managed to make it understood that they were Englishmen sent by the king
of England, and bearing a letter from him to their king, seeking only
his “amitie and friendship and traffique with his people whereby the
subjects of both kingdoms would profit.” But his court was many miles
distant, so there must be delay. Chancellor asked them to sell him
provisions and other necessities. Hostages were also demanded for the
“more assurance” of the safety of himself and company. The governor and
chief men promised that they would do what they lawfully could to
“pleasure him” till they had learned their king’s will. While this
palavering was going on a sledsman had been secretly despatched as a
messenger to the emperor at Moscow, informing him of the new arrivals
and asking his pleasure concerning them. After a considerable wait
Chancellor became impatient, and thinking it was their intention to
delude him, he threatened to depart and continue his voyage unless their
promises were immediately fulfilled. Such was far from their desire, for
they coveted the wares that the Englishmen had displayed before them.
Accordingly, although their messenger had not returned, they agreed
without further delay to furnish what the company wanted and to conduct
them by land to the presence of their king.
Then began a long overland journey by Chancellor and his principal men
to Moscow on sleds. When the greater part had been passed the “Russes’”
messenger was met. He had wandered off his way seeking the English ship
in a wrong direction. He delivered to Chancellor a letter from the
emperor, “written in all courtesie and in the most loving manner,”
inviting the Englishmen to his court and offering them post horses for
the journey free of cost. Instantly their conductors overwhelmed them
with kindnesses. So anxious now were the “Russes” to show their favours
that they “began to quarrell, yea, and to fight also in striving and
contending which of them should put their post horses to the sledde.” So
after “much adoe and great paines taken in this long and wearie journey
(for they had travailed very neere fifteene hundred miles), Master
Chanceler came at last to Mosco the chiefe citie of the kingdome, and
the seate of the king.”
Now of Chancellor’s reception by Ivan and the glitter of his court.
The opening scene which dazzled the eyes of the Englishmen, when
summoned to present King Edward’s letter, is pictured by Clement Adams:
“Being entred within the gates of the Court there sate a very honourable
companie of Courtiers to the number of one hundred, all apparelled in
cloth of golde downe to their ankles: and therehence being conducted
into the chamber of the presence our men beganne to wonder at the
Majestie of the Emperour: his seate was aloft, in a very royall throne,
having on his head a Diademe, or Crowne of golde, apparelled with a robe
all of Goldsmiths worke, and in his hande hee held a Scepter garnished
and beset with precious stones ...: on the one side of him stood his
chiefe Secretarie, on the other side the great Commander of Silence,
both of them arayed also in cloth of golde: and then there sate the
Counsel of one hundred and fiftie in number, all in like sort arayed and
of great state.”
Chancellor also sketches this scene, varying somewhat in detail: “And
when the Duke was in his place appointed the interpretorr came for me
into the utter [outer] chamber where sate one hundred or mor gentlemen,
all in cloth of golde very sumptuous, and from thence I came into the
Counsaile chamber where sate the Duke himselfe with his nobles, which
were a faire company: they sate round about the chamber on high, yet so
that he himselfe sate much higher than any of his nobles in a chaire
gilt, and in a long garment of beaten golde, with an emperial crown upon
his head and a staffe of cristall and golde in his right hand, and his
other hand halfe leaning on his chaire. The Chancellour stoode up with
the Secretary before the Duke.”
After he had delivered the king’s letter and a formal interchange of
courtesies, the emperor invited him to dine with the court. Of this
feast, at the “golden palace,” and the pomp of it, we have Chancellor’s
quaintly minute description:
"And so I came into the hall, which was small and not great as is the
Kings Majesties of England, and the table was covered with a tablecloth;
and the Marshall sate at the ende of the table with a little white rod
in his hand, which boorde was full of vessell of golde: and on the other
side of the hall did stand a faire cupboarde of plate. From thence I
came into the dining chamber where the Duke himselfe sate at his table
without cloth of estate, in a gowne of silver, with a crowne emperiale
upon his head, he sate in a chaire somewhat hie [high]. There sate none
neare him by a great way. There were long tables set round about the
chamber which were full set with such as the Duke had at dinner: they
were all in white. Also the places where the tables stoode were higher
by two steppes than the rest of the house. In the middest of the chamber
stoode a table or cupbord to set plate on; which stoode full of cuppes
of golde: and amongst all the rest there stoode foure marveilous great
pottes or crudences as they call them, of golde and silver: I thinke
they were a good yarde and a halfe high. By the cupborde stoode two
gentlemen with napkins on their shoulders, and in their handes each of
them had a cuppe of gold set with pearles and precious stones, which
were the Dukes owne drinking cups: when he was disposed, he drunke them
off at a draught. And for his service at meate it came in without order,
yet it was very rich service: for all were served in gold, not onely he
himselfe, but also all the rest of us, and it was very massie [massive]:
the cups also were of golde and very massie.
