The enterprise does the highest honor to the abilities and spirit of
the Marquis de Bouillé; and his disinterested generosity is finely
contrasted with the sordid avarice of the British commanders.
Order and economy have taken place in our finances. The troops are
regularly clothed and fed at West Point, and most of the other posts,
at the moderate rate of ninepence a ration when issued, so that the
innumerable band of purchasing and issuing commissaries is discharged.
The hospitals are well supplied in the same way, and small advances of
pay are made to the officers and men. Upon the whole, they were never
in so comfortable a situation as they are at present. Our civil list
formed upon plans of the strictest economy, after having been many
years in arrear, is now regularly paid off; and the departments, in
consequence of it, filled with men of integrity and abilities.
Embargoes and other restrictions being removed, our commerce begins to
revive, and with it the spirit of industry and enterprise; and what
will astonish you still more is, that public credit has again reared
its head. Our bank paper is in equal estimation with specie. Nothing
can be more agreeable than to see the satisfaction with which people
bring their money to the bank, and take out paper; or the joy mixed
with surprise with which some, who have hesitatingly taken bank bills
for the first time, see that they can turn them into specie at their
option.
Whether Spain wishes for peace or war, it is certainly her interest to
push the enemy where they are most vulnerable, and where she can do it
with the smallest expense to herself, and the greatest to her enemy.
Every additional man she enables us to maintain here, forces Britain
to lay out four times as much in procuring, transporting, and feeding
another to oppose him. It has been acknowledged in the British House
of Commons, that every man in America costs the nation annually one
hundred pounds sterling. Though this may appear exorbitant, yet
whoever reflects on the first expense of raising and transporting a
regiment, and the additional charge of sending over recruits to make
up deficiencies, and that of sending provisions to an army and its
innumerable dependants three thousand miles, will think it deserves
some degree of credit. It is obvious then as nations are only strong
in proportion to the money they can command, that every thousand men
we oblige the British to maintain here must make a diminution of their
strength in some other quarter, equal to three times that number.
Enclosed you have copies of two original letters from Mr Deane, in
which he acknowledges others that Rivington has published, which speak
a still more dangerous language. No doubt is entertained here of his
apostacy, or of his endeavor to weaken the efforts of the United
States, and to traduce the character of the people and their rulers,
both in Europe and America. You will doubtless use every means in your
power to destroy the ill effects, which his calumnies may have had
upon the minds of people with you. I enclose you the gazettes, and
again entreat you to let us hear from you more frequently, and to
leave letters at all times at Cadiz, and in the hands of our Consul in
France, so that no vessel may sail without bringing us some
intelligence. The last letter we had from you is dated in September,
near five months ago. I dare say this has been owing to some
accidental cause, and I only mention it, that you may guard against it
by writing more frequently in future, as the silence of our Ministers
excites more uneasiness here than you can conceive. Pray send me, when
no other subject presents itself, and you have leisure, a sketch of
the government of Spain, and the present state of its trade, marine,
military establishments, commerce, revenues, and agriculture.
I could also wish to have the Madrid Gazette, and Mercury, and the
Court Kalendar of this year. I have the pleasure of informing you,
that your friends here are well, and as numerous as ever.
I am, my dear Sir, with those sentiments of esteem and friendship,
which I shall always feel for you, your most obedient humble servant,
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Madrid, February 6th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
The Secretary of the Minister of State sent me yesterday morning your
favor of the 13th of December last, accompanied by various papers.
These are the first letters or papers of any kind, that I have as yet
had the pleasure of receiving from you since your appointment; and
they must for the present remain unintelligible for the want of your
cypher. The one mentioned to have been enclosed with these papers is
missing, and the other never came to hand.
On the 29th of November last, I received a packet, in which I found
enclosed a set of cyphers endorsed by Mr Secretary Thomson, and
nothing else. Mr Barclay had sent it by the post, under cover to a
banker here. It had evident marks of inspection, but I acquit the
banker of any hand in it.
A letter of the 18th ult. from Mr Joshua Johnson, at Nantes, mentions
the arrival there of the brig Betsey, from Philadelphia, and that she
brought letters for me, which were put into the post-office by the
captain. I have not yet seen them.
There are letters in town, brought by the Marquis de Lafayette to
France; but I have not yet received a line by or from him.
We must do like other nations; manage our correspondences in important
cases by couriers, and not by the post.
I have not written you a single official letter, not having been
ascertained of your having entered on the execution of your office. I
have, indeed, sent you by more than one opportunity my congratulations
on your appointment.
