Restoration of Home Rule
The radical program of reconstruction ended after ten years in failure
rather because of a change in public opinion in the North than because
of the resistance of the Southern whites. The North of 1877, indeed, was
not the North of 1867. A more tolerant attitude toward the South
developed as the North passed through its own period of misgovernment
when all the large cities were subject to "ring rule" and corruption, as
in New York under "Boss" Tweed and in the District of Columbia under
"Boss" Shepherd. The Federal civil service was discredited by the
scandals connected with the Sanborn contracts, the Whisky Ring, and the
Star Routes, while some leaders in Congress were under a cloud from the
"Salary Grab" and Credit Mobilier disclosures. ¹
¹ See The Boss and the Machine, by Samuel P. Orth (in The Chronicles of
America).
The marvelous material development of the North and West also drew
attention away from sectional controversies. Settlers poured into the
plains beyond the Mississippi and the valleys of the Far West; new
industries sprang up; unsuspected mineral wealth was discovered;
railroads were built. Not only bankers but taxpaying voters took an
interest in the financial readjustments of the time. Many thousand
people followed the discussions over the funding and refunding of the
national debt, the retirement of the greenbacks, and the proposed
lowering of tariff duties. Yet the Black Friday episode of 1869, when
Jay Gould and James Fisk cornered the visible supply of gold, and the
panic of 1873 were indications of unsound financial conditions.
These new developments and the new domestic problems which they involved
all tended to divert public thought from the old political issues
arising out of the war. Foreign relations, too, began to take on a new
interest. The Alabama claims controversy with England continued to hold
the public attention until finally settled by the Geneva Arbitration in
1872. President Grant, as much of an expansionist as Seward, for two
years (1869-71) tried to secure Santo Domingo or a part of it for an
American naval base in the West Indies. But the United States had race
problems enough already and the Senate, led by Sumner, refused to
sanction the acquisition. Relations with Spain were frequently strained
on account of American filibustering expeditions to aid Cuban
insurgents. Spain repeatedly charged the United States with laxness
toward such violations of international law; and President Grant, seeing
no other way out, recommended in 1869 and again in 1870 that the Cuban
insurgents be recognized as belligerents, but still the Senate held
back. The climax came in 1873, when the Spanish authorities in Cuba
captured on the high seas the Virginius ¹ with a filibustering
expedition on board and executed fifty-three of the crew and passengers,
among them eight Americans. For a time war seemed imminent, but Spain
acted quickly and effected a peaceable settlement.
¹ See The Path of Empire, by Carl Russell Fish (in The Chronicles of
America), p. 119.
It became evident soon after 1867 that the issues involved in
reconstruction were not in themselves sufficient to hold the North
solidly Republican. Toward negro suffrage, for example, Northern public
opinion was on the whole unfriendly. In 1867 the negro was permitted to
vote only in New York and in New England, except in Connecticut. Before
1869 negro suffrage was rejected in Connecticut, Wisconsin, Kansas,
Ohio, Maryland, Missouri, Michigan, and Minnesota. The Republicans in
their national platform of 1868 went only so far as to say that, while
negro suffrage was to be forced upon the South, it must remain a local
question in the North. The Border States rapidly lined up with the white
South on matters of race, church, and politics.
It was not until 1874, however, that the changing opinion was made
generally effective in the elections. The skillfully managed radical
organization held large majorities in every Congress from the
Thirty-ninth to the Forty-third, and the electoral votes in 1868 and
1872 seemed to show that the conservative opposition was insignificant.
But these figures do not tell the whole story. Even in 1864, when
Lincoln won by nearly half a million, the popular vote was as eighteen
to twenty-two, and four years later Grant, the most popular man in the
United States, had a majority of only three hundred thousand over
Seymour, and this majority and more came from the new negro voters. Four
years later with about a million negro voters available and an
opposition not pleased with its own candidate, Grant's majority reached
only seven hundred thousand. At no one time in elections did the North
pronounce itself in favor of all the reconstruction policies. The break,
signs of which were visible as early as 1869, came in 1874 when the
Republicans lost control of the House of Representatives.
Strength was given to the opposition because of the dissatisfaction with
President Grant, who knew little about politics and politicians. He felt
that his Cabinet should be made up of personal friends, not of strong
advisers, and that the military ideal of administration was the proper
one. He was faithful but undiscriminating in his friendships and
frequently chose as his associates men of vulgar tastes and low motives;
and he showed a naïve love of money and an undisguised admiration for
rich men such as Gould and Fisk. His appointees were often incompetent
friends or relatives, and his cynical attitude toward civil service
reform lost him the support of influential men. When forced by party
exigencies to select first-class men for his Cabinet, he still preferred
to go for advice to practical politicians. On the Southern question he
easily fell under control of the radicals, who in order to retain their
influence had only to convince his military mind that the South was
again in rebellion, and who found it easy to distract public opinion
from political corruption by "waving the bloody shirt." Dissatisfaction
with his Administration, it is true, was confined to the intellectuals,
the reformers, and the Democrats, but they were strong enough to defeat
him for a second term if they could only be organized.