"The number that dined there that day was two hundred persons, and all
were served in golden vessell. The gentlemen that waited were all in
cloth of gold, and they served him with caps on their heads. Before the
service came in the Duke sent to every man a great shiver of bread, and
the bearer called the party so sent to by his name aloude, and sayd,
John Basilivich Emperour of Russia and great Duke of Moscovia doth
reward thee with bread: then must all men stand up, and doe at all times
when those wordes are spoken. And then last of all he giveth the
Marshall bread, whereof he eateth before the Dukes Grace, and so doth
reverence and departeth. Then commeth the Dukes service of the Swannes
all in pieces, and every one in a severall dish: the which the Duke
sendeth as he did the bread, and the bearer saeth the same wordes as he
sayd before. And as I sayd before, the service of his meate is in no
order, but commeth in dish by dish: and then after that the Duke sendeth
drinke, with the like saying as before is tolde. Also before dinner hee
changed his crowne, and in dinner time two crownes; so that I saw three
severall crownes upon his head in one day.
“And thus when his service was all come in hee gave to every one of his
gentlemen waiters meate with his owne hand, & so likewise drinke. His
intent thereby is, as I have heard, that every man shall know perfectly
his servants. Thus when dinner is done hee calleth his nobles before him
name by name, that it is a wonder to heare howe he could name them,
having so many as he hath.”
Chancellor furnishes also vivid descriptions of the power of the emperor
in his vast dominions and of his prowess in war. Lord over many
countries, his power was “marvellously great.” He was able to bring into
the field two or three hundred thousand men. He never entered the field
himself with a force under two hundred thousand men, at the same time
supplying all his borders with men of arms. Neither husbandman nor
merchant was taken to his wars. All of his warriors were horsemen, and
were archers, having such bows as the Turks had. Their armour comprised
a coat of plate and a skull cap, some of the coats being covered with
velvet or cloth of gold. All their trappings were gorgeous, for their
desire was to be sumptuous in the field, especially the nobles and
gentlemen. The emperor outshone all in the richness of his attire and
furnishings. His pavilion was covered either with cloth of gold or
silver, and so set with stones that it was “wonderful to see.” On all
their diplomatic travels the same gorgeousness was displayed. While
Chancellor was in Moscow two ambassadors were sent to Poland, with an
escort of five hundred horse. “Their sumptuousnes was above measure, not
onely in themselves, but also in their horses, as velvet, cloth of
golde, and cloth of silver set with pearles and not scant.” In ordinary
life, however, the raiment of all classes was of the simplest.
Their manner of fighting and the rough life of the common soldier were
thus portrayed: “They are men without al order in the field. For they
runne hurling on heapes, and for the most part they never give battel to
their enemies: but that which they doe they doe it all by stelth. But I
beleeve they be such men for hard living as are not under the sun: for
no cold will hurt them. Yea and though they lie in the field two
moneths, at such time as it shall freese more then a yard thicke, the
common souldier hath neither tent nor anything else over his head: the
most defence they have against the wether is a felte which is set
against the winde and wether, and when Snow commeth hee doth cast it off
and maketh him a fire and laieth him down thereby. Thus doe the most of
all his men except they bee gentlemen which have other provision of
their owne. Their lying in the fielde is not so strange as is their
hardnes: for every man must carie and make provision for himselfe & his
horse for a moneth or two, which is very wonderful. For he himselfe shal
live upon water & otemeale mingled together cold, and drinke water
thereto: his horse shal eat green wood & such like baggage & shal stand
open in the cold field without covert, & yet wil he labour & serve him
right well.” At which Chancellor exclaims with admiration, “I pray you
amongst all our boasting warriors how many should we find to endure the
field with them but one moneth? I know no such region about us that
beareth that name for man & beast. Now what might be made of these men
if they were trained & broken to order and knowledge of civill wars?”
