other, the full graphic story is to be drawn.
XIII
FROBISHER IN ARCTIC AMERICA
It was the first of July before the fleet was clear of the coast of
England. Eleven days later new land was sighted “rising like pinnacles
of steeples, and all covered with snowe,” as Hall, with almost a poet’s
touch, described. This Frobisher and his companion navigators agreed
must be the “Friesland” of the brothers Zeno as laid down in the Zeno
chart. It was, in fact, Cape Farewell, the southern point of Greenland.
They sailed toward the shore, and Frobisher with four men in his
shipboat strove to make a landing, but was prevented by the accumulation
of ice about it. Leaving this coast and taking now a southwestward
course they voyaged on through the trackless sea till the twenty-eighth
of July, when they had their next sight of land, which Hall supposed to
be Labrador. Meanwhile between the two points—Greenland and the supposed
Labrador—there had been some pretty serious happenings to the voyagers
during storms; and only those on Frobisher’s ship, the “Gabriel,” saw
the new land, for the “Michael” had early deserted. We must turn to Best
for this part of the story.
“Not far from thence [Greenland] hee [Frobisher] lost compnye of his
small pinnesse which by meanes of the great storme he supposed to be
swallowed uppe of the sea, wherein he lost onely foure men. Also the
other barke named The Michael mistrusting the matter, conveyed
themselves privily away from him, and retourned home, wyth great reporte
that he was cast awaye.” His own ship, too, had sprung her mast, and the
top-mast had blown overboard in “extreme foule weather.” Yet,
notwithstanding these “discomforts,” the “worthy captaine” continued
steadily on his course, “knowing that the sea at length must needs have
an ending and that some land should have a beginning that way: and
determined therefore at the least to bring true proofe what land and sea
the same might be so far to the Northwestwards beyond any man that hath
heretofore discovered.”
The new land sighted was a promontory of an island off the main above
Labrador: the present Cape Resolution of Resolution Island, about the
north entrance to Hudson’s Strait. Being his first discovery Frobisher
loyally bestowed upon the promontory his sovereign’s name, calling it
“Queen Elizabeth’s Foreland.” So environed was it by ice that the
shore could not be reached. Hall tells of efforts made the next day
unsuccessfully to find a harbour, for all the sound was filled with
ice. Then they sailed northeasterly, following the coast, and early
the next morning another headland was descried. Approaching, they
found this to be a “foreland” with (it is now Best’s relation) a
“great gut, bay, or passage, divided as it were two maine lands or
continents asunder.” The gut was what we now know as Frobisher’s Bay.
Believed to be a strait, and of great possibilities, it was so named
for the discoverer—"Frobisher’s Straits."
Hereabouts was also a “store of exceeding great ice,” which kept them
off this shore. Nor for a while was it possible to make further headway,
contrary winds detaining them “overthwart” the supposed straits. Within
a few days, however, the ice largely cleared, “either there ingulfed in
by some swift currents or indrafts, carried more to the Southward, ...
or els conveyed some other way,” and entrance was effected. Thereupon
Frobisher proceeded to explore this water, having high hopes that he
“might carry himself through it into some open sea on the back side.” He
penetrated it for “above fifty leagues,” having on either hand, as he
believed, “a great maine or continent.” As he sailed westward “that land
upon his right hand ... he judged to be the continent of Asia, and there
to be divided from the firme [land] of America which lieth upon the left
hand over against the same.”
When he had sailed thus far a landing was made on an island—"Burchers,"
as Hall names it—and meetings were had with the people. Hall relates
this adventure with a description of the natives:
“The 19 day [August] in the morning, being calme, and no winde, the
Captaine and I took our boate, with eight men in her, to rowe us ashore,
to see if there were there any people or no, and going to the toppe of
the island we had sight of seven boates, which came rowing from the East
side toward that Island: whereupon we returned aboord again: at length
we sent our boate with five men in her, to see whither they rowed, and
so with a white cloth brought one of their boates with their men along
the shoare, rowing after our boat till such time as they saw our ship,
and then they rowed ashore: then I went on shoare my selfe, and gave
every of them a threadden point, and brought one of them aboord of me,
where hee did eate and drinke, and then carried him ashore againe.