The Liberal Republican movement began in the West about 1869 with
demands for amnesty and for reform, particularly in the civil service,
and it soon spread rapidly over the North. When it became certain that
the "machine" would renominate Grant, the liberal movement became an
anti-Grant party. The "New Departure" Democrats gave comfort and
prospect of aid to the Liberal Republicans by declaring for a
constructive, forward-looking policy in place of reactionary opposition.
The Liberal chiefs were led to believe that the new Democratic leaders
would accept their platform and candidates in order to defeat Grant. The
principal candidates for the Liberal Republican nomination were Charles
Francis Adams, Lyman Trumbull, Gratz Brown, David Davis, and Horace
Greeley. Adams was the strongest candidate but was jockeyed out of place
and the nomination was given to Horace Greeley, able enough as editor of
the New York Tribune but impossible as a candidate for the presidency.
The Democratic party accepted him as their candidate also, although he
had been a lifelong opponent of Democratic principles and policies. But
disgusted Liberals either returned to the Republican ranks or stayed
away from the polls, and many Democrats did likewise. Under these
circumstances the reëlection of Grant was a foregone conclusion. There
was certainly a potential majority against Grant, but the opposition had
failed to organize, while the Republican machine was in good working
order, the negroes were voting, and the Enforcement Acts proved a great
aid to the Republicans in the Southern States.
One good result of the growing liberal sentiment was the passage of an
Amnesty Act by Congress on May 22, 1872. By statute and by the
Fourteenth Amendment, Congress had refused to recognize the complete
validity of President Johnson's pardons and amnesty proclamations, and
all Confederate leaders who wished to regain political rights had
therefore to appeal to Congress. During the Forty-first Congress
(1869-71) more than three thousand Southerners were amnestied in order
that they might hold office. These, however, were for the most part
scalawags; the most respectable whites would not seek an amnesty which
they could secure only by self-stultification. ¹ It was the pressure of
public opinion against white disfranchisement and the necessity for
meeting the Liberal Republican arguments which caused the passage of the
Act of 1872. By this act about 150,000 whites were reënfranchised,
leaving out only about five hundred of the most prominent of the old
régime, most of whom were never restored to citizenship. Both Robert E.
Lee and Jefferson Davis died disfranchised.
¹ The machinery of government and politics was all in radical hands--the
carpetbaggers and scalawags, who were numerous enough to fill
practically all the offices. These men were often able leaders and
skillful managers, and they did not intend to surrender control; and the
black race was obedient and furnished the votes. In 1868, with Virginia,
Mississippi, Georgia, and Texas unrepresented, the first radical
contingent in Congress from the South numbered 42, of whom 10 out of 12
senators and 26 out of 32 representatives were carpetbaggers. There were
two lone conservative Congressmen. A few months later, in 1869, there
were 64 radical representatives from the South, 20 senators and 44
members of the House of Representatives. In 1877 this number had
dwindled to two senators and four representatives. The difference
between these figures measures in some degree the extent of the undoing
of reconstruction within the period of Grant's Administration.
How the Southern whites escaped from negro domination has often been
told and may here be sketched only in outline. The first States regained
from radicalism were those in which the negro population was small and
the black vote large enough to irritate but not to dominate. Although
Northern sentiment, excited by the stories of "Southern outrage," was
then unfavorable, the conservatives of the South, by organizing a "white
man's party" and by the use of Ku Klux methods, made a fight for social
safety which they won nearly everywhere, and, in addition, they gained
political control of several States--Tennessee in 1869, Virginia in
1869-1870, and North Carolina and Georgia in 1870. They almost won
Louisiana in 1868 and Alabama in 1870, but the alarmed radicals came to
the rescue of the situation with the Fifteenth Amendment and the
Enforcement Laws of 1870-1871. With more troops and a larger number of
deputy marshals it seemed that the radicals might securely hold the
remaining States. Arrests of conservatives were numerous, plundering was
at its height, the Federal Government was interested and was friendly to
the new Southern rulers, and the carpetbaggers and scalawags feasted,
troubled only by the disposition of their negro supporters to demand a
share of the spoils. Although the whites made little gain from 1870 to
1874, the States already rescued became more firmly conservative; white
counties here and there in the black States voted out the radicals; a
few more representatives of the whites got into Congress; and the Border
States ranged themselves more solidly with the conservatives.
But while the Southern whites were becoming desperate under oppression,
public opinion in the North was at last beginning to affect politics.
The elections of 1874 resulted in a Democratic landslide of which the
Administration was obliged to take notice. Grant now grew more
responsive to criticism. In 1875 he replied to a request for troops to
hold down Mississippi: "The whole public are tired out with these annual
autumnal outbreaks in the South and the great majority are ready now to
condemn any interference on the part of the Government." As soon as
conditions in the South were better understood in the North, ready
sympathy and political aid were offered by many who had hitherto acted
with the radicals. The Ku Klux report as well as the newspaper writings
and the books of J. S. Pike and Charles Nordhoff, both former opponents
of slavery, opened the eyes of many to the evil results of negro
suffrage. Some who had been considered friends of the negro, now
believing that he had proven to be a political failure, coldly abandoned
him and turned their altruistic interests to other objects more likely
to succeed. Many real friends of the negro were alarmed at the evils of
the reconstruction and were anxious to see the corrupt political leaