Further, this war poetry, while reflecting military things with a

veracity hardly known before, is yet rarely militant. We must not look

for explicit pacifist or international ideas; but as little do we find

jingo patriotism or hymns of hate. The author of the German hymn of hate

was a much better poet than anyone who tried an English hymn in the same

key, and the English poets who could have equalled its form were above

its spirit. Edith Cavell's dying words 'Patriotism is not enough' cannot

perhaps be paralleled in these poets, but they are continually

suggested. They do not say, in the phrase of the old cavalier poet, that

we should love England less if we loved not something else more, or that

something is wanting in our love for our country if we wrong humanity in

its name. But the spirit which is embodied in these phrases breathes

through them; heroism matters more to them than victory, and they know

that death and sorrow and the love of kindred have no fatherland. They

'stand above the battle' as well as share in it, and they share in it

without ceasing to stand above it. The German is the enemy, they never

falter in that; and even death does not convert him into a friend. But

for this enemy there is chivalry, and pity, and a gleam, now and then,

of reconciling comradeship.

'He stood alone in some queer sunless place

Where Armageddon ends,'--

the Englishman whom the Germans had killed in fight, to be themselves

slain by his friend, the speaker. Their ghosts throng around him,--

'He stared at them, half wondering, and then

They told him how I'd killed them for his sake,

Those patient, stupid, sullen ghosts of men:

At last he turned and smiled; smiled--all was well

Because his face would lead them out of hell.'

Finally, the poet himself glories in his act; he knows that he can beat

into music even the crashing discords that fill his ears; he knows too

that he has a music of his own which they cannot subdue or debase:

'I keep such music in my brain

No din this side of death can quell,

Glory exulting over pain,

And beauty garlanded in hell.'

To have found and kept and interwoven these two musics--a language of

unflinching veracity and one of equally unflinching hope and faith--is

the achievement of our war-poetry. May we not say that the possession

together of these two musics, of these two moods, springing as they do

from the blended grip and idealism of the English character, warrants

hope for the future of English poetry? For it is rooted in the greatest,

and the most English, of the ways of poetic experience which have gone

to the making of our poetic literature--the way, ultimately, of

Shakespeare, and of Wordsworth. But that temper of catholic fraternity

which finds the stuff of poetry everywhere does not easily attain the

consummate technique in expression of a rarer English tradition, that of

Milton, and Gray, and Keats. Beauty abounds in our later poets, but it

is a beauty that flashes in broken lights, not the full-orbed radiance

of a masterpiece. To enlarge the grasp of poetry over the field of

reality, to apprehend it over a larger range, is not at once to find

consummate expression for what is apprehended. The flawless perfection

of the Parnassians--of Heredia's sonnets--is nowhere approached in the

less aristocratically exclusive poetry of to-day. But the future, in

poetry also, is with the spirit which found the aristocracy of noble art

not upon exclusions, negations, and routine, but upon imagination,

penetration, discovery, and catholic openness of mind.

SOME BOOKS FOR CONSULTATION

Pellissier, _Le Mouvement Littéraire au XIXme Siècle_.

Brunetière, _La Poésie Lyrique au XIXme Siècle_.

Eccles, F.Y., _A Century of French Poets_.

Vigié-Lecocq, _La Poésie Contemporaine_.

Phelps, _Advance of English Poetry in the Twentieth Century_.

Muret, _La Littérature Italienne d'aujourd'hui_.

Ladenarde, _G. Carducci_.

Symons, _The Symbolist Movement in Literature_.

Jackson, _The Eighteen Nineties_.

McDowall, _Realism_.

Aliotta, _The Idealist Reaction against Science_.

Soergel, _Die deutsche Litteratur unserer Zeit_.

Bithell, _Contemporary German Poetry_ (Translated).

Halévy, _Charles Péguy_.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 3: The temper of the two realists was no doubt widely

different. 'C'est en haine du réalisme', wrote Flaubert, 'que j'ai

entrepris ce roman. Mais je n'en déteste pas moins la fausse idéalité,

dont nous sommes bercés par le temps qui court' (_Corresp._ 3, 67).]

[Footnote 4: _Causeries du Lundi_, 1850 f.]

[Footnote 5: _Histoire de la littérature anglaise_, 1863.]