Other very practical information related to the manners, customs, and
religion of the Russians and to the rich commodities of their country,
offering prosperous trade for English merchants.
This illuminating “rehearsal” of Chancellor’s, “writ with his own
hande,” the earliest account of a people but vaguely known to Western
Europe, and “still on the confines of barbarism,” was an unofficial
paper addressed by the sailor-writer to his “singular good uncle Master
Christopher Frothingham,” with the modest admonition:
“Sir, Read and correct
For great is the defect.”
Chancellor and his chief men remained in Moscow through the winter, and
when they departed to rejoin their ship at St. Nicholas for the homeward
voyage, the captain carried a letter from the emperor to the English
monarch granting freedom to his dominions and every facility of trade to
English merchants and ships.
Thus Russia was discovered by sea to commercial Europe by Englishmen.
XI
VOYAGES FOR THE MUSCOVY COMPANY
The arrival back at London of Chancellor’s company in the autumn of 1554
was greeted with much rejoicing, while the tales that they told of the
strange sights they had seen and the great things they had accomplished
filled the merchant adventurers with admiration. Uneasiness over the
fate of Sir Hugh Willoughby and the men of the two lost ships tempered
their enthusiasm; but their hope and belief were strong that the missing
ones would ultimately be safely found, and immediate steps were taken
toward a search for them.
Acting upon Chancellor’s wondrous reports and the letters he brought,
the English sovereign, now Mary, with her consort Philip of Spain, in
February, 1555, granted a charter to the promoters under the name of the
Merchant Adventurers of England, and constituted Sebastian Cabot
governor of the corporation for life, in consideration that he had been
the “chiefest setter forth” of the first voyage. Thus was established
the great Muscovy Company with a monopoly of the new Russian trade, and
empowered further to promote discoveries in unknown regions—"lands,
territories, isles, dominions, and seigniories"—north, northeast, and
northwest.
In the following May (1555) the newly organized company despatched
Chancellor on a second voyage to the White Sea again with the “Edward
Bonaventure” and a companion ship, the “Philip and Mary,” both freighted
with English goods to be bartered for Russian furs and other
commodities. Accompanying him were three factors, or agents, of the
company, and he carried letters of amity from Mary to Ivan, written in
Greek, Polish, and Italian. While this second voyage was essentially a
commercial one, Chancellor was to continue his efforts to discover a
Northeast passage, being instructed to “use all wayes and meanes
possible to learne howe men may passe from Russia either by land or sea
to Cathaia.” He was also to make diligent enquiry among mariners and
other “travelled persons” for tidings of Willoughby’s party.
This expedition arrived at “Wardhouse” by midsummer, and Moscow was
reached in November. As flattering courtesies as before were exchanged
between the emperor and Chancellor, and the factors were freely accorded
the privileges asked for. Chancellor remained in Moscow through the
following winter and spring, and then prepared for his return voyage,
Ivan having appointed an ambassador to go back with him personally to
convey to the English court tokens of the emperor’s good will and
readiness to enter into mutual bonds of friendship. Chancellor had made
no further Northeastern discoveries, but the fate of Willoughby and his
companions had been ascertained, and their two ships had been brought
from the tragic Lapland haven to St. Nicholas and added to Chancellor’s
fleet there.
The return voyage was begun from St. Nicholas in July (1556), the four
ships—the “Edward Bonaventure,” the “Philip and Mary,” and the restored
“Bona Esperanza” and “Bona Confidentia”—making a goodly show as they put
to sea. On board of the “Bonaventure” with Chancellor was the
ambassador, Osep Napea by name, with most of his suite, a brilliant
company of “Russes” and numerous servants, the remainder of his train,
Russian merchants among them, being passengers on the other ships. The
ambassador was well supplied with handsome trappings with which to
dazzle his hosts, and he carried letters “tenderly conceived” from Ivan
to the English sovereign. All of the ships were heavy laden with Russian
goods for the English trade, parts of the cargoes being taken out by the
Russians; while on the “Bonaventure” were a quantity of presents from
the emperor to Philip and Mary—costly furs, rich skins, and “four living
sables with chains and collars.”
