th February, 1569.—Spanish Calendar, vol. ii.
[184] “Memoirs of Sir James Melville of Hall Hill.”
[185] Norfolk, on his trial, said that Leicester had also suggested the
marriage.
[186] De Spes to the King, 5th August, 1569.—Spanish Calendar. Nonsuch
House was in the occupation of the Earl of Arundel. De Spes, who had
not been admitted to the Queen’s presence for many months, had hopes at
this time of being received again to discuss the eternal question of the
seizures. But another hitch had occurred, as the Queen refused to receive
him without new credentials from Philip himself. It had been intended
to take him from Oatlands, where the Queen was, to Nonsuch, after the
audience, and there a meeting of the conspirators was to confer with him.
This plan, however, was upset by the delay in granting him the audience
with Elizabeth.
[187] The details of the Northern Rebellion may be followed closely in
the Calendars of State Papers of the period (Spanish, Domestic, Border,
and Scottish); in the Sadler Papers; in the Bowes Papers (Memorials
of the Rebellion of 1569, by Sir Cuthbert Sharpe). Wright’s Elizabeth
Papers, &c.
[188] Philip to Alba, 16th December, 1569.—Spanish Calendar, vol. ii.
[189] These letters are in Labanoff and in the Hardwick State Papers.
[190] The Regent Murray had just been murdered.
[191] Antonio de Guaras to Secretary Zayas.—Spanish Calendar.
[192] Haynes State Papers.
[193] He was made to vacate Winchester House “because it had too many
doors”; and on the 10th August two of the City aldermen came to him with
an order to proceed to Saint Albans to meet a Committee of the Council,
who wished to discuss his proceedings with him. He went as requested,
but refused to discuss anything until the Queen would receive him, which
she had refused to do since his disgrace. He was confident even now that
they would soon expel him with ignominy. He was no longer an ambassador,
said Leicester, but a spy, and the sooner he was gone the better.—Spanish
Calendar, vol. ii.
[194] De Spes to Secretary Zayas, 6th February, 1571.—Spanish Calendar,
vol. ii.
[195] The letter is in the Cotton MSS., Caligula, c. 11, p. 469.
[196] Depositions of Ross and Barker.—State Trials.
[197] Spanish Calendar, vol. ii.
[198] Cobham arrived in Madrid in May, when Alba’s memorandum on
Ridolfi’s mission was in Philip’s hands. As was usual in English affairs,
Feria was one of those asked to report on Cobham’s mission. He and his
colleagues recommend that Cobham should be curtly dismissed, and the
English again referred to Alba for the discussion of the trade dispute,
and this course was taken. An extremely interesting letter was written by
Feria to the King’s Secretary, Zayas, which is full of bitterness that
his former advice as to England had not been taken. Amongst other things,
Feria writes: “I understand that our object is to keep friendly with
England because it is not at present possible to undertake the subjection
of that country and Ireland. We were lords of it once and left it. The
friendship will be difficult to maintain if the Sovereign be not a
Catholic and our hold upon the Netherlands less firm. The Queen sees our
weakness and assails us with inventions and fears that she will marry in
France. She will no more marry Anjou than she will marry me.... If Cobham
is not dealt with in dignified fashion I fear that our efforts to avoid
war will only bring it upon us, and we shall find suddenly some day that
we have lost the Catholics, and even they will take up arms against us.
When the Queen once understands that the Catholics depend upon our King
she will not dare to break with us. There is no other way out of it. For
the last two years we have trodden the path of feebleness; let us now try
the other road.”—Feria to Zayas, 10th May, 1571, Spanish Calendar, vol.
ii.
[199] MSS. Simancas, Estado 823. Portions of the document are reproduced
by Mignet.
[200] The whole of the depositions will be found in the Hatfield Papers
Historical MSS. Commission, and the circumstances are related in the
Spanish Calendar.
[201] Simancas MSS., Minuta de Consejo, Estado 823. It will be seen on a
subsequent page that the money, 200,000 crowns, was found.
[202] Spanish Calendar, vol. ii. Even after Philip knew that the plot
had failed and that Norfolk was in the Tower, he did not abandon his
hopes—for he was tenacious when once he had laboriously made up his mind.
In the instructions given to the Duke of Medina Celi in November, 1571,
when he was going to succeed Alba in the Netherlands, the King writes as
follows: “As regards England you will proceed in conformity with what was
communicated to you here and the Duke of Alba’s information, although
I do not think there will be much to do at present, as the Queen has
got scent of the business and has arrested the Duke of Norfolk and the
principal people concerned. She has also made the Queen of Scotland’s
prison straiter, and de Spes writes to me on the 21st October that they
are all in great peril, for which I am very sorry, though I still have
confidence that God, whose cause it is, will help us to forward the
matter as we wish. You will therefore hold yourself ready, in case the
Duke of Alba write to you at sea, to take any step with this end: in
accordance with Clause iv. of your instructions. I have thought well
to repeat it in this letter, _which for greater security you will burn
before you embark_” (the words in italics have been added in the King’s
own hand). Medina Celi is told that 200,000 crowns, half in gold, will
be handed to him for the English business, and must not on any account
be used for any other purpose, “but for this English affair, which I
sincerely hope that God will guide in some unexpected way for the good of
His cause.”—Spanish Calendar, vol. ii. 349.
[203] Scottish State Papers, Mary, vol. vi.
[204] That Elizabeth intended the expulsion of de Spes, and her
refusal to continue negotiations about the seizures, to be a political
demonstration to show her power and impress her new friends the
French, is seen by her conversation at this time (December, 1571) with
Cavalcanti, Catharine de Medici’s confidential envoy. The King of Spain,
she said, thought that he could separate her from the alliance with
France at any time; but however accommodating he might show himself in
the negotiations about the seizures, and however ready to agree to terms
favourable to the English, she would never trust Spaniards again, seeing
the trouble they had prepared for her in Ridolfi’s plots with the Pope.
The King of France might see how little she cared for the King of Spain
by the way she had ordered his ambassador to be gone without delay. She
wished Cavalcanti could have seen him actually on the road, but with some
pretext about wanting money he was here for a day or two longer. She
could assure him, however, that he should not stay in her country, and
she cared not whether another came or not.—Spanish Calendar, vol. ii.
[205] “Recueil des Depeches,” &c., de la Mothe Fénélon, vol i. 375, and
Spanish Calendar.
[206] Spanish Calendar, vol. ii.
[207] The French Huguenot force that had entered Flanders to aid the
rebels had just been utterly routed by Alba’s son, Don Fadrique, and
Charles IX. saw that unless he could dissociate himself from the
unsuccessful attempt he might be dragged down by the fall of the Huguenot
party.