[Footnote 6: But a Wilde who wrote no _De Profundis_ and no _Ballad of

Reading Gaol_.]

[Footnote 7: _La Forge_: dedicated to Gaston Paris, the greatest

_forgeron_ of his generation in the love of Old French.]

[Footnote 8: _Rime Nuove_: Classicismo e Romantismo.]

[Footnote 9: _Midi_.]

[Footnote 10: _La Paix des Dieux_.]

[Footnote 11: For this and the other verse-translations the writer is

responsible.]

[Footnote 12: Even the 'music' was far removed from the simplicity of

pure song. The song of these poets was an incantation. Nay, painting

itself witnessed a corresponding revolt against the 'eloquence' of the

pseudo-realists--the 'far away dirty reasonableness', as Manet dubbed

it, which missed the essential vision by using the worn-down accepted

phrases of the public.]

[Footnote 13: _Au jardin de l'Infante: Veillée_.]

[Footnote 14: To some types of Irish imagination French Naturalism, it

is true, was no less congenial; hence the rift between the realist and

the spiritual Irishmen delightfully played on in Max Beerbaum's cartoon

of Yeats presenting the _Faery Queene_ to George Moore.]

[Footnote 15: Aliotta, _The Idealistic Revolt_, p. 116. Cf. the account

of the analogous views of Boutroux and Renouvier in the same chapter.]

[Footnote 16: Keats, no doubt, also aspired to the life of action. But

in him the two moods were disparate, even in conflict; in Brooke they

were seemingly fused.]

[Footnote 17: Eighteenth-century observation, in the person of

Goldsmith, had found no worthier epithet for the great Flemish river

than 'lazy', and the modern tourist is likely to find this by far the

more 'characteristic'. But which had the best chance of seeing truly,

the life-long companion and lover, or the stranger, sad, lonely, and

longing for home?]

[Footnote 18: _Les Saintes du Paradis_.]

[Footnote 19: Cf. for instance the situation of Signe, in the grip of

the brutal _préfet_, with that of Beatrice, in _The Changeling_, in the

hands of De Flores.]

V

HISTORICAL RESEARCH

G.P. GOOCH

The scientific study of history began a hundred years ago in the

University of Berlin. Preparatory work of the highest importance had

been accomplished by laborious collectors like Baronius and Muratori,

keen-sighted critics such as Mabillon and Wolf, and brilliant narrators

like Gibbon and Voltaire. But it was not till Niebuhr, Böckh, and above

all Ranke preached and practised the critical use of authorities and

documentary material that historical scholarship entered on the path

which it has pursued with ever-increasing success for the last three

generations. It is my task to-day to direct your attention to some of

its main achievements during the last half-century.

The outstanding feature of our time has been the immense increase in the

material available for the knowledge and interpretation of every stage

and chapter in the life of humanity. Primitive civilization has been

definitely brought within the circle of historical study. The

discoveries of Boucher des Perthes, Pitt-Rivers, and their successors

have thrown back the opening of the human drama tens if not hundreds of

thousands of years, and we recreate prehistoric man from skull and

weapon, language and legend. Anthropology has become a science, and the

habits and beliefs of our savage ancestors have been rendered

intelligible by the piercing insight of Tylor and Sir James Frazer. In

its boundless erudition, its constructive imagination, and its wealth of

suggestion, the _Golden Bough_ stands forth as perhaps the most notable

contribution of the age to our knowledge of the evolution of the human

race.

Among the most sensational events of the nineteenth century was the

resurrection of the Ancient East. We now know that Greece and Rome, far

from standing near the beginning of recorded history, were the heirs of

a long series of civilizations. Our whole perspective has been changed

or should be changed by the discovery. The ancient world thus revealed

by the partnership of philology and archaeology ceases to be merely the

vestibule to Christian Europe, and becomes in point of duration the

larger part of human history.

The story opens with Champollion's decipherment of the bilingual tablet

discovered more than a century ago at the Rosetta mouth of the Nile. The

key once fitted to the lock, the whole civilization of ancient Egypt lay

open to the explorer. A secure chronological basis was supplied by

Lepsius, and systematic excavation was commenced by Mariette, who was

named by the Khedive Director of Antiquities and established the Cairo

Museum. The work of the three great founders of Egyptology has been

carried forward during the last half-century by an international army of

scholars. The interpretation of the ancient scripts has reached a

technical mastery unknown to the pioneers, and the genius of Brugsch

unlocked the door to demotic, which Champollion had never thoroughly

mastered. But the triumphs of philology have been surpassed by the

conquests of the spade. The closest friend of Mariette's later years was

Maspero, who succeeded him as Director of Antiquities, and whose most

sensational find was the tombs of the Kings near Thebes. Equally eminent

as excavator, philologist, and historian, Maspero was the first to

popularize Egyptology in France, as Flinders Petrie, the greatest

excavator since Mariette, has popularized it in England. Until twenty

years ago the curtain rose on the pyramid-builders of the Fourth

dynasty. We have now not only recovered the earlier dynasties, but

neolithic and palaeolithic Egypt emerges from the primitive cemeteries.

The immense accession of new material has enabled Eduard Meyer to

construct something like a definite chronology; but though marvellous

progress has been made in our knowledge of the Early, Middle, and New

Empires, a great gap remains between the sixth and the eleventh

dynasties, and the period of the Hyksos is still tantalizingly obscure.

Egyptian history in the light of the latest discoveries may be best

studied in the judicial pages of Breasted, the foremost of American

Egyptologists.

The revelation of Assyrian civilization through Rawlinson's decipherment

of cuneiform and the excavations of Botta and Layard in the middle of

the nineteenth century was followed by a concerted attack on Babylonia.

It was clear from the Nineveh tablets that most of the literary

treasures of Assyria were merely copies of Babylonian originals; and

when in 1877 de Sarzec, French Vice-Consul at Basra, bored into the

mounds at Tello, the ancient Lagash, in Southern Babylonia, the most

eager anticipations were surpassed. Texts had been found which Rawlinson

pronounced to be pre-Semitic; but for the purpose of history the

Sumerians were discovered at Tello. When de Sarzec died in 1901 he had

opened a new chapter of history. The palaces of Sargon and Sennacherib,

at which the world had marvelled in the 'forties, appeared relatively

modern beside the vast antiquity of the Chaldean city. The chain of

human experience lengthened before our eyes when it was realized that as

Assyrian culture derived from Babylonia, so a large part of Babylonian

culture, including the art of writing, was inherited by the Semites from

the Sumerians.

While de Sarzec was busy at Tello, an American expedition was sent to

Nippur under the lead of Peters and Hilprecht; and the long array of

magnificent volumes which embody the results of the mission, including

the thousands of tablets found in the temple library, constitutes the

most important source of our knowledge of Northern Babylonia. Still more

recently a German mission under Koldewey commenced the systematic

excavation of Babylon itself; but its operations were interrupted by the

outbreak of the Great War. Though no monuments have been brought to

light in Babylonia comparable in magnificence to those of Khorsabad and

Nineveh, Babylonian culture towers above its neighbour. Since the

discovery in the royal library of Nineveh of a cylinder containing the

story of the Flood, no find has aroused such world-wide interest as that

of the Code of Hammurabi, unearthed by de Morgan at Susa in 1901. The

massive block of diorite, eight feet high, containing 282 paragraphs of

laws, revealed in a flash a complex, refined, and orderly civilization.

After expelling the Elamites about 2250 B.C. Hammurabi united North and

South Babylonia into a single State, and, desiring that uniform laws

should prevail, issued the code which bears his name. During the last

decade the exploration of Assyria has been resumed after a long

interval, and the city of Assur, the first capital, has been unearthed

by the German Oriental Society. We thus learn of Assyria before the days

of its greatness, when it was still a subject province under Babylonian

Viceroys.

The history of the lands watered by the Tigris and the Euphrates, which

was almost a blank half a century ago, may now be tentatively

reconstructed. The vast mass of official correspondence, judicial

decisions, and legal documents, taken in conjunction with the evidences

of religion, science, and art, reveal a startlingly modern society a

thousand years before Rameses and two thousand years before Pericles.