Whereupon all the rest came aboord with their boates, being nineteen
persons, and they spake, but we understood them not. They bee the
Tartars, with long blacke haire, broad faces, and flatte noses, and
tawnie in colour, wearing Seale skinnes, and so doe the women, not
differing in the fashion, but the women are marked in the face with
blewe [blue] streekes [streaks] downe the cheekes, and round about the
eyes. Their boates are made of Seales skinnes, with a keel of wood
within the skin: the proportion of them is like a Spanish shallop, save
only they be flat in the bottome and sharpe at both ends.”
Here we have the first description of the Eskimo, or the Northwest
American coast Indian.
The next day the “Gabriel” was sailed to the east side of this island
and Hall with the captain and four men again went ashore and had parleys
with the natives here. One was enticed into their boat and taken to the
ship, where he was given some trinkets. Then he was sent back in the
charge of five of the sailors with instructions to land him at a rock
off the shore. But the “wilfulness” of these sailors was such that they
would go on to the shore and mingle with the people. So they were
captured together with their boat; and neither boat nor men were ever
after seen. Some of the natives, whose curiosity at length got the
better of their caution, visited the ship and made friends with the
company. They entertained their hosts with exhibitions of their agility,
trying “many masteries upon the ropes of the ship after our mariners
fashion, and appeared to be very strong of their armes and nimble of
their bodies.” (Best’s relation.) They bartered seal and bearskin coats
for bells, looking-glasses and toys, much pleased with their bargains.
Repeated attempts were made by Frobisher to secure one or more of them
to take back to England as “a token” of his having been in these
regions. But all his exertions were foiled by their wariness till he
resorted to a “pretty policie.” This was to decoy a group by ringing toy
bells, then throwing the bells one by one into the water for them to
scramble for, at each throw shortening the distance from the ship. One,
in his eagerness, paddled close to the ship, when he was grabbed and
hauled aboard with his boat. So angered was the poor fellow at his
capture that “he bit his tongue in twain in his mouth.” Nevertheless, he
survived till the return of the voyagers to England, but shortly after
he died miserably “of a cold which he had taken at sea.”
With this living witness of his “farre and tedious travels towards the
unknowen partes of the world” (Best’s relation), and with other “tokens”
which his companions had collected in their essays ashore—some bringing
“floures [flowers], some greene grasse, and one ... a piece of blacke
stone much like to a sea cole [coal] in colour which by the weight
seemed to be some kinde of metall or minerall”—Frobisher turned his
ship’s prow homeward at the end of August. Meanwhile, he had taken
formal possession of the region round about the “straits,” in the name
of the queen of England, who afterward dubbed it “Meta Incognita.” The
name is still seen on modern maps, confined to the point of Baffin Land
between Frobisher’s Bay and Hudson Strait.
The homeward voyage was without incident, beyond perils encountered in
fierce storms, in one of which, as Hall relates, a sailor was “blowen
into the sea,” and in his flight catching hold of the foresail was there
held till the captain “plucked him again into the ship.” They arrived in
late September, and anchoring first at Yarmouth came to port at Harwich,
October second.
Frobisher immediately repaired to London with his report and his
“tokens.” There he became the hero of the hour, being “highly commended
of all men for his great and notable attempt, but specially famous for
the great hope he brought of the passage to Cataya.” The captured
native, too—"this strange infidell," as Best wrote, “whose like was
never seene, read, nor heard of before, and whose language was neither
knowen nor understood of any”—must have been gazed upon with awe.
But the bit of “blacke stone,” brought as a novelty only, and deemed by
the captain of no account except as a souvenir, proved to be the “token”
of greatest import, since, quite by accident, it became an instrument
that practically transformed the Frobisher project from its original
design into a fervid speculative enterprise.