You may rely on my writing you many letters, private as well as
official, and as I still have confidence in Mr R. Morris's cypher, I
shall sometimes use it to you.
A duplicate of my letter of the 3d of October to Congress, which goes
with this, renders it unnecessary for me to go into particulars at
present. Nothing having since happened but a repetition of delays,
and, of consequence, additional dangers to the credit of our bills.
I am, dear Sir, &c.
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Madrid, February 6th, 1782.
Sir,
My last particular letter to your Excellency was dated the 3d of
October last, by Major Franks. I now transmit a duplicate of it by Mr
Stephen Codman, a young gentleman of Boston, who is passing through
this city to Cadiz, from whence he will either be the bearer of it
himself to America, or forward it by some person of confidence.
From the date of that letter to this day, the Minister has found it
convenient to continue the system of delay mentioned in it. I have not
been able to obtain anything more than excuses for procrastination,
and these excuses are uniformly want of health, or want of time.
There is little prospect of our receiving speedy aids from this Court,
and Dr Franklin gives me reason to fear, that a great number of the
bills drawn upon me must, after all our exertions to save them, be
finally protested for non-payment. I have, from time to time, given
the Doctor a great deal of trouble on this subject, and I ought to
acknowledge, that I am under many and great obligations to him for his
constant attention to our affairs here.
As soon as I get a little better of the rheumatism, with which I am
now, and have for sometime past been much afflicted, I shall write
your Excellency another long and particular letter.
I have just received, through the hands of the Minister's Secretary, a
letter from Mr Livingston, dated the 13th of December, marked No. 3.
It is in cypher, but I cannot read it, nor a duplicate of No. 2,
enclosed in it, for want of a key, which, though mentioned to have
been enclosed, is missing. None of his other letters have reached me.
A duplicate of Mr Thomson's cypher, brought by Mr Barclay, came to me
through the post-office with such evident marks of inspection, that it
would be imprudent to use it hereafter.
Notwithstanding all our difficulties here, I think we should continue
to oppose obstacles by perseverance and patience, and my recall should
rather be the result of cool policy than of resentment. I am somewhat
inclined to think, that it may become politic to suspend it on the
reply of the Court to a demand of a categorical answer. Unless the
Minister's system should change, (for they still give me hopes) it
might perhaps also be proper for me to consult with Dr Franklin and Mr
Adams on the subject, and send Congress the result. For this purpose,
I submit to Congress the propriety of giving me permission to go to
France or Holland.
Advantages are certainly to be derived from preserving the appearance
of being well here; and such is the general opinion at present. But I
am still much inclined to think it advisable to push this Court by a
demand of a categorical answer. I doubt their venturing to break with
us. The French Ambassador thinks it would be rash, and opposes it.
Hence principally arises my suspense.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Madrid, February 16th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
No letters by the Marquis de Lafayette have as yet reached me. I had
the honor of writing to you on the 6th and 13th instant.
We were yesterday informed, and so the fact is, that the Castle of St
Philip surrendered by capitulation to the Duc de Crillon, on the 4th
instant. There was no breach made, nor any of the out-works taken. The
garrison are to go to England and remain prisoners of war till
exchanged.
I am to go to the Pardo this evening. There I shall learn some further
details from the Minister. If I return sufficiently early for the
post, they shall be subjoined.
Things look better just at present; but my sky has hitherto been so
like an April one, that I dare not as yet flatter you or myself with
settled fair weather.
I am, Dear Sir, with great esteem and regard, &c.
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Madrid, February 18th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
I wrote to you a short letter on the 16th instant. I have procured a
copy of the gazette to be published tomorrow, and I send enclosed as
much of it as contains the articles of capitulation for Fort St
Philip. This event takes place very opportunely, and will have a fine
effect in England. Things begin to look more promising; but I avoid
particulars for a week or two, that I may have a better opportunity
of judging what reliance may be placed in present appearances.
With great esteem and regard, I am, Dear Sir, &c.
JOHN JAY.
_P. S._ Not a letter yet by the Marquis de Lafayette.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN JAY.
Philadelphia, March 8th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
I shall leave town tomorrow, and be absent a few weeks. I do not care
to do it without letting you know, that we have nothing worth telling
you. For want of positive, you must be content with negative
information, which sometimes has its use, and failing of any other at
least serves to provoke an answer, and makes those to whom it is
addressed ashamed of their silence, when they can collect anything to
communicate. I just now learn that General Greene has moved to the
Quarter House, five miles from Charleston, and detached a part of his
army to Georgia. The enemy have evacuated all the outposts they held
in that State, and retired into Savannah. It is imagined that they
will shortly evacuate and concentre their forces at New York. Empty
transports have sailed from the latter place, but whether to bring
away the troops from Charleston I cannot say. We are extremely anxious
to hear the event of a battle, which has been fought in the West
Indies between the fleets, but of which we know nothing certain.
Enclosed you have a copy of a letter from Mr Pollock, who is well
acquainted with the country about the Mississippi; it contains some
information which may be of use to you. I also enclose you sundry
resolutions of Congress, organizing the office of Foreign Affairs,
from which you will learn the extent of my powers, and not be misled
by supposing them greater than they are.
I am, Dear Sir, with great esteem and affection,
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN JAY.
Philadelphia, April 27th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
I informed you in my letter of the 16th instant,[1] that yours of the
3d of October had been received and submitted to Congress in my
absence, and, as I had then reason to think, that it would be answered
by them. This I wished because I was persuaded it would express their
approbation of your conduct, and afford you that intimate knowledge of
their sentiments, which the delicacy of your situation renders
particularly important. They have, however, judged it proper to refer
the letter to me. I shall endeavor to preserve the advantages I have
mentioned to you, by reporting this answer.
Acquainted with the expectations of Congress, and the grounds on which
they formed them, you will easily believe, that they are equally
surprised and concerned at the little attention hitherto shown by
Spain to their respectful solicitations. They had learned from every
quarter that his Catholic Majesty, among the princely virtues he
possesses, was particularly distinguished for his candor, and that
open dignity of character, which is the result of having no views
that he found any reluctance in disclosing; and that the Ministers in
whom he confided, breathing the spirit of the Prince, were above those
artifices, which form the politics of inferior powers. They knew the
insults which Spain had received from Great Britain, and they could
conceive no reason why she should conceal or refuse to return them by
supporting openly the people, whom Britain unjustly endeavored to
oppress. These principles, confirmed by the frequent recommendations
of those whom they believed to be acquainted with the sentiment of the
Court of Madrid, induced them to send a Minister to solicit the
favorable attention of his Catholic Majesty to a people who were
struggling with oppression, and whose success or miscarriage could not
but be important to a sovereign, who held extensive dominions in their
vicinity. Give me leave to add, Sir, that in the choice of the person,
they were not inattentive to the dignity of the Court; or to the
candor and integrity by which they were supposed to be influenced. I
would not have you infer from what I have said, that the favorable
sentiments, which the United States have hitherto entertained of the
Court of Madrid, have undergone the least alteration. They are
satisfied that nothing would be more injurious to both nations, than
to permit the seeds of distrust or jealousy to be sown among them.
But though those who are well informed feel no abatement of respect or
esteem for the virtue and magnanimity of his Majesty, and do full
justice to the integrity and abilities of his Ministers, accepting the
apologies you mention, and attributing to their true causes the delays
and neglects you have unhappily experienced, yet they are in the
utmost pain, lest they should work some change in the sentiments of
the people at large, in whom with us the sovereignty resides, and
from thence diffuse themselves into the government, and be productive
of measures ruinous to that friendly intercourse, that spirit of
amity, which it is the wish of those who are acquainted with the true
interests of both countries to promote.
After the war was declared by Spain, those among us who had formed the
highest ideas of her magnanimity, persuaded themselves that she would
act advisedly for us when she found us in distress. They grounded
their belief upon the avowed spirit of the nation, and the policy of
adopting measures to re-animate us and damp the ardor of the enemy,
and to make such impressions upon our hearts, as to give them in
future a considerable influence on our councils. Our disappointment in
this expectation, though perhaps to be accounted for upon very natural
principles, has been greatly aggravated by the sedulous endeavors of
the enemies of both countries to create distrust and jealousies. They
artfully insinuate, that Spain seeks only to draw advantages from our
wants, without so far interfering in our affairs as to involve
herself, if we should be unsuccessful. These insinuations are gaining
ground, and it becomes daily more necessary for Congress to be
furnished with reasons to justify to their constituents the
concessions they have proposed to make, or to withdraw those
concessions when they are found ineffectual. Yet they find much
reluctance in discovering the least want of confidence in the Court of
Madrid; and though their present situation might fully justify them in
not parting with the important rights you are empowered to concede,
without stipulating some very valuable equivalent, yet they cannot be
induced to make any alteration in your instructions on this subject,
till you shall have reason to conclude, that nothing can be done
towards forming the alliance they have so much at heart; not only
because of the influence it will immediately have in accelerating the
peace, but because of the advantages, which Spain and America may
reciprocally promise each other in future, from the lasting connexion
which will be erected thereon.