Babylonia proves to have been to the ancient East what Rome was one day

to be to Europe. The Tel-el-Amarna letters prove the unchallenged

supremacy of its culture over vast areas, and the revelation of the

religious debt of the Jews sets the Old Testament in a new frame. So

rapid is the pace of excavation and interpretation that all but the most

recent narratives of the Ancient East are out of date. If we master

Leonard King's sumptuous volumes on Babylonia and the latest edition of

the first volume of Eduard Meyer's incomparable _History of Antiquity_,

we need go no farther afield.

Scarcely if at all less remarkable has been the discovery of an advanced

civilization in Crete in the second and third millenniums before Christ.

While in Egypt and Mesopotamia the frontiers of knowledge were pushed

back, in Crete an unknown world was brought to light. Its romantic

interest was intensified by the establishment of an historic foundation

for one of the most celebrated legends of the ancient world. How the

Minotaur devoured the tribute of youths and maidens in the labyrinth,

how Ariadne, daughter of Minos, fell in love with Theseus and gave him a

sword to slay the Minotaur and a thread to retrace his steps, was known

to every Greek child and has thrilled the imagination of the centuries.

The exploration of the city called by Homer 'Great Knossus' was among

the ambitions of Schliemann; but it was carried out by Sir Arthur Evans,

whose labours have outlined a series of chapters in Cretan history

extending two thousand years before the destruction of the palace about

the year 1400. Though the Minoan language still defies attack, the

frescoes, sculptures, and objects of art tell their tale of a luxurious

and peace-loving community, closely connected with Egypt and forming one

of the main sources of the Greek culture of a later age.

Most of us are old enough to remember the thrill of excitement when Susa

and Knossus, if not Tello or Thebes, yielded up their romantic secrets;

but the generation now growing to manhood may experience similar

emotions as it watches the ghost of the Hittite Empire materialize

before its eyes. The meagre references in the Old Testament have been

supplemented by Assyrian and Egyptian inscriptions, revealing an

important Power in Northern Syria and Asia Minor for a thousand years

before it was swallowed up by Assyria. During the last twenty years

Hittite remains, marked by crude vigour rather than by a sense of

beauty, have been discovered all over Asia Minor and in the northern

reaches of the great Mesopotamian plain. In 1911 the British Museum

undertook the excavation of Carchemish on the Euphrates, the capital of

the North Syrian sector of the Empire; but the most precious results

have been achieved by Winckler at Boghaz Keui, the capital of the

Cappadocian portion of the Hittite dominions, which yielded a library of

20,000 tablets of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, now stored in

the museum at Constantinople. A few bilingual inscriptions have

furnished valuable clues; but the world still eagerly awaits the coming

of a new Champollion to unlock the doors of the treasure-house. Winckler

himself died in 1913; but in 1915 the Austrian Professor Hrozny startled

the world by proclaiming his conviction that Hittite was an

Indo-European language. Whether or no his contention is confirmed,

orientalists of both hemispheres are hot in pursuit, and it is no rash

prophecy that within a decade scholars will read Hittite as they now

read cuneiform and hieroglyphics, and new chapters of incalculable

importance will be added to the story of the Ancient East.

The recovery of the political and religious history of the empires

surrounding Palestine has run parallel with the application of critical

methods to the Jewish scriptures. To read Ewald's _History of the People

of Israel_, which was regarded as dangerous by pious folk in the middle

of last century, is to realize the progress of Semitic studies. The

great revolution in our conception of the Old Testament which rendered

Ewald out of date was accomplished by Wellhausen's _Prolegomena to the

History of Israel_. That the arrangement of the Canon was utterly

misleading, that the Prophets were earlier than the priestly code and

that the Psalms for the most part were later than both, was proclaimed

in the writings and lectures of Vatke and Graf, Kuenen and Reuss; but it

was not till their discoveries were confirmed and elaborated by

Wellhausen that they won their way, and it was generally recognized that

their reconstruction alone rendered the religious development of the

Jews intelligible. This outline was shortly after filled in by Stade in

the first critical history of Israel; but his emphasis on the falsity of

tradition was overdone, and subsequent critics, while accepting the late

redaction of the law, have argued that parts of it are far older, in

substance if not in form, than Wellhausen and his disciple were prepared

to allow.

The history of the Jews owes much less to archaeological research on the

arena of their historic life than Egypt or Mesopotamia. No splendid

buildings or sculptures have been brought to light, and the inscriptions

are few. But British, American, and German excavators have flashed light

far back into the third millennium, and a partial excavation of

Jerusalem has revealed a network of prehistoric tunnels and aqueducts.