[208] The story of the reception of the news of St. Bartholomew in
England may best be followed in the Correspondance Diplomatique de La
Mothe Fénélon.
[209] How soon division was introduced is seen by the action of
Catharine, who saw only a few weeks after St. Bartholomew the mistake
she had made in allowing the Catholic party to go too far, and once more
began to court the Huguenots and Elizabeth, and also by the suspicion
evinced by La Mothe, the French ambassador in London, of Guaras’ renewed
favour at Elizabeth’s Court. Writing on the 9th November, he says that
Alba is making all sorts of tempting offers to Elizabeth through Guaras
to draw her away from French friendship and send an ambassador to Philip.
“Guaras is intriguing for this with such good presents that I am told
that he has given more than 10,000 crowns to one personage alone, who has
some authority here. He has done so much that the Lords of the Council
have been busy for several days trying to come to some arrangement
with the King of Spain, and Guaras is often at Court.”—Correspondance
Diplomatique, vol. v.
[210] Guaras went to Kenilworth before the reception of the news of St.
Bartholomew to carry letters to Elizabeth from King Philip notifying
the appointment of Medina Celi to Flanders. Only a few days after the
tidings of St. Bartholomew the French ambassador wrote to Charles IX:
“It seems to me that these people are bent in any case in hatching some
new plan with Antonio de Guaras on the pretext of the letters from the
King of Spain and Medina Celi he carried to the Queen at Kenilworth. The
purport of the letters was simply to notify the coming of Medina Celi
to Flanders; but these people, in consequence of what has happened at
Paris, wish to make them serve for a further purpose.”—Correspondance
Diplomatique de la Mothe Fénélon.
[211] Spanish Calendar, vol. ii.
[212] Correspondance Diplomatique de la Mothe Fénélon.
[213] This was not the first time that the suggestion of a marriage
between Mary and Don Juan had been made. A letter written by Lord
Burghley to the Earl of Shrewsbury, Keeper of the Queen of Scots, written
soon after the discovery of the Ridolfi plot, says that Elizabeth does
not complain of Mary’s attempts to escape to Spain or elsewhere, nor is
she offended by the proposal to marry young James to the Infanta. “Nether
that she sought to make the King of Spayne beleve that she wold geve
ear to the offer of Don Jon of Austria.” The real cause of Elizabeth’s
anger, says Lord Burghley, is Mary’s conspiracy to raise a revolution in
England.—Talbot Papers (Lodge).
[214] One of Burghley’s spies, Lane, a Catholic, ventured even to
reproach the minister for talking so much to Guaras on foreign policy.
It appears that Burghley’s hare-brained son-in-law, Lord Oxford, and
another English noble were in secret negotiation with Guaras to do some
service to the Spaniards in Flanders, Guaras to find the necessary
money on Oxford’s pledge. Lane advises Burghley to put a spoke into the
wheel. Lane says that unless Guaras is employed in some way—preferably
in Ireland on Government affairs—he may develop pernicious activity
elsewhere.—Hatfield Papers, vol. ii., June, 1573.
[215] Hardwick State Papers.
[216] At this time (March, 1575) Orange, despairing of efficient aid from
Elizabeth, was wooing the French. His daughter was to marry Alençon,
who was to join Condé and a French army to assist the Flemings against
Philip. This at once made Elizabeth turn to Spain. Not only was she,
as we see, polite to Guaras, but she sent Henry Cobham to Spain as an
ambassador in August to assure Philip that on no account would she allow
any French domination of Flanders. A fleet of Spanish transports, too, on
the way to Flanders were received with effusion now in the English ports
by the Government though not by the English sailors.—Spanish Calendar,
vol. ii.
[217] Fleetwood to Lord Burghley.—Wright’s State Papers.
[218] Spanish Calendar, vol. ii.
[219] Fleetwood, in one of his letters to Cecil (Wright’s State Papers),
gives particulars of one such. A son of Alderman Lee came and said that
his brother, although a Catholic, was in perpetual prison in Spain, the
reason being that Guaras having bought a ship called the _Clock_, had
given to Lee £160 to man the ship and attack Flushing. Lee having failed
to carry out the plan to his satisfaction, Guaras had had him kidnapped
and imprisoned in Spain. Guaras, he said, had thirty or forty spies in
his service, who used to sit or walk in his hall downstairs at night
without a candle, until, one by one, they were led up to Guaras’ room by
Dela to report what they had discovered. Guaras’ house at Dowgate, Thames
Street, was on a portion of the site covered by Cannon Street Station,
and was bought by the Drapers’ Company on his conviction.—Domestic
Calendar.
[220] Hatfield Papers, vol. ii., and Spanish Calendar.
[221] Guaras had the incredible imprudence to write a violent,
treasonable letter to Don Juan from Newgate itself, dated 14th November.
Though he is a prisoner, he will continue to perform his work by the aid
of friends. All has been seized, but he now sends his son, who is as
zealous as himself, to Spain through France. The draft in Spanish was, of
course, taken from the prisoner when he was transferred to the Tower, and
is now in the Record Office.—Flanders Correspondence, iii. 101.
[222] Her great complaint against Don Juan is founded on his plots with
Mary Stuart, as disclosed by the intercepted letters of his secretary,
Escobedo. “Not that she is afraid of him, but she does not wish knowingly
to foster a serpent in her bosom. If the King asks for proof, let him
read Escobedo’s letters set down in the book above mentioned, and
consider his practices through his agents with her enemy the Queen of
Scots.”—Mr. Wilkes’ instructions, Foreign Calendar, 1577-78.
[223] In May, 1578, she sent Walsingham and Cobham to Orange to warn
him against the French connection, and to Don Juan, to say that if the
French entered Flanders she would send 20,000 men to help the Spaniards,
and if they were not enough, every man in her country should go.—Spanish
Calendar, vol. iii.
[224] Mendoza had come to England some years previously, on one of the
many abortive attempts to settle the question of the seizures.
[225] The unhappy Guaras remained in prison, treated with the greatest
severity, until May, 1579. Mendoza appears to have pressed his case
rather languidly, unwilling to embitter national relations further for
the sake of so plebeian and insignificant a person as Guaras. A wealthy
brother of the latter, named Gombal de Guaras, came to London early in
1579 to try whether bribery could release the prisoner. Mendoza was
furiously angry at this interference, and had nothing but scorn for
Gombal’s boastful tactics on ’Change. Gombal spent large sums of money
to forward the release, and notwithstanding Mendoza’s assertion that
Guaras would have been released earlier but for his brother’s boasts
and turbulence it is doubtful whether the poor man would ever have got
out at all without his expenditure. All sorts of hard conditions were
imposed upon Guaras on his release. All his debts had to be paid and
his maintenance in prison; he had to leave England at once without
communicating with anybody, and was never again to return. He left
England a ruined man, and died in 1584 at his birthplace, Tarrazona,
and later his heirs prayed unsuccessfully for repayment of the money he
had disbursed in England.—Spanish Calendar, vol. ii., and Españoles é
Ingleses en el Siglo XVI., por Martin Hume (Madrid, 1903).
[226] Philip, in reply to the suggestion to bribe the English ministers,
orders Mendoza to send a schedule of the sums to be paid to each. When
he has quite satisfied himself that they will have value for the money
the latter shall be sent. “It is necessary, however, that before doing
anything, we should have this information, so as not to cast our seed on
stony ground, nor give money to people who will cheat us and laugh at us.”
[227] The reason given by Elizabeth for sending Guaras back to prison
was that she had heard anew that he had been serving as the agent of the
Irish rebels.
[228] Spanish Calendar, vol. ii.
[229] Vargas Mexia at once saw the immense importance of this declaration
and wrote to Philip (13th February): “Such is the present condition
of England, with signs of revolt everywhere, the Queen in alarm,
the Catholic party numerous, the serious events in Ireland, and the
distrust aroused by your Majesty’s fleet, that I really believe that
if so much as a cat moved, the whole edifice would crumble down in
three days beyond repair. If your Majesty had England and Scotland
attached to you, directly or indirectly, you might consider the States
of Flanders conquered, in which case you could lay down the law for the
whole world.” The adhesion of Guise as Philip’s servant made all the
difference.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii. It was certainly not the case
that Guise and Beton had _persuaded_ Mary to take this course. It is far
more likely that she persuaded them, as she had seen for many years,
as has been proved in the chapters of this book, that her only hope of
effectively establishing her claim was to obtain Spanish support. Up to
this time the Guises had rather obstructed this than otherwise, as they
looked to Mary’s elevation to serve their own ambitions, which were not
identical with those of Philip. The Duke of Guise in question was Mary’s
first cousin, Henry of Lorraine, aged at this time thirty years.
[230] If we are to believe Camden, who was a fellow-student of Parsons’
at Balliol, this guise was not altogether strange to him. “He was,” he
says, “a violent, fierce-natured man of rough behaviour.... When he was
young the fellow was much noted for his singular impudency and disorder
in apparel, going in great barrel hose, as was the fashion of hacksters
in those days, and drawing also deep in a barrel of ale.” Another
contemporary of his, Archbishop Abbot, who was a Fellow of Balliol,
describes him as being “a man wonderfully given to scoffing, and with
that bitterness which was the cause that none of the company loved him.”
He was Bursar of Balliol—and of course a Protestant—until 1573, when he
got into trouble over his accounts, and for this and other reasons he
resigned his Fellowship. He lived abroad thenceforward until he returned,
as here described, as Provincial of the Jesuits for England, having
entered the Society in 1575.
[231] Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[232] A few months later, when Mendoza sought audience of the Queen, to
remonstrate by Philip’s orders with her about her aid to Don Antonio,
Leicester and Hatton strongly opposed an audience being granted, whilst
Cecil, who always advocated a conciliatory course with Spain, insisted
upon Mendoza being received. “Leicester, whilst he was at supper lately,
said that he would either turn me out of here or lose his life and
property in the attempt; whilst Hatton, in the presence chamber in the
hearing of the household, cried that he would do his best to get me
expelled, for the Queen trembled every time I asked for audience. When he
was asked by a friend whether this was because I spoke rudely to her, he
replied: No, it was not that, for no ambassador was more courteous and
respectful, but I communicated things in such a way that she trembled
when she heard me.”—Mendoza to the King, 1st October, 1581, Spanish
Calendar, vol. iii.
[233] Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[234] Mendoza, writing to Philip on the 1st October, 1581, dwells upon
the terrible sufferings of the Catholics, and incidentally reveals how
entirely now he had identified himself with those whom the Queen’s
Government held to be disaffected. Not even the gifts of friends to the
imprisoned Catholics, he says, may be given to the individuals, but are
divided amongst all the prisoners. “They are incarcerated with crowds of
thieves, and are left to die of hunger amongst them, in order that their
torment may be the greater. If any one goes to visit them he is at once
arrested, and consequently most of the gifts are sent through me and are
distributed by my servants, the Catholics alone receiving them. In like
manner I take charge of the money sent by the Catholics who have fled
abroad, and of the sums given by others for the Seminaries of Rheims and
Rome.”—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[235] Spanish Calendar, vol. iii. 188.
[236] Herll to Leicester, 7th November, 1581.—Domestic Calendar.
[237] Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[238] Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[239] Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[240] Creighton had been directed to go to Rouen on the way to Paris,
in order that he might consult Parsons, who was then there to be in
touch with England. The Duke of Guise was near by, at his Castle of Eu,
and Lennox’s letters to him by Creighton were also delivered at the
same time. Even Father Parsons at this period had not penetrated the
antagonism of the views of Philip II. and Guise, though he subsequently
became the leader of the purely Anglo-Spanish party opposed altogether to
the interference of the French influence and the inclusion of James VI.
in the plans for the subjugation of England. At this time and for a short
time afterwards Parsons was in close touch with Guise.
[241] “The two Jesuit fathers who spoke to you about the Scotch affair
must have been very zealous, but their having carried the matter so far
as they did and communicating it to so many people may make it difficult
to keep secret. In order that it may be kept as quiet as possible, you
will detain the priest if he has not already started to come hither. You
can tell him, as if on your own account, that in order to keep the affair
quiet nothing more should be done till you hear from me. You may reply
to the Duke of Lennox to the same effect, dealing with the matter in a
way which will not lead them to think that you are throwing difficulties
in the way for the purpose of refusing the aid they ask for, but only in
order that it may all be managed on such solid foundations as to ensure
success, for which we should all strive, as it is so greatly in the
interests of God and the public welfare.”—Philip to Tassis, 11th June,
1582, Spanish Calendar, vol. iii. Philip’s message to Guise through
Tassis, in September, is in the same tone: “You will tell him I would
gladly have helped in the submission of Scotland, and still would do so
if I saw really good grounds for anticipating success and a willingness
on the part of the Pope to contribute such money as the case demands, as
he has promised me several times. You may dexterously hint at coolness in
that quarter, so that he may see that the affair is not falling through
by any fault of mine.”—Ibid. To those who know Philip’s style this
represents a determination to desist from participation.
[242] Mendoza had entertained several proposals for killing Orange, and
it was asserted that he had been an accomplice in the present attempt. He
was very indignant at the odium that this accusation brought upon him,
but it is extremely likely to be true. He and Mary Stuart had nothing but
praise for the crime in their letters.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[243] Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[244] Dr. Hector Nuñez writes to Burghley in August, 1582, that Mendoza,
passing through Fenchurch Street in his carriage, was stoned and hooted
by a group of boys playing at soldiers, and had to take refuge in Lime
Street, where the Lord Mayor, Sir James Harvey, lived.—Hatfield Papers,
part ii.