Best tells how this came about: “After his [Frobisher’s] arrival in
London being demanded of sundry of his friends what thing he had brought
them home out of that countrey, he had nothing left to present them
withall but a piece of this blacke stone. And it fortuned that a
gentlewoman one of the adventurers wives to have a piece thereof, which
by chance she threw and burned in the fire, so long that at length being
taken forth, and quenched in a little vinegar, it glistened with a
bright merquesset of golde. Whereupon the matter being called in some
question, it was brought to certain Goldfiners in London to make assay
thereof, who gave out that it held golde, and that very richly for the
quantity. Afterwards the same Goldfiners promised great matters thereof
if there were any store to be found, and offered themselves to adventure
for the searching of those parts from whence the same was brought. Some
that had great hope of the matter sought secretly to have a lease at her
Majesties hands of those places, whereby to injoy the masse of so great
a publike profit unto their owne private gaines. In conclusion, the hope
of more of the same golde ore to be found kindled a greater opinion in
the hearts of many to advance the voyage againe.”
Thereupon “preparation was made for a new voyage against the yere
following, and the captaine more specially directed by commission for
the searching more of this golde ore then [than] for the searching any
further discovery of the passage. And being well accompanied with divers
resolute and forward gentlemen, her Majesty then lying at the right
honourable the lord of Warwicks house in Essex, he came to take his
leave, and kissing her highnesses hands, with gracious countenance &
comfortable words departed towards his charge.”
Under such auspices this second voyage was organized liberally. The
queen invested in the venture, together with members of the privy
council; and among other subscribers were the Countess of Warwick, the
Earl and Countess of Pembroke, Lord Charles Howard, Michael Lok, Anthony
Jenkinson, and young Philip Sidney. The total amount subscribed was
fifty-one hundred and fifty pounds. A charter was issued for the
“Company of Cathay,” with privileges similar to the old Muscovy Company,
in which Michael Lok, “mercer,” of London, was named as governor, and
Frobisher captain-general of their navy and high admiral of “all seas
and waters, countreys, landes, and iles, as well as of Kathai [Cathay]
as of all other countryes and places of new dyscovery.” The queen
provided one of her large ships, the “Ayde,” of two hundred tons, to
serve as the “admiral” of the fleet, the other vessels being the two
barks which had started out on the first voyage, the “Gabriel” and the
“Michael” (now recorded as of “about thirty ton apiece”). Frobisher was
placed at the head as “captain-general of the whole company for her
majesty”; George Best was appointed lieutenant; and Richard Philpot,
ensign. Christopher Hall was made the master of the “Ayde”; Edward
Fenton, “a gentleman of my Lady Warwicks,” captain of the “Gabriel,”
with William Smyth, master; Gilbert Yorke, “a gentleman of my Lord
Admirals” [Howard], captain and James Beare master of the “Michael.” At
the start the company comprised one hundred and forty-three persons,
made up of thirty-six officers and gentlemen, fourteen miners and
“goldfiners,” and the remainder soldiers and sailors. Of this number the
“Ayde” accommodated, with the captain-general and his staff, one
hundred. The ships were fully appointed with munitions, and were
provisioned for a half year.
Hakluyt gives two accounts also of this voyage, and, as in the case of
the first one, the whole animated story of it is to be gleaned from the
two. They comprise the narratives of Dionysus Settle and of George Best,
that of the latter being the second chapter of his _True Discourse_.
They are presented under the following titles, respectively: “The second
voyage of Master Martin Frobisher, made to the West and Northwest
Regions, in the yeere 1577, with a description of the Countrey and
people: Written by Master Dionise Settle,” and “A true report of such
things as happened in the second voyage of captaine Frobisher, pretended
for the discovery of a new passage to Cataya, China, and the East India
by the Northwest Ann. Dom. 1577.” Both narrators were active members of
Frobisher’s company throughout the voyage.
Best, furnishing a description of the spirited scenes at the departure,
properly begins the story.