The historic life of Gezer has been minutely revealed by Macalister,

with the strata of seven cities reaching back to the neolithic age. The

most piquant result of his excavations has been to rehabilitate the

Philistines, the makers of the most artistic objects found in the debris

of two thousand years. Far more light, however, has been thrown on the

religious customs and beliefs of the Jews by discoveries beyond their

borders. The notion firmly held by our fathers that Israel was one of

the oldest of civilizations and formed a world by itself has vanished

into thin air; for an older and vaster civilization has been discovered

to which she owed not only her science but the larger part of her

religion. The dimension of the debt to Babylonia has been and continues

to be fiercely argued by conservative and radical critics; but its

recognition has sufficed to revolutionize the study of early Israel and

to provide a new background for the religious history of the world. The

relation of the beliefs and practices of the Jews to those of other

branches of the Semitic family was boldly explored by Robertson Smith,

and has lately been illuminated by the epoch-making volumes of Sir James

Frazer on the _Folklore of the Old Testament_.

The history of Greece, like the history of the Jews, presents a very

different aspect to that which was offered to the readers of Grote,

Thirlwall, and even Curtius. Schliemann's discoveries at Troy, Tiryns,

and Mycenae unearthed Mycenaean civilization and gave an incalculable

impetus to archaeological research; but the brilliant amateur was almost

pathetically incompetent to interpret the treasures he had brought to

light, and much of his work has had to be done again by Dörpfeld.

Despite the achievements of archaeology, however, the period before

Solon remains very dark. Barely second in importance to the discoveries

of Schliemann was the Aristotelian treatise on the Constitution of

Athens, which was given to the world in 1891 by Sir Frederick Kenyon and

has been most authoritatively interpreted by Wilamowitz, the greatest of

living Hellenists. With the growing mass of new literary material,

inscriptions, coins, and papyri, the exploration of sites, the recovery

of innumerable objects of art and fresh light streaming from Asia Minor

and Crete, new attempts to write the history of Greece have been made.

Professor Bury's narrative, at once scientific and popular, has

summarized for English readers the assured results of research; but the

most authoritative survey is that contained in the Greek volumes of

Eduard Meyer's vast survey of antiquity. 'For the great tasks of

history', he writes, 'salvation is only to be found when it becomes

conscious of its universal character, in ancient as well as in modern

times. Only by treating Greece in connection with the Mediterranean

peoples can its real nature be seized.' This colossal task, which proved

beyond the strength of Duncker, has been performed by the Berlin

Professor, the only scholar of our time who could have accomplished it

single-handed. The dazzling picture of Athenian democracy painted by

Grote has faded away; and Beloch, following in the footsteps of Droysen,

dwells with greater satisfaction on the diffusion of Greek influence

through the conquests of Alexander.

Greek culture has received no less attention than Greek politics. The

Homeric problem continues to exert an irresistible attraction. Every

expert from Wilamowitz to Gilbert Murray and Walter Leaf adds to our

comprehension of the epic; but no positive results have been

established, and Holm uttered the gloomy prophecy that we shall never

know whether Homer existed, who he was, or what he wrote. On the other

hand we have gained a deeper insight into the early mind and soul of

Greece, thanks in large measure to a group of English scholars with Jane

Harrison at their head. Rohde's _Psyche_, the most illuminating treatise

on any branch of Greek religion, has traced the conception of

immortality through the ages. The later editions of Zeller's _Philosophy

of the Greeks_, first published in 1851, kept pace with the progress of

scholarship, and remains one of the glories of German scholarship. The

more recent work of the Austrian Gomperz has won almost equal

popularity, without placing its predecessor on the shelf. In the realm

of literature the most interesting event has been the recovery of the

poems of Bacchylides and Herondas, fragments of Sappho and Pindar,

Euripides and Sophocles and Menander; and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri, which

have already produced undreamed-of treasures, may well have in store for

us further glad surprises. The attempt to assess the influence of

economic factors, courageously undertaken by Böckh and somewhat

neglected after his death, has in recent years been renewed, with the

fruitful results familiar to us in Zimmern's realistic picture of Athens

in the fifth century.

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