Imperial Majesty should be persisted in, it will not wound the honor
or dignity of the United States in the sentiment of any Sovereign of
Europe. I am more and more confirmed in this opinion, as I reflect
upon the objections, which have been raised against the immediate
reception of a Minister from the United States. They appear to me to
be totally unsupported by any principles of sound policy, or of the
laws of nations. So far from its being thought, that the communication
has been precipitated, I believe it is rather a matter of wonder, why
it was so long delayed. Every one will see, that the course of events
had most certainly prepared the way for it, judging upon any fixed
principles. The other neutral powers were accordingly inviting the
United States to enter into political connexions with them; and none
of them have really a stronger interest to do so than this empire. The
account alluded to in my letter of the 25th of April, as having been
transmitted to me by Mr Adams, is as follows. (Extract of a Letter
from William Lee, February 18th, 1783.) "I am advised, from very good
authority, that the Emperor is desirous of entering into a treaty of
commerce with the United States of America, on terms of equality and
mutual advantage. Therefore, shall be much obliged to you for
informing me, if there is any person _in Europe_ authorised by
Congress to enter into such a treaty with her Imperial Majesty," &c.
Is it probable, after such an inquiry, that that illustrious
Sovereign, if any of your Ministers in Europe had communicated such
powers, would have made either of the objections, which have been
raised here? The motives, which have given occasion to so singular a
determination on the part of her Imperial Majesty, will be known. I
can speak very generally only upon this subject while I remain here. I
must again, therefore, beseech Congress to suspend forming any
judgment upon this matter.
I propose to wait a reasonable time for an answer to my Memorial. If
none should be given, or the former one should be persisted in, I
shall then set off for Stockholm, from whence I will write to you more
freely, first taking another step, which appears to me advisable, I
mean, to communicate what has passed at this Court, to the foreign
Ministers, to prevent misrepresentations to the prejudice of the
United States. The truth I think can do them none.
I am in hopes of receiving an answer to the Memorial in a few days,
and will transmit you an account of it immediately. In the meantime, I
am preparing to quit this city in case it should not be such as we
have a right to expect from the uniform conduct of the United States
respecting her Imperial Majesty.
I have the honor to be, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
TO JOHN ADAMS.
St Petersburg, May 15th, 1783.
Sir,
You will see, with astonishment, I dare say, the objections that have
been raised against my immediate reception at this Court. I must
acquaint you, that the first has taken place since I made my
communication; the courier having arrived here with the proposals
three days after, viz. on the 27th of February. However, I think it
far from being a solid objection. The second is of so extraordinary a
nature, that it is impossible, in my opinion, that the United States
can ever comply with it. If they should incline to do it, it shall
never be done upon my request. I would perish before I would propose
it to them. If they have not lost all sense of their own dignity, and
I believe they have not, they would sooner resolve never to send a
Minister to this Court during the life of the present Sovereign. I
have said all upon that point that I thought it prudent to say in my
Memorial; but you will at once perceive, I must have suppressed some
very forcible arguments merely to avoid giving offence. It is not my
business to embroil matters between the two countries; quite
otherwise.
With this view, I have openly disavowed all instructions relative to
the subject, and expressly desired that my reply may be considered as
containing my private sentiments only. This leaves Congress at full
liberty to avow or disavow whatever they think proper. They may
sacrifice my reputation and character, if they judge the interests of
our country require it, but I will never sacrifice the dignity of the
United States, by seeming, for a moment, to give into a proposition,
which I conceive would be an eternal disgrace to them. For this
reason, I have resolved, after waiting a reasonable time for an answer
to my Memorial, if none should be given, or the first be persisted in,
to return with all speed to America. Which again will be the means of
leaving Congress more at liberty to act, by affording them an occasion
of sending another Minister here, if they should incline to do it,
without being under the necessity of revoking my letter of credence
and granting me another, bearing date since the acknowledgment of our
independence by the King of Great Britain. I spare all reflections
upon this system, if it can be called one, of politics; and shall not
attempt to account for it at this time.
I have the honor to be, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO FRANCIS DANA.
Philadelphia, May 27th, 1783.
Sir,
Since my last, a copy of which will be transmitted with this, Congress
were pleased to pass the enclosed resolution limiting the term to
which they conceive the duration of the treaty of commerce to be
proposed to Russia should be confined, and directing that it should be
in no way obligatory upon them, till they had revised and approved
it.[26] This latter part of the resolution, will I dare say make no
difficulty, since it only conforms to the powers you already have, and
which if you have made any propositions, must I presume have been made
under this restriction. You will find, however, that Congress do not
wish to perplex or embarrass you, if your propositions are not exactly
conformable to their intentions, but have left it to your discretion
to proceed if you are too far engaged to recede with honor; but they
are still anxious not to engage extensively in commercial treaties,
till experience has shown the advantages or disadvantages that may
result from them.
I wish you had enlarged upon this subject so as to have shown minutely
the conveniences, that will arise from trading with the dominions of
her Imperial Majesty under a treaty rather than without. You hint at
one of them, when you speak of the different coin in which the duties
are to be paid, but not having explained the value of the money of the
country, or the amount of duties, we know not what advantage we are to
gain from being permitted to pay them in it.
By a late resolution, Congress have been pleased to direct, that the
postage of letters and the payment of couriers be allowed as
contingent expenses.
Give me leave, Sir, again to remind you, that your letters have
hitherto been silent on the subject of government, police, laws, arts,
manufactures, finances, civil and military establishments, &c. It is
true, a general knowledge of these may be acquired from several
publications; but minute and accurate details are necessary to answer
political purposes; and as you have much leisure, an ample support,
and the means of acquiring this information, with the ability to
employ those means to the best advantage, I must again request you to
impose this task upon yourself, and to consider it as a standing
instruction, to write at least once a week on these subjects.
I have nothing to add as to general intelligence, since my last, but
that Congress have ordered that furloughs be granted to about two
thirds of the army. And that we have some reason to complain of the
infraction of the seventh article of the provisional treaty; Sir Guy
Carleton having sent off numbers of slaves under pretence of having
come in under proclamation, which gave them their freedom, and they
could not be within the letter or spirit of the article.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
FOOTNOTES:
[26] "_In Congress, May 22d, 1783._ Resolved, that Mr Dana be
instructed, in case he has not already proceeded too far in the
commercial treaty between the United States of America and Russia,
that the treaty be limited to the term of fifteen years; and that the
same be subject to the revisal and approbation of Congress before they
shall be under obligations to accept or ratify it." For the
proceedings of Congress on the subject of Mr Dana's letters, see the
_Secret Journal_, Vol. III. pp. 344-354.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
St Petersburg, May 30th, 1783.
Sir,
I have already sent you three copies of the Memorial, which I
presented to the Vice Chancellor, Count Ostermann. There is no doubt,
now hostilities have ceased, but one of them at least will come safe
to hand. It has all along been uncertain to me what the effect of the
Memorial would be, that is, whether it would produce any change in her
Majesty's present plan of conduct towards the United States. I had in
view by it principally, to place our affairs in such a point of light,
that if her Majesty should persist in her answer, the dishonor of it,
if any, should not fall upon the United States.
The Memorial was as unexpected to the Vice Chancellor, as his answer
was to me, after the previous assurances I had received, that all
obstacles were removed. He expected the whole matter would have ended
with the conference I had with him. In which case they could, and they
would without any scruple, have made what they pleased of it; have
varied it, added to it, or diminished it, as future circumstances
should render expedient. To prevent this, finding I could not obtain a
note in writing of the substance of the answer, I determined to make
that certain, as well as my reply to it, by throwing the whole into a
Memorial.
Not having received an answer to this, as I had desired in my letter
accompanying it, on the 28th instant, I wrote another letter for the
Vice Chancellor, as my ultimatum, and intended to have sent it
yesterday, but a private friend called upon me in the evening of the
same day, and told me he was informed, that I should have an answer
in the course of this week, which would be satisfactory to me, but
that he knew nothing of the particulars. Upon this intelligence I have
omitted to send my letter to the Vice Chancellor, and shall wait
patiently for the answer, at least through the week. Though my
expectations are not sanguine from this information, which I have no
doubt has been delivered exactly as it was received, yet it gives some
room to hope for further explanations upon the subject, and that a
proper system, such as the true interests of this empire point out,
may be finally adopted, and without my coming to the last measure,
that of quitting the country, a measure which I cannot but consider as
indispensably necessary to the maintenance of the honor of the United
States, if her Majesty should persist in her first answer. A few days
will now determine whether all obstacles to my reception are
effectually removed, or whether more plausible pretences only are
intended to be opposed to it. Not a moment shall be lost to
communicate to you whatever may take place relative to so interesting
a subject.
As to general news there seems to be no doubt of the war breaking out
between Russia and the Porte, but it is still thought that the Emperor
will not take a part in it, knowing the consequence of his doing so
will be a general war upon the continent, in which he may probably
suffer much. I am told the Khan of the Crimea, who has lately been
restored by Russia, has ceded that important peninsula to the Empress,
and retired into the Cuban. Thus that country has been made
independent of the Porte, but to become a province of this empire; an
event which most have been foreseen, though probably not expected so
early. You will find some particulars relative to the Crimea in my
letter of the 15th of January last. Russia must henceforward be
considered as having the absolute command of the Black Sea. But on the
other hand, she will not probably be able to act with her fleets in
the Archipelago against the Turks, as in the last war, for a plan it
is said, is forming by the House of Bourbon, to render the
Mediterranean a privileged sea like the Baltic, (which was done by a
confederation of the powers bordering upon that sea) by a similar
confederation of the powers upon the Mediterranean. By this means the
Russian fleet will be obliged to quit that sea, and France without
entering into the war will render a most essential service to the
Porte. Seven sail of men-of-war, which had received orders to sail
from hence and Archangel, to join the fleet at Leghorn, have in
consequence of this plan, as is supposed, been stopped. It is said
likewise to be intended to suppress those troublesome piratical people
upon the coasts of Barbary, and who so frequently insult the first
maritime powers of the world, and in a manner make them all their
tributaries.