[245] Mary wrote to him when she was deploring the confusion in their
plans caused by the muddling of the Jesuits and Lennox: “There are, as
you have pointed out, many objections to carrying out this enterprise
from France, and I wish it to be conducted entirely by you, sure, as
I am, of your faith and prudence.... I must therefore beg of you most
earnestly to continue here, and thus gain for yourself the honour of God
and man if the enterprise be successful, as you yet give me hopes that it
will be. The principal thing is for you to remain in England, but if that
be impossible, then in France.”—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[246] Roman Transcripts, Record Office, vols. xvi. and xvii.
[247] This was an ordinary course with Philip when he disapproved of a
plan proposed to him: to pretend acquiescence, but to propose that the
Pope should find the money, which he knew he would not do.
[248] Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[249] Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[250] Parsons, although always an enemy of Paget, was, up to the
period in question, as we have seen, an adherent of Guise and the
Scottish plans; but he appears to have changed immediately after his
return from Rome. Allen, who was older and more experienced, probably
indoctrinated him with the Anglo-Spanish view. Tassis, writing on the
15th November, 1583, says that Parsons “persists that upon no account
should the enterprise he commenced in Scotland. He is strongly of
opinion that the design upon England should be persevered in and the
heart struck at first: and he says that Allen is told this, by persons
on the Border itself, who prove it by irrefutable arguments.” Amongst
these arguments is one that was constantly used afterwards, viz., that
no matter what the nationality of the foreign troops, if they came to
England _viâ_ Scotland, they would be looked upon as French and opposed
accordingly.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[251] Spanish Calendar, vol. iii. (Paris Archives Nationales).
[252] Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[253] Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[254] To Idiaquez.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[255] Roman Transcript, Record Office, vol. xvii. Allen and Parsons to
the Pope and Philip, 16th January, 1584.
[256] The Cardinal of Como to the Nuncio in Paris, 9th April, 1584.—Roman
Transcripts, Record Office.
[257] Allen to the Nuncio in Paris.—“Letters and Memorials of Cardinal
Allen.”
[258] Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[259] Tassis to Philip, May 27th.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[260] Bazan to the King and the reply. Fernandez Duro, “La Armada
Invincible.”
[261] Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[262] Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[263] Philip to Mendoza, 5th July, 1585.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[264] Philip to Mendoza, 17th August.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[265] Philip to Mendoza, 23rd July, 1585.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[266] It appears, from a letter written by the Marquis of Santa Cruz
in 1586, that all the English ships were released in a week or so
without any damage being done to them, whereas the embargo upon Spanish
property in England was not raised at all. Santa Cruz represents that
the English were the aggressors; probably some religious point was made
the pretext for the attempt to take possession of the _Primrose_ by
the Lieutenant-Governor of Biscay. The Spaniards insist that none of
the ships were embargoed until the _Primrose_ had sailed away with her
“captors.”
[267] The correspondence of Olivares detailing his negotiations with
Sixtus is in the Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[268] Mendoza to Philip, Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[269] Parsons to Idiaquez, 30th June, 1597. Transcript printed in
“Letters and Memorials of Cardinal Allen.” The original cannot now be
found in the Simancas Archives.
[270] That she knew this is seen in the letter where she implores
Mendoza to keep the matter secret, or she will lose her French dowry.
It is curious, however, that in the same letter she prays for rewards
for Morgan and the Pagets, whom Parsons represents as being strongly
anti-Spanish.
[271] Mendoza to Philip, 26th June, 1586.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[272] Philip to Mendoza, 18th July, 1586.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[273] Mary to Mendoza, 27th July, 1586.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[274] It was asserted by Mendoza that Raleigh was one of these, which is
incredible.
[275] If the postscript to her letter to Babington of 17th July, 1586
(Record Office, “Mary Queen of Scots,” vol. xviii.), be genuine, as I
believe, there can be no doubt of this, but her letter to the French
ambassador, Chateauneuf (17th July), is also compromising (Labanoff).
[276] See p. 420.
[277] These were Castilian ducats worth 11 reals (2s. 5½d.), or £467,444,
which would represent in present value nearly £3,000,000.
[278] These letters (copied by me in the Paris Archives) are in the
Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[279] Alexander Farnese, Duke of Parma, had married a Portuguese
princess, and his children had a better right to the Crowns of Portugal
and England than Philip had. The English Catholic refugees in Flanders
were already suggesting that the young Prince of Parma should marry
Arabella Stuart and reign over England when it had been conquered.
Farnese himself was approached by different English parties, even by
the moderate conforming Catholics in Elizabeth’s Court during the
negotiations, with a view to divide him from the Spaniards on this
question of the succession. The Spanish officers, after the defeat of
the Armada, failing to understand the tactical reasons that kept Farnese
inactive, openly accused him of treachery. There is no doubt that Farnese
was hurt, and justifiably so, at the contemptuous disregard for his
children’s rights, but he was certainly loyal to Philip.
[280] Spanish Calendar, vol. iii. 681.
[281] Philip afterwards ordered that the aid should be confined to a
money subvention, but Parma determined, if possible, to send the armed
contingent, though the whole scheme fell through.
[282] Spanish Calendar, vols. iii. and iv.
[283] Spanish Calendar, vol. iv.
[284] To prove the importance of this point, one of Mendoza’s arguments
in favour of the proposal of Huntly and the Scottish Catholics to attack
England across the Border by land instead of by an invading fleet, was
the great cost of the pipe staves, which he said had already been 150,000
ducats.
[285] Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. 135.
[286] This had been, and continued to be, an absolute condition of
Parma’s, without which he would not move at all. We shall see how the
promise was treated.
[287] There is, unfortunately, no space here to give details of the
endless pourparlers that went on. Much of the correspondence from the
English Commissioners is in the Flanders Papers in the Record Office, and
in British Museum Cotton MSS. Vespasian CVII., whilst Parma’s letters on
the subject to Philip are abstracted in the Calendars of Spanish State
Papers, vol. iv., under the editorship of the present writer.
[288] Spanish Calendar, vol. iv.
[289] Parma to Philip, 20th March, 1588.—Spanish Calendar.
[290] The letters of Medina Sidonia and Philip have been printed in
Spanish by Captain Fernandez Duro in “La Armada Invincible.”
[291] “La Armada Invincible.”
INDEX
A
Alava, Don Francés, Spanish ambassador in France, 320-23
Alba, Duchess of, in England, 84-86, 88
Alba, Duke of, 53, 67, 68, 73, 85, 117, 142, 148, 150, 197, 218, 226,
231, 232.