For a time the four ships kept gallant company. Then high winds and
storms arose and they were separated not to come together again. The
“Philip and Mary,” the “Bona Esperanza,” and the “Bona Confidentia,”
were all driven on the coast of Norway into “Drenton” waters. The fated
ships in which Willoughby and his associates perished, were both lost
with their passengers and crews. The “Confidentia” was seen to “perish
on a rock.” The “Philip and Mary,” finding a snug harbour, was saved to
make her way back to England nearly a year later. The “Bonaventure”
continued alone on the voyage buffeted by much foul weather. At length,
after four long months at sea, she also met her fate. At the close of a
bleak November day she was driven by “outrageous tempests” on the north
coast of Scotland, and was wrecked off Pitsligo, in Aberdeen Bay.
Chancellor bent all his energies to saving the ambassador. Taking him
with seven of his “Russes” into the ships’ boat he made for the shore.
But it was now night-time, dark and tempestuous, and all of the boat’s
company were lost save the ambassador and a few of the sailors. So the
brave Chancellor perished at the height of his fame and usefulness as a
navigator.
The ambassador thus barely escaping a watery grave was compensated with
a magnificent reception. He was provided with fine raiment of silk and
velvet, and other furnishings in place of those lost in the wreck
(which, by the way, was looted by “rude and ravenous” people of the
neighbourhood), and a band of titled Englishmen escorted him from
Scotland to London. His formal entry into the city was made on a
Saturday, the last day of February. It was a great spectacle, the court
and the Muscovy Company combining for to outshine Ivan’s receptions of
Chancellor. Hakluyt describes it under the caption, “A discourse of the
honourable receiving into England of the first ambassador from the
Empire of Russia in the year of Christ 1556” (1556/7).
Met at the outskirts by the “merchants adventuring for Russia to the
number of one hundred and fortie persons, and so many or more servants
in one [uniform] liverie,” he was conducted toward the city, being shown
on the way a fox hunt, and “such like” English sport. Near the north
line he was met and embraced by “the right honourable Viscount Montague,
sent by her grace [the queen] for his entertainment.” Thence,
accompanied by “divers lustie knights, esquiers, gentlemen, and yeomen
to the number of three hundred horses,” he was led to the north parts of
the city where four “notable merchants richly apparelled” presented him
a “right faire and large gelding richly trapped, together with a
foot-cloth of Orient crimson velvet enriched with gold laces all
finished in most glorious fashion.” Mounting the beautiful horse he
continued in formal procession on to “Smithfield barres the first
limites of the liberties of the citie of London.” Here the Lord Mayor
and all of the aldermen, in blazing scarlet, were lined up to receive
and join him. Thence the gay pageant passed through the city: the
ambassador riding between the Lord Mayor and Viscount Montague, “a great
number of notable personages riding before, and a large troupe of
servants and apprentices following,” throngs of curious people “running
plentifully on all sides.” The procession brought up at the lodgings
which had been provided for the guest, the chambers being “richly hanged
and decked over and above the gallant furniture.”
The ambassador remained in London till early May, the recipient of a
continuous round of courtesies. He was feasted and banquetted “right
friendly” at the houses of the mayor and of “divers worshipful men;” was
royally entertained by Philip and Mary at Westminster when he presented
the emperor’s letters; and was given a farewell supper, “notably
garnished with musicke, enterludes, and bankets,” by the whole Muscovy
Company at the hall of the Drapers’ Guild. Meanwhile the trade alliance
was cemented by a league confirmed under the great seal of England, and
by letters “very tenderly and friendly written” from Philip and Mary to
Ivan. When at length he took his departure from London to return to
Russia, a grand company of aldermen and merchants escorted him to
Gravesend where a fine fleet of four “tall ships,” the “Primrose,” the
“John Evangelist,” the “Anne,” and the “Trinitie,” provided by the
Muscovy Company for his conveyance, lay in waiting. The leave-takings on
both sides were most fervent, with “many embracements and divers
farewells not without expressing of teares.”