I am, Sir, with the greatest respect, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
St Petersburg, June 6th, 1783.
Sir,
In my last I acquainted you, that I had been informed I should receive
a satisfactory answer to my Memorial, in the course of that week. None
has yet been given. Through the same channel I was yesterday informed,
that it was intended to give the answer on Monday or Tuesday next.
From this delay I am inclined to think, they wait to receive an
account of the definitive treaty, when all ideas of a mediation will
be done away. This is daily expected here. The other objections may be
then dropped. It would be thought perhaps to be too humiliating to
give them all up at once. In this way probably the whole may be
compounded. I shall wait patiently in this expectation till we receive
that account.
I have the honor to be, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
St Petersburg, June 17th, 1783.
Sir,
Although we have not received any account of the conclusion of the
definitive treaty, under the mediation of their Imperial Majesties, I
have the satisfaction to acquaint you, that our affairs have taken the
turn, which I supposed in my last they might do. This is the utmost
effect I could ever expect from my Memorial, for the reason mentioned
in that letter. On Saturday morning I received a note from the Vice
Chancellor, of which the following is a copy.
Translation.
"Count Ostermann begs Mr Dana to do him the favor to call on him today
at one o'clock, taking this occasion to assure him, with great
pleasure, of his perfect esteem.
"_Saturday, June 14th._"
Having waited upon him accordingly, he entered into a conversation
tending to explain away the principal parts of his first answer. He
said, however, that he did not intend that as the answer to my
Memorial, this being included wholly in the note which he would read
to me, and that I might take a copy of it to prevent any mistakes,
which is as follows.
Translation.
"I have not failed, Sir, to place under the eyes of the Empress, my
Sovereign, the letters which you addressed to me on the 8th and 10th
of April, accompanied with a Memorial and a supplement to that
Memorial.
"Their contents proving that you have taken in a wrong sense what I
had the honor of saying to you previously respecting the overture,
which you made to me relative to the honorable commission with which
you are charged, I have renewed to you the expression of satisfaction
with which the Empress has accepted the mark of attention, which your
constituents have shown in sending to her a person expressly clothed
in a public character, and that she will receive him with pleasure in
that quality, as soon as the definitive treaties, which are now on the
eve of being concluded between the powers, who have been at war, shall
be consummated. Her delicacy has been a law to her not to make any
advance before that time, which should be considered inconsistent with
those principles, which have characterised her strict impartiality
during the course of the late war. In other respects, the Empress
designs that you shall enjoy, not only in your own person, but also
your countrymen, who shall visit her empire either on commercial or
other affairs, the most favorable reception, and the protection of the
laws of nations.
"As to what I said to you, Sir, concerning the date of your letters
of credence, there has been no occasion for any question respecting
the consequences you have drawn from it. The conduct, which the
Empress has held during the whole course of the war, sufficiently
proves the impartiality of her sentiments, renders all discussion on
this subject unnecessary, and ought to be perfectly satisfactory to
you."
To which I returned the following answer.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY COUNT OSTERMANN.
"I have considered the answer to my Memorial, which your Excellency
gave to me, on the part of her Imperial Majesty on the 14th instant,
as contained in the written note, of which you permitted me to take a
copy. Knowing the high sense the United Status of America have, of
that strict impartiality between all the late belligerent powers,
which her Imperial Majesty has so evidently manifested during the
course of the war, and that they would not wish any propositions
should be made on their part, which she might possibly think in the
least degree repugnant to it, I omitted to make the communication of
my mission to your Excellency, till the conclusion of the preliminary
treaty between the Courts of Versailles, Madrid, and London, had been
in form communicated to her Imperial Majesty. It is to be observed,
that at the time I made it, the mediation had not taken place, the
despatches relative to it, if I am not mistaken, having arrived three
days after. The other matters being waved, I shall conform with the
utmost satisfaction, to her Imperial Majesty's manner of thinking
respecting the present mediation, and wait the conclusion of the
definitive treaty of peace. I have a most grateful sense of the
assurances, which her Imperial Majesty has been pleased to give to me,
that in the meantime, not only myself, but such of the citizens of the
United States, as affairs of commerce or others may bring into her
empire, shall enjoy the most favorable reception, and the protection
of the laws of nations.