In Flanders, 258, 265, 266, 268, 271, 272, 275, 277-78, 282,
283-88, 297-316, 319, 324, 327, 330, 333.
Retires from Flanders, 334.
In Portugal, 372
Alençon, Duke of, 321, 326, 327, 342, 345, 350, 352, 358, 361, 370,
376, 388, 395-96, 399, 422
Allen, Dr. (Cardinal), 383, 385, 391, 404, 405, 406, 416, 418, 419,
425, 432, 457, 458, 459, 471, 484, 485
Alvarez, Dr., Portuguese ambassador, 270-71
Anna of Austria, Philip’s fourth wife, 300
Antonio, Don, Portuguese Pretender, 371-73, 375, 379, 380, 396, 405,
411, 413, 420, 427, 429, 441, 447, 450
Armada, the evolution of the, 420, 421, 425, 427, 431, 432, 447, 448,
449, 450, 451, 452, 453, 458, 462.
Orders given to, 466-70, 475-78, 479, 480-82.
The catastrophe, 483-84
Arundel, Earl of (Fitzallan), 14, 37, 40, 62, 67, 174, 281-82,
284-88, 290, 302, 303
Arundel, Earl of (Howard), 409, 439
Arundell, Charles, 409
Ashton, 136
B
Babington plot, 434-44
Bacon, Sir Nicholas, 163
Bailly, Charles, 310-12
Ballard, Father, 434, 435, 439, 440
Barker, 306
Bayonne, the interviews at, 230, 231, 232
Bazan, Alvaro de (Santa Cruz), Admiral, his plan to conquer England,
420, 428, 447, 448, 449, 451, 462, 465, 466, 467, 469, 471, 474,
476
Beal, clerk of the Council, 441
Bedford, Earl of, 54, 56, 57, 66_n_, 145, 149, 162
Berga, Father, De Spes’s chaplain, 300
Bertondona, Martin de, Spanish seaman, 58, 476
Beton, Archbishop of Glasgow, 239, 363, 364, 366, 383, 384, 391, 400,
405, 418
Beton, James, 267, 270
Blanks, the Conspiracy of the, 450 _et seq._
Bonner, Bishop of London, 113, 115, 123
Borough, Admiral, 461, 463
Bothwell, 256
Boxall, Secretary, 161
Browne, Sir Anthony (Viscount Montagu), 43, 68, 303
Bruce, Robert, 450, 451-55
C
Cadiz, Drake’s raid upon, 460-64
Caithness, Earl of, 382
Calais, loss of, 151, 157, 168
Campion, Edmund, Jesuit, 367
Carew, 46
Carlos, Don (Philip’s son), 54, 135, 213, 224, 225, 228, 236, 238,
239, 240
Castelnau, de la Mauvissière, French ambassador to Scotland, 250
Cateau Cambresis, Peace of, 191, 195, 196
Catharine de Medici, 197, 210, 211, 226, 229, 231, 287, 303, 320,
326, 330, 345, 362, 384, 458
Catharine Grey, 196, 241
Catholic League, the, 195, 226, 228, 230, 327, 328, 422
Catholics, English, under Elizabeth, 200, 227, 228, 233, 246-47, 261,
271, 280-83, 285-88, 289-92, 293-95, 298-316, 361, 367-68, 376,
388, 405, 409, 416, 417, 434, 435, 439, 440, 485
Cavalcanti, Guido, 320_n_
Cecil, William (Lord Burghley), 9, 99, 149.
Elizabeth’s minister, 183, 187, 195.
Checkmates Dudley, 209, 226, 227, 247, 260, 273, 274, 278, 280,
282, 301, 317, 319, 324, 336, 345, 348, 358, 371, 374, 379, 395,
427, 437, 441, 459, 460
Charles, Archduke, a suitor for Elizabeth’s hand, 199, 202, 216, 219,
224, 229, 238, 239
Charles V. His attempts to gain the friendship of England, 2-19.
His advice to Mary, 17-18.
His abdication, 132
Charles IX. of France, 327, 352, 358
Chatillon, Cardinal, Huguenot leader, 268, 299
Cheyne, Sir Thomas, 145
Ciappino Vitelli, Alba’s general, 292, 294
Clarencius, Mrs., Queen Mary’s nurse, 40, 78, 179
Clinton, Lady, 184
Clinton, Lord, made Lord Admiral, 157, 162, 163, 167, 170, 225, 278,
379
Cobham, Lord, English councillor, 14, 15, 43, 310
Cobham, Lord (junior), 465
Cobham, Henry, Elizabeth’s envoy to Spain, 307
Cobham, Thomas, 310
Coligny, Admiral, 149, 268, 329
Como, Cardinal of, 401
Condé, Prince of, 226
Cordell, Master of the Rolls, 163, 179
Cordova, Pedro de, 86
Council of Trent, proposal by Dudley for England to join in, 203-10
Courtenay, Earl, of Devon, 19, 20, 22, 24, 32-33, 38, 41, 43, 46, 48,
49, 62, 113, 115, 116, 139
Cranmer, Archbishop, 41, 141
Crawford, Earl of, 450
Creighton, Father, Jesuit, 378, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 388, 389, 390
Crofts, Sir James, 358, 399, 465, 470
Cumberland, Earl of, 285
D
Dacre, Lord, 285, 293, 404
Dale, Dr., Peace Commissioner, 465
Daniel, 136
Darnley, Henry Stuart, Lord, 218, 221, 226, 235-37, 238-40, 241-54,
256
Dassonleville, Councillor, in England, 173, 184, 278-79
De Foix, French ambassador, 230, 231
Dela, Damian, 345, 348
Derby, Earl of, 61, 67, 80, 85, 302
Derby, Earl of (junior), 465
Desmond Rebellion, 359, 362, 364, 370, 375, 398
De Spes. _See_ GERAU DE SPES
D’Este, Cardinal, 421, 426
Don Juan of Austria, 334-40, 345, 349-51, 352, 355, 357, 362
Drake, Sir Francis, 369, 371, 381, 397, 413, 427, 429, 430, 460-64,
465, 479
Dudley, Lord Henry, 16, 41
Dudley, Sir Henry, 136, 139
Dudley, Lord Robert, 199, 202, 221, 223, 224, 225, 226.
Plots against Cecil, 227
(Earl of Leicester), 352, 355, 358, 371, 382, 395, 397, 427, 430,
449, 460
Dunblane, Bishop of, 457
Durham House, 43, 170, 199, 217, 446
E
Edward VI., 2, 3, 4.
Illness and death of, 8-12
Eglinton, Earl of, 382
Egmont, Count, his embassy to England, 43, 44, 45, 48, 49, 51, 55,
67, 76
Elizabeth, Princess, of England, 19, 20, 38, 39, 41, 46, 48, 49,
61, 64, 109, 110, 113, 115, 116, 122-24, 135, 136, 138-41, 156,
164-65.