Though the delays you have met with afford room to suspect, that Spain
wishes to defer a particular treaty with us till a general peace, yet
I see so many political reasons against such a measure, that I can
hardly presume they will adopt it.
At the close of a successful war, a great and powerful nation, to whom
a character for justice and moderation is of the last importance, can
in no case demand more than a compensation for the injuries received.
This compensation will, indeed, be measured in part by their success.
But still it has bounds, beyond which a nation cannot go with dignity.
Spain has insisted upon the cession of Gibraltar as a preliminary to a
peace. This is, of itself, a considerable compensation for any damage
she may have sustained. Should she carry her demands further, and
agreeably to the ideas of the Spanish Ministers, expect to have any
exclusive right to the Gulf of Mexico, and the river Mississippi, she
must not only demand East and West Florida of the British, but she
must support the claims of Great Britain against those of America, the
claims of an enemy against the rights of a friend, in order that she
may make still further demands.
Will it consist with the dignity of his Catholic Majesty to ask, for
the short space in which he has been engaged in the war, not only
Gibraltar, but the two Floridas, the Mississippi, the exclusion of
Great Britain from the trade to the Bay of Honduras; while the other
branch of the House of Bourbon, who engaged early in the controversy,
confines her demands to the narrowest limits? Will he expose himself
to the imputation of despoiling an ally, (for such we are in fact,
though we want the name) at the instant that he is obtaining the
greatest advantages from the distress, which that ally has, at least
in part, contributed to bring upon his enemy? And this too, without
the least necessity, when he may, by accepting and purchasing our
title, appear to have contended for the rights of the United States.
This will then make no part of the satisfaction to which he is
entitled from Great Britain; he may justly extend his demands to other
objects; or exalt his character for moderation, by limiting them to
narrower bounds. This mode of reasoning will come with more weight,
when we display our rights before impartial mediators, and show that
recent conquests have been added to our ancient title, for it cannot
be doubted, that we shall at the close of the war make the most of
those rights, which we obtain no equivalent for, while it continues.
I persuade myself, therefore, that Spain will not risk the loss of so
important an object as the exclusive navigation of the Mississippi, by
postponing the treaty to a general peace, more particularly as a
treaty with us will secure our concurrence in their views at a general
Congress, as well as save them the necessity of making demands
inconsistent with that character for moderation, which their great
power renders important to them.
Congress flatter themselves, that the surmises on this subject are
groundless, and that before this reaches you, the treaty will be far
advanced. Should they be mistaken, you will take measures to know from
Spain, whether she accepts your concession as the price of our
alliance, and upon what terms. If they are such as you cannot close
with, and the treaty must break off, be persuaded, that any steps you
have taken or shall take, not inconsistent with the respect due to his
Catholic Majesty, to prevent the cessions you are empowered to make
from militating against our rights, will be approved by Congress.
Congress presume you will find no difficulty in knowing the intentions
of his Majesty on this subject, since they wish you to treat his
Ministers with that unreserved confidence, which becomes the
representative of a nation, which has no views that it does not avow,
and which asks no favor which it does not hope to return, and, as in
the present happy state of his Majesty's affairs, they can conceive no
reason for disguising his designs, they are satisfied, that your
frankness will meet from his Ministers with the confidence it merits.
I make no observations on the hint the Count de Florida Blanca gave
you, with respect to the restitution of such sums as Spain might be
pleased to advance to us; because, whatever claims we might set up to
a subsidy from the share we take in the burthen of the war, and the
utility of our exertions in the common cause, we are far from wishing
to lay ourselves under any pecuniary obligations for a longer time
than is absolutely necessary. A few years of peace will enable us to
repay with interest any sums, which our present necessities compel us
to borrow.
I cannot close this letter without expressing the grateful sense, that
Congress entertain of the disinterested conduct of Spain, in rejecting
the proffers of Great Britain, which must undoubtedly have been
considerable, if they bore that proportion to the importance of his
Catholic Majesty in the great system of politics, which those that
have been frequently thrown out to lead the United States to a
violation of their engagements, have done to their comparatively small
weight in the general scale. But as America never found the least
inclination to close with the insidious proposals of Great Britain, so
she finds no difficulty in believing, that the wisdom and magnanimity
of his Catholic Majesty will effectually guard him against every
attempt of his natural enemy, to detach him from those, who are daily
shedding their blood to avenge his injuries in common with their own.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] This letter is in cypher, and the key has been lost.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN JAY.
Philadelphia, April 28th, 1782.
Dear Sir,