This fleet, sailing on the twelfth of May, 1557, carried cargoes of
English merchandise “apt for Russia,” besides quantities of goods taken
out by the ambassador and his retinue, together with return presents
from the queen to the emperor, including rare silks and velvets, and
“two live lions”: so that compliment and business were profitably mixed
in the voyage. As commander of the fleet was Anthony Jenkinson,
gentleman, already favourably known among English merchants as a daring
traveller in the Levant in the interest of commerce, and now, through a
succession of wonderful travels, to extend the Merchant Adventurers’
field of operations into Central Asia. St. Nicholas was duly reached in
July, where the ambassador and his train disembarked to take other craft
for Kholmogro, on the Northern Dwina, southwest of Archangel. The fleet
went no further, and after discharging cargoes and relading with Russian
stuffs, turned back for England, leaving Jenkinson behind to see the
ambassador safely arrived at Moscow and then to start on his new travels
into Asia.
The story of Jenkinson’s adventures and their results was related in two
narratives, both of which Hakluyt preserves. The one covers, as its
title runs, “The voyage wherein Osep Napea the Muscovite Ambassadour
returned home into his Countrey with his entertainment at his arrival at
Colmogro [Kholmogro], and a large description of the maners of the
Countrey.” The other is entitled, “The voyage of Master Anthony
Jenkinson made from the citie of Mosco in Russia to the citie of Boghar
[Bokhara] in Bactria, in the yeere 1558, written by himself to the
Marchants of London of the Muscovie Companie.”
At Moscow he was as graciously received as his predecessors had been,
and while there he farther advanced the interests of the Merchant
Adventurers. He remained in the Russian capital for longer periods than
Chancellor, and had larger opportunities for observation. Hence his
delineations supplied richer colour. Thus the emperor’s “lodging” is
pictured:
“The Emperors lodging is in a faire and large castle, walled foure
square of bricke, high and thicke, situated upon a hill, 2 miles about,
and the river on the Southwest side of it, and it hath 16 gates in the
walles & as many bulwarks. His palace is separated from the rest of the
Castle by a long wall going north and south to the river side. In his
palace are Churches, some of stone and some of wood with round towers
finely gilded. In the Church doores and within the Churches are images
of golde: the chiefe markets for all things are within the sayd Castle,
and for sundry things sundry markets, and every science by it selfe. And
in the winter there is a great market without the castle, upon the river
being frozen, and there is sold corne, earthen pots, tubs, sleds, &c.”
Thus, the costume of the “Russe,” presumably of the higher orders:
“The Russe is apparalled in this maner: his upper garment is of cloth of
golde, silke, or cloth, long, downe to the foot, and buttoned with great
buttons of silver, or els [else] laces of silke, set on with brooches,
the sleeves thereof very long, which he weareth on his arme, ruffed up.
Under that he hath another long garment, buttoned with silke buttons,
with a high coller standing up of some colour, and that garment is made
straight. Then his shirt is very fine, and wrought with red silke, or
some gold with a coller of pearle. Under his shirt he hath linnen
breeches upon his legs, a paire of hose without feete, and his bootes of
red or yellow leather. On his head he weareth a white Colepecke, with
buttons of silver, gold, pearle, or stone, and under it a blacke Foxe
cap, turned up very broad.”
His equipages:
“The Russe, if he be a man of any abilitie, never goeth out of his house
in the winter but upon his sled, and in summer upon his horse: and in
his sled he sits upon a carpet, or a white Beares skinne: the sled is
drawen with a horse well decked, with many Foxes and Woolves tails at
his necke, & is conducted by a little boy upon his backe: his servants
stand upon the taile of the sled.”
The trappings of the saddle-horse:
“They use sadles made of wood & sinewes, with the tree gilded with
damaske worke, & the seat covered with cloth, sometimes of golde, and
the rest Saphian leather well stitched. They use little drummes at their
sadle bowes, by the sound whereof their horses use to runne more
swiftly.”
Ways of travelling:
“In the winter time the people travell with sleds, in towne and
countrey, the way being hard, and smooth with snow: the waters and
rivers are all frozen and one horse with a sled will draw a man upon it
400 miles in three daies: but in the Summer time the way is deepe with
mire, and travelling is very ill.”