Visited by Feria, 166, 174.
Acknowledged Mary’s heir, 175.
Her accession, 181.
_See also_ ELIZABETH, QUEEN OF ENGLAND
Elizabeth, Queen of England. Perplexity of Feria, 181-82.
Her first measures, 183.
The problem of her marriage, 182, 186.
Her reception of Philip’s offer, 192-93.
Deceives Quadra, 203-10.
Her policy towards the Dutch Protestants, 221.
Her statecraft, 224.
Fresh approaches to Spain, 226-30.
Her danger from Mary Stuart, 235-55.
Her fear of Philip’s designs, 258
Her retort to Alba’s proceedings in the Netherlands, 258.
Her anger at Dr. Man’s expulsion from Spain, 259-62.
Seizes the treasure, 275.
Embargoes Spanish property, 275-80, 292.
Her alarm, 301.
Her reception of Guaras, 325.
Friendly with the French, 326-27.
Alençon’s courtship, 327-28.
Her talk with Guaras, 341.
Receives Mendoza, 354-60, 370, 374, 379-81, 385-91.
Draws nearer to Spain, 395, 396.
Proposal to murder her, 401-3.
At war with Philip, 431.
Plot to murder her, 434-35, 439-41.
Tries for peace, 445, 459, 466, 470.
The Armada, 480-84
Elizabeth of Valois, third wife of Philip, 197, 226
Emmanuel Philibert of Savoy, 7, 108-11, 116, 140, 148, 186
England reconciled to the Papacy, 102-8
Englefield, Sir Francis, 392, 485
Enriquez, Pedro de, his account of England, 84, 86, 87, 88, 90, 102,
111, 112
Eric of Sweden. Offers to marry Elizabeth, 165, 176, 186.
A suitor for Mary of Scotland, 219
F
Farnese, Alexander, Duke of Parma, 350, 424, 445, 451, 452, 453_n_,
462, 465, 470, 471, 472.
Advocates peace, 475, 479
Felton, John, 299-300
Fenner, Captain, 429
Feria, Count (Duke of), 55, 67, 73, 86, 151, 153.
His dealings with Mary and her Council, 153-172.
Leaves England, 172, 173.
Returns to Mary’s death-bed, 177.
Visits Elizabeth, 166, 178.
Philip’s ambassador to Elizabeth, 181.
His bewilderment at the changes, 182-84.
His interviews with Elizabeth, 185.
His action in Madrid, 259, 265, 307_n_, 317, 324, 351
Feria, Countess of (Jane Dormer), 179, 202, 316
Fiesco, 292, 323
Figueroa, Viceroy, Imperial ambassador, 67, 79, 80, 165
Fitzwalter, Lord (Earl of Sussex), 54, 56.
_See also_ SUSSEX
Fitzwilliam, George, 316-18
Fleetwood, Sir William, 343, 347
Flores, Diego, 478
Fowler, a Lennox adherent, visits Guzman, 235-37
Francis II. of France, 197
Frobisher, Captain, 429
G
Gardiner, Stephen, Bishop of Winchester, 26_n_, 36, 40, 42, 45, 46,
61, 71, 75, 94, 95, 103-5, 107, 115, 130-31
Geneda, Don Diego, 33, 135
Gerau de Spes, Spanish ambassador, 264.
His violent character, 265-67.
Begins plotting at once, 268-69, 270, 271.
Causes seizure of English property and stoppage of trade, 275.
His indiscretion, 276, 277, 278.
Under arrest in England, 278-79.
Plots with Mary Stuart, 280-83, 284-92, 293.
The Ridolfi plot, 297-315.
Hoodwinked by Hawkins, 316-18.
His expulsion from England, 319, 375
German mercenaries for England, 156, 168, 169
Gifford, Gilbert, 439, 440, 443
Giraldi, Portuguese envoy to England, 343-44
Granvelle, Cardinal de, 4, 21, 99, 387, 388, 392-93, 394
Gregory XIII., Pope, 309, 338, 401, 405, 406, 421, 422, 423
Gresham, Sir Thomas, 112, 160, 161, 268
Grey, Lady Jane. _See_ JANE
Grey de Wilton, Lord, 145, 151
Guaras, Antonio de, 35-36, 267, 322-26, 330-33, 336-46.
Arrested, 347-49, 357, 359, 375
Guaras, Gombal de, 357
Guise, Francis, Duke of, 142, 143, 148.
Captures Calais, 151.
Death of, 235
Guise, Henry, Duke of, 365, 366, 384, 389_n_, 390-92, 393, 394, 399,
401-3, 405-7, 409, 417, 418, 422, 425, 426, 450, 451, 458
Guises, the, 200, 210, 211, 232, 234, 352-53, 445, 457
Guzman de Silva, Diego. Spanish ambassador to England, 222.
His first interviews with Elizabeth, 225-32.
His negotiations with Mary Stuart, 235-54.
His interviews with Elizabeth about the expulsion of Dr. Man,
260-61.
Begs Philip to recall him, 262.
Presents his successor, 264.
Elizabeth’s grief at his departure, 264-65.
Leaves England, 265, 268
H
Hamilton, Lord Claude, 440, 450
Hastings, Lord, 43, 99
Hatton, Sir Christopher, 370, 371, 373, 382, 396
Havrey, Marquis d’, 352
Hawkins, John, 273, 274, 281.
His trick on de Spes, 316-18
Hawkins, William, 273
Heath, Archbishop, Lord Chancellor, 141, 155
Henrique, Cardinal, King of Portugal, 362, 372
Henry VIII., 2, 32
Henry II. of France, 6, 95, 115, 139, 142, 188, 194.