All things being in readiness, “the sayd captaine Frobisher, with the
rest of his company, came aboord his ships riding at Blackwall intending
(with Gods helpe) to take the first winde and tide serving him, the 25
day of May, in the yere of our Lord God 1577.... On Whitsunday being the
26 of May ... early in the morning, we weighed anker at Blackwall, and
fell that tyde down to Gravesend, where we remained untill Monday at
night. On Munday morning the 27 May, aboord the Ayde we received all the
Communion by the Minister of Gravesend, and prepared us as good
Christians towards God, and resolute men for all fortunes: and towards
night we departed to Tilbery Hope. Tuesday the eight and twenty of May,
about nine of the clocke, at night, we arrived at Harwitch in Essex and
there stayed for the taking in of certaine victuals, untill Friday being
the thirtieth of May, during which time came letters from the Lordes of
the Councell, straightly commanding our Generall not to exceed his
complement and number appointed him, which was one hundred and twentie
persons: whereupon he discharged many proper men which with unwilling
mindes departed. He also dismissed all his condemned men [men from the
prisons who had been incarcerated for petty crimes] which he thought for
some purposes very needfull for the voyage, and towards night upon
Friday the one and thirtieth of May we set saile and put to the Seas
again.”
Sailing with a “merrie wind,” on the seventh of June they reached the
Orkneys and put in at one of them for a supply of fresh water, greatly
frightening the islanders at their appearance, who thought them pirates.
Here they tarried for a day, the gentlemen and soldiers being permitted
to go ashore for their recreation. Again at sea, they shortly met three
English fisher ships homeward bound from Iceland, and they improved this
opportunity to send letters home to England. After twenty-six days
without sight of land they came, on the fourth of July, “within the
making of Friesland.” Ten or twelve leagues from the Greenland shore
they encountered huge icebergs, “great Islands of yce, of halfe a mile,
some more, some lesse in compasse, showing above the sea 30 or 40
fathoms.”
About Greenland, Settle shiveringly remarked that “in place of
odoriferous and fragrant smels of sweete gums & pleasant notes of
musicall birdes which other Countreys in more temperate zones do yeeld,”
they “tasted the most boisterous Boreal blasts mixt with snow and haile
in June and July.” But Best found it more cheery despite the Boreal
blasts. As he observed, “for so much of this land as we have sailed
alongst comparing their [the brothers Zeno’s] carde on the coast, we
finde it very agreeable.” One day when they lay becalmed they did a
little fishing, and Best spins this fine fish yarn: “We ... let fall a
hooke without any bayte [bait] and presently caught a great fish called
a Hollibut who served the whole companie for a day’s meale.” As on his
first voyage, Frobisher made several attempts with his shipboat to get
ashore, but could not overcome the bulwarks of ice.
Four days and nights were spent in coasting Greenland, and then the
fleet struck out on the last stage of the voyage. On the way they ran
into a great storm in which the “Michael” had her topmast blown
overboard, and the other ships were hard strained. On the sixteenth of
July “Queen Elizabeth’s Foreland” was sighted: and the next day the
“North Foreland” or “Hall’s Island” (named for Christopher Hall),
“near-adjacent” to the place where the ore had been found on the first
voyage. Here both chroniclers assumed—accepting Frobisher’s theory—that
they were come between the two “forelands,” near by “the supposed
continent of America” on the one side and the “supposed continent of
Asia” on the other and at the opening of the “straits” to the real
“passage.”
Now Frobisher hastened off with the goldfiners for a prospecting trip on
the island where the ore was first taken up, while the ships sought a
harbour. As Settle’s account proceeds: “At our first comming the
streights seemed to be shut up with a long mure [wall] of yce which gave
no little cause of discomfort unto us all: but our Generall ... with two
little Pinnesses prepared of purpose passed twice thorow [through] them
to the East shore and the Islands thereto adjacent.” Best relates the
mournful outcome of this prospecting: “He could not get in all that
Iland a peece so big as a Walnut, where the first was found.” Some of
his band, however, who sought other islands thereabouts had better luck,
for they were found “all to have good store of ore.” With these good
tidings he returned to his ship “about tenne of the clocke at night, and
was joyfully welcomed by the companie with a volie of shot.”
Early the next morning Frobisher again started out with a larger party,
forty “gentlemen and souldiers,” for further prospecting, and also to
find a fit harbour for the ships; and this day, on the summit of a
snow-capped hill, a dramatic scene was enacted, with the taking
possession of the country for England, and a service of thanksgiving,
all kneeling in a circle about the English ensign. Best was of this
party, and his relation alone describes these pious ceremonies on the
lonely hill-top.