"I pray your Excellency to accept my sincere acknowledgments of the
polite manner in which you communicated the answer to my Memorial.
"I have the honor to be, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
"_St Petersburg, June 16th, 1783._"
You will not suppose, from anything contained in the answer to my
Memorial, that I had misstated any part of the first answer. Whether
my reasoning upon the several parts of it is just, or not, you are
best able to determine. If I have drawn consequences from it that are
not true, as the reply supposes, it has at least had the effect to
remove every obstacle except that of the mediation, which a very short
time will probably put an end to, and also to draw forth an express
assurance of the most favorable reception of the citizens of the
United States, of a liberty freely to carry on their commerce with
this empire, and under the protection of the laws of nations. If this
is not in effect giving up every objection, so far as they have any
pretence to be grounded upon established principles, I am greatly
mistaken in the matter. Considering it in this light, I have made no
difficulty to declare, that I should conform, with the utmost
satisfaction, to her Majesty's sentiments respecting the mediation.
Thus, I flatter myself, all discussion of every kind, especially of
matters of so much delicacy, is at an end. I am much deceived, if what
has taken place will be of the least disadvantage to our interests. I
am happy to add, I found the Vice Chancellor in an exceeding good
disposition; and have every reason to expect that all will go on in
future in the most perfect harmony.
You will observe mention is made in the written answer of a letter of
the 10th of May, and of a supplement to the Memorial. This is nothing
more than to introduce a paragraph, which I had omitted to insert in
the copy sent to the Vice Chancellor. You have it in the second and
third copies which I sent to you, but not in the first.
Her Majesty will set off in a few days for Fredericksham, a town in
Finland, near the frontiers of her Empire, to meet the King of Sweden.
The object of their meeting is supposed to be to insure tranquillity
on that side, while the war may be prosecuted on the other against the
Turks. The information respecting the Crimea, which I communicated to
you, is not yet beyond all question. If it has not already become a
fact, there is little room to doubt but it will, in the course of a
short time. Protection and subjugation are not far separated in such
cases. Besides, it forms so capital a part of the present ruling
system, that no means will be neglected to effect it as early as
possible.
The duplicate of your letter of the 17th of December, was brought me
by the last post; the first copy has not come to hand, and the
enclosures sent with that, you say in a postscript, are omitted in
this for want of time. They are, however, become useless by the great
change of peace. It is not the trouble, but the danger of meddling too
particularly with the subjects you speak of, that has hitherto
prevented my going further into them. You will be pleased to
recollect, as I have mentioned before, that I have no cypher from you
but what has come to me through this office, and that the duplicate of
it did not accompany the duplicate letter, which was said to enclose
it. I am not without my apprehensions, that it was taken out of your
letter here. I have never received any other cypher than the first
from you, though it seems by your letters, that you had sent me both a
written and a printed one since. I sent you one by Mr Adams's son, who
left me last October, but instead of being two months as I expected at
furthest upon his route to Holland, he has been near six, so that you
have not probably received that.
If you will be pleased to turn to my letter of the 30th of March, and
to read that _single_ sentence in it, which begins with the words
"There has lately been a lively sensation," &c. you will find the
great object which has constantly engaged the attention of this Court.
It is the polestar of their system, and everything else has been
subject to its influence. Nothing has been adopted but with a view to
facilitate the execution of that project. The policy mentioned in the
last paragraph of my letter of October 14th, (sent by Mr Adams,) had
no other object in view. You will instantly perceive the reason why I
have supposed they would have been well pleased with the events there
pointed out. You will see of course, that the different turn those
affairs have taken cannot be very agreeable here, and how they may,
and in fact do, obstruct the great project in this moment. Sir, I have
been very unwell for four days past, and am at this instant so feeble,
that I can add nothing more than, that I am, with much respect, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
PLAN OF A COMMERCIAL TREATY BETWEEN RUSSIA AND THE UNITED STATES.[27]
ARTICLE I.
There shall be a firm, inviolable, and universal peace, and a true and
sincere friendship between her Imperial Majesty and her heirs and
successors to the throne and the United States of America, and between
the countries and territories situated under their jurisdiction
respectively, the people and inhabitants thereof, and between their
citizens and subjects of every degree without exception of persons or
places.
ARTICLE II.
The rights, liberties, privileges, immunities, and exemptions
respecting navigation, trade, commerce, or the distribution of
justice, which now are, or hereafter shall be granted by either of the
contracting parties to any nation whatever, by any treaty, tariff,
law, or ordinance whatever, shall immediately become common to the
other party, whose citizens and subjects shall enjoy the same in as
ample a manner, to all intents and purposes, as if the articles and
clauses in virtue of which, they now are, or hereafter shall be
granted to any nation, had been inserted into this treaty, and made a
part thereof.
ARTICLE III.