Death of, 197, 200
Henry III. of France, 399, 425, 455, 456, 457, 486
Herbert, Dr., Peace Commissioner, 465
Herries, Lord, 257, 312
Hertford, Earl of, 465
Heywood, Father, Jesuit, 383
Hoby, Sir Philip, English envoy, 8
Holt, Father, Jesuit, 386, 388
Horn, Count, 67
Horsey, Governor of the Isle of Wight, 274
Howard, Lord Henry, 388, 399
Howard, Lord William (Lord Effingham), 43, 44, 61, 63, 64, 67, 76,
77, 135, 148, 157, 191, 225, 254
Howard, Lord Admiral (Charles 2nd Howard of Effingham), 441
Huguenots, the, 200, 210, 211, 226, 230, 232, 268, 273, 320, 326,
327-29, 353, 358
Hunsdon, Lord, 441
Huntly, Earl of, 382, 450, 454
Hurtado de Mendoza, Diego, 33
I
Isabel, the Infanta, 458
J
James VI. of Scotland, 363, 366, 377, 378, 382, 384, 386, 387, 400,
419, 422, 426, 433, 436, 438, 450, 454, 457, 458, 459
Jane Grey, 11, 13, 16, 19, 41
Jane the Mad, 56, 120
Jerningham, Master of the Rolls, 163
Jesuit propaganda in England, 365, 367, 368, 378, 382, 385, 398, 400,
419
Juana, Princess, Philip’s sister, 54, 56, 225
K
Kildare, Countess of, 85
Kingston, Sir Anthony, 136
Kirkaldy of Grange, 255
Knollys, Sir Francis, 277_n_, 441
L
Landau, Charles V. at, 2, 3
La Mole received by Elizabeth, 327-28
La Mothe Fénélon, French ambassador, 275, 287, 330, 400
Leicester, Earl of. _See_ DUDLEY
Lennox D’Aubigny (Duke of Lennox), 363, 366, 377, 378, 382, 389-92,
398, 399, 400
Lennox, Margaret, Countess of, 218.
Intrigues with Guzman, 235-37, 238-40, 241, 247, 253
Lethington, William Maitland, Laird of (Scottish Secretary), 213,
214, 215, 218, 234-40, 285
Lewis, Dr. Owen, Bishop of Cassano, 433, 457
London.
Rejoices at Mary’s accession, 14-17.
Mary’s entry into, 19.
Mary’s coronation at, 32, 34.
Wyatt’s appeal to, 15, 47.
Fears of the Spanish match, 34, 43, 52, 64, 86-90.
Philip’s State entry, 90-92, 93.
Ill-feeling towards Spaniards, 114, 120
Loo, Andrea, de, 445, 459
Lopez, Dr., 373
Lopez de Padilla, Gutierre, 54
Lorraine, Cardinal, 216, 226, 231, 232, 234, 238, 244, 265
Lumley, Lord, 285, 286, 290, 302, 303
M
Man, Dr., English ambassador in Spain, his expulsion, 259, 265, 270
Marnix, Jacques de (Tholuze), envoy to England, 9
Martinengo, Abbé, Papal Legate for England, 209
Martin, Sir Roger, Lord Mayor, 271
Mary Tudor, Queen of England, 8, 10, 11-16.
Her accession, 17.
Her reception in London, 19.
Her acceptance of Philip, 23-29.
Her anger with Courtenay, 32-33.
Her coronation, 34.
Pledged to Philip, 40.
The public announcement of her marriage, 45, 47, 48.
Anxiety for Philip’s safety, 51.
Her meeting with Philip, 76-78.
The marriage, 80-82.
Entry into London, 90-92, 95.
Receives Pole, 102, 109-10.
Difficulties with Elizabeth, 116-19.
Hopes of an heir, 119-21, 122, 123.
Philip’s absence, 130, 140-41.
Joy at Philip’s return, 144.
Declares war on France, 147.
Her grief at the loss of Calais, 153, 157.
Her poverty, 158-59.
Her decline and death, 171, 175-80
Mary of Hungary, Regent of the Netherlands, 3, 6
Mary, Queen of Scots, 39, 141, 187, 193, 197, 200, 211, 213, 224,
234, 236-40.
Marries Darnley under Philip’s patronage, 243-45.
Her designs against Elizabeth, 247-54.
Rizzio, 256.
Mary a prisoner, 256, 257.
In England, 262, 268, 269.
Her communications with de Spes, 277-88, 293.
The Ridolfi plot, 297-315, 316, 317.
Intrigues with Don Juan through Guaras, 336, 339-40, 345, 349.
Fresh plots, 365-66, 377, 383-84, 401-3, 410, 423, 434.
Bequeaths Crown of England to Philip, 436.
Her part in the Babington plot, 444
Mary of Lorraine, Regent of Scotland, 200
Mason, Dr., English Councillor, 14, 15, 16, 99, 100
Maurice of Saxony, 2
Maximilian of Austria, 38
Mayenne, Duke of, 401
Medina Celi, Duke of, 55, 73, 85, 315_n_, 317, 331_n_
Medina Sidonia, Duke of, 462.
To command the Armada, 477, 479, 481.
Prays Philip to abandon the enterprise, 482
Melville, Sir James, 254, 285_n_
Mendoza, Bernardino, Spanish ambassador to England, 351, 353-54,
355-60.
Plots with the English Catholics, 368-70, 377-83, 386-98.
His unpopularity in London, 398.
His connivance with Throckmorton’s plot, 408.
Expulsion from England, 410-12.
In Paris, 422-25, 433.
Connives at the Babington Plot, 434-45.
Metz, the Emperor’s defeat at, 5
Montmorenci, Constable, 148
Montmorenci, Jean (de Courrières), envoy to England, 9, 43
Montrose, Earl of, 450
Morgan, Thomas, 406, 435
Morley, Lord, 285
Morton, the Regent, 365, 366, 377
Morton, Earl of (Stuart), 450
Moryson, Sir Richard, addresses the Emperor, 1-4
Murray, James Stuart, Earl of, 245, 251, 255, 256, 284, 285, 287
N
Navarre, Henry of, 326, 328, 399, 422, 455, 486
Navas, Marquis de las, 54, 59, 67, 85
Noailles, Antoine de, French ambassador, 19, 20, 33, 41, 42, 43, 46,
49, 62, 79, 93-94, 115, 119, 134, 135.
His plots, 136, 141, 146, 147, 151
Nonsuch House, 288
Norfolk, Duke of (Thomas Howard), his plots with Mary Stuart, 281-83,
284-88, 289-92, 293-95, 297, 301, 306, 311-15
North, the Rising in the, 293-95, 297
Northampton, Marquis of, 62, 226
Northumberland, Duke of, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 10, 12, 14, 15, 16, 19
Northumberland, Earl of, 254, 277, 281, 285, 290, 293, 293-95
Northumberland, Earl of (junior), 409
Nowell, Dr., Dean of St. Paul’s, 3.