“Passing towardes the shoare with no small difficultie by reason of the
abundance of yce which lay alongst the coast so thicke togither that
hardly any passage through them might be discovered, we arrived at
length upon the maine of Halles greate Iland, and found there also as
well as in the other small Ilands good store of the Ore. And leaving his
boates here with sufficient guardes we passed up into the countrey about
two English miles, and recovered the toppe of a high hill, on the top
whereof our men made a Columne or Crosse of stones heaped up of a good
height togither in good sort, and solemnly sounded a Trumpet, and said
certaine prayers kneeling about the Ensigne, and honoured the place by
the name of Mount Warwicke, in remembrance of the Right Honourable the
Lord Ambrose Dudley Earle of Warwick, whose noble mind and good
countenance in this, as in all other good actions, gave great
encouragement and good furtherance. This done we retyred our companies
not seeing anything here worth further discoverie, the countrey seeming
barren and full of rugged mountaines and in most parts covered with
snow.”
No natives were seen during these performances. But as the party were
marching toward their boats, their flag at their head swaying in the
Arctic summer breeze, hearing strange noises like the “mowing of bulls,”
and looking back, they espied a group on the summit of Mount Warwick
earnestly signalling them. Frobisher, understanding this peculiar cry as
a call of invitation for a meeting, answered with like cries, and also
caused a trumpeter to sound his horn. Whereat “they seemed greatly to
rejoice, skipping, laughing, and dancing for joy.” Then signs were made
to them, two fingers being held up, signifying that two of the English
company would meet two of theirs, in the open, apart from both
companies; and by other signs it was conditioned that each couple should
be without weapons. The proposal was accepted, and the meeting held with
much show of friendliness on both sides. Trifling presents were
exchanged, and the companies were cordially invited to visit each other.
The natives would have the Englishmen “goe up into their countrey,”
while the Englishmen offered the natives “like kindnesses” aboard their
ships. But evidently neither “admitted or trusted the others courtesie.”
The day being now nearly spent, the Englishmen abruptly broke off the
palavering and resumed the march to their boats. The whole body of
natives followed at a safe distance, with “great tokens of affection”
entreating them to remain. When near the boats Frobisher and Hall turned
back, and meeting two representatives as before again “went apart” with
this couple. Their intention was, under cover of further confab, to
seize these two unawares and carry them to the “Ayde.” A lively tussle
ensued, closing with the successful performance of a “Cornish trick” by
one of the company, who came to the captain’s assistance at a critical
moment. The performer was a Cornishman renowned among his fellows as a
wrestler:
“The Generall and his Maister being met with their two companions
togither after they had exchanged certaine things the one with the
other, one of the Salvages [savages] for lacke of better merchandise cut
off the tayle of his coat (which is a chief ornament among them) and
gave it unto our Generall as a present. But he [the general] presently
upon a watchword given with his Maister, sodainely [suddenly] laid hold
upon the two Salvages. But the ground underfoot being slipperie with the
snow on the side of the hill, their handfast fayled and their prey
escaping ranne away and lightly recovered their bow and arrowes, which
they had hid not farre from them behind the rockes. And being onely two
Salvages in sight they so fiercely, desperately, and with such fury
assaulted and pursued our Generall and his Master, being altogether
unarmed, and not mistrusting their subtiltie, that they chased them to
their boates and hurt the Generall ... with an arrow, who the rather
speedily fled backe, because they suspected a greater number behind the
rockes. Our souldiers (which were commanded before to keepe their
boates) perceiving the danger, and hearing our men calling for shot,
came speedily to rescue thinking there had been a greater number. But
when the Salvages heard the shot of one of our calivers (and yet having
just bestowed their arrowes) they ran away, our men speedily following
them. But a servant of my Lorde of Warwick, called Nicholas Conger, a
good footman, and uncombred with any furniture having only a dagger at
his backe, overtook one of them, and being a Cornishman and a good
wrestler, shewed his companion such a Cornish tricke that he made his
sides ake for a moneth after.”