Elizabeth rebukes him, 231
Nuñez, Dr. Hector, 398_n_
O
Oquendo, Admiral, 476, 478
Olivares, Count, Spanish ambassador in Rome, 421, 423, 426, 432, 433,
438, 457, 471
Orange, Prince of, 332-33, 352, 356, 369, 381, 395
Osorio, Isabel de, Philip’s mistress, 22_n_, 27
Owen, Hugh, 424
P
Pacheco, Don Juan, robbed in England, 84
Paget, William, Lord, 20, 24, 37, 40, 61, 99, 158, 163, 167
Paget, Lord (junior), 409
Paget, Charles, 339, 406, 408, 409, 434, 435
Paget, William, 436
Paget House, 238, 269, 278
Parry, Elizabeth’s controller, 184
Parsons (or Persons), Father Robert, 367, 383, 385, 389, 400, 404,
405, 406, 407, 416, 417, 419, 421, 425, 435, 457, 458, 471, 483,
485
Paul IV., Pope (Caraffa), 121, 141, 142, 150
Paulet, Sir Amyas, 345
Paz, Luis de, 219, 236
Peace negotiations with Parma, 445, 459, 465, 466, 470
Peckham, Sir W., 136
Pembroke, Earl of, 14, 61, 71, 80, 82, 97, 145, 225, 290
Pembroke, Countess of, 85
Pescara, Marquis of, 55, 67
Petre, Sir W., Secretary of State, 14, 24, 37, 40, 97
Philip II., 6.
To marry Mary, 21-31, 37, 38.
The conditions of his marriage, 42, 44-46, 50.
His coming to England, 52-65.
His presents to Mary, 54.
His demeanour in England, 65, 66.
Arrival and first sight of Mary, 66-80.
State entry into London, 90-92.
Receives Pole, 101-105.
His attitude towards Elizabeth, 116-17.
Leaves England, 125-26.
His influence on English policy, 129, 133.
His attempts to draw England into war, 143.
Visits England, 144.
Obtains armed English aid, 145.
England joins him in the war, 147.
His last farewell to Mary, 148.
The war and the English, 151-60, 162-63, 164.
His friendship with Elizabeth, 166.
He proposes to Elizabeth, 188-91.
His new policy, 195.
Alliance with France, 198-99.
Its inefficiency, 200.
His intrigue with Lord R. Dudley, 203-10.
His reception of Scottish approaches, 215.
His policy in the Netherlands, 220.
Patronises Darnley, 235-40, 241-54.
His determination to crush the Netherlands, 258.
Adopts a stronger policy towards England, 263.
Seizure of his treasure, 272-77.
Stops trade, 278-79.
Intrigues with Mary Stuart, 280-83, 288.
Accepts Ridolfi plot, 308, 313, 314.
His claim to Portugal, 362, 372.
His attitude towards Guise’s plots, 402, 407, 408.
Resolved upon war at last, 415, 421, 426.
His claim to the Crown of England, 436, 437.
His doubts of the Babington plot, 441-43.
Plans the Armada, 448-49, 450, 451-56, 457-58, 459, 466-74.
His obstinacy and the result, 483.
His failure, 487
Pickering, Sir William, 168
Pole, Arthur, plots with Quadra, 217, 255_n_
Pole, Cardinal Reginald, 19, 34, 95, 98, 99.
In England, 100-4, 114, 125, 130, 141, 143, 146, 155, 170.
His death, 179
Portugal, Philip’s claim to, 362, 371, 372, 396
_Primrose_, the attack upon the, 428
Protestant conspiracies against Mary, 136, 146.
_See also_ WYATT
Q
Quadra, Bishop Alvaro.
Philip’s ambassador in England, 196, 198, 199, 200.
Hoodwinked by Dudley, 202-10.
Scottish approaches to, 213 _et seq._
His death, 219
R
Raleigh, Sir Walter, 440_n_, 446, 447
Randolph, English agent in Scotland, 249, 255
Randolph, Major, 170_n_
Ratcliff, Egremont, 342
Recalde, Martinez de, 476, 478
Religious persecution, 96, 113-15, 123, 128
Renard, Simon.
Imperial ambassador, 9-18.
Proposes Philip for Mary, 21-31, 33, 37, 48, 49, 50, 51, 61, 62,
63, 65, 71, 113, 114, 122, 128
Requesens, Viceroy of Flanders, 334, 337
Ridley, Bishop, 41
Ridolfi, Rodolfo, 281, 297, 304, 306-11, 318, 375
Rizzio, 256
Robsart, Amy, Lady R. Dudley, 202, 203
Rochester, Sir R., 154, 163
Rome, the Armada intrigues in, 421, 426, 457
Ross, Bishop of, 285, 287, 289, 298-99, 302, 304, 310, 311
Ross, 306
Rutland, Earl of, 164
Ruy Gomez, Philip’s favourite, 55, 67, 72, 78, 92
S
St. Bartholomew, 328-30
St. Quintin, battle of, 148, 150
St. Quintin, English at the battle of, 149, 159
Sanders, Dr., Papal Legate in Ireland, 364
Sarmiento de Gamboa, 446-47
Schefyne, envoy to England, 9, 11
Sebastian, King of Portugal, 362
Semple, Colonel, 450
Seton, Lord, 382
Shan O’Neil, 217, 256
Shrewsbury, Earl of, 14, 16, 61, 67, 97, 302, 423
Sidney, Sir H., 202, 203, 210
Sidney, Lady Mary, 199, 202
Sixtus V., Pope, 423, 426, 432, 433, 438, 457, 459, 471
Spaniards, discontent of, 83-90, 102, 111, 112, 120
Spinola, Benedict, Genoese banker in London, 272, 273, 274
Stafford, Thomas, his abortive rebellion, 146, 147
Stanley, Sir William, 439, 441, 450
Story, Dr., 303
Strange, Lord, 43, 82
Stukeley, English traitor, 301, 362
Supremacy, Act of, 194
Sussex, Earl of, 61, 153, 157, 293, 342, 370, 371, 373, 379
T
Tassis, Spanish Ambassador in France, 383, 384, 389, 392, 400, 401,
403, 405, 410, 418
Throckmorton, Francis, 408, 409, 416
Treasure, the seizure of Philip’s, 271-77, 321-26, 331, 332
Tremayne, 136
Tresham, 377
U
Uniformity, Act of, 194
V
Valdés, Pedro de, 478, 483
Vargas-Mexia, Spanish ambassador in France, 364-65, 366_n_
W
Walsingham, Sir Francis, 328, 358, 397, 407, 409, 410, 427, 434, 441,
443, 444
Wentworth, Lord, Governor of Calais, 151
Westmorland, Earl of, 97, 147, 174, 293, 375, 404
Wilkes, English envoy to Spain, 350-51
Williams, Sir John (Lord Williams of Thame), 67, 68
Wilson, Dr., 345
Winchester, the marriage at, 72-84
Winchester, Marquis of, 86, 97
Winchester House, 287, 302_n_
Worcester, Earl of, 303
Wyatt’s rebellion, 47, 48, 49, 61, 62, 90
Wynter, Admiral, 273, 429
Y
Yaxley, Francis, sent to Philip by the English and Scottish
Catholics, 248-54
York, the Conference of, 269, 284
York, Roland, 450
Z
Zayas, Secretary, 305, 306, 313, 336, 346, 347, 359, 363
Zweveghem, Flemish envoy, 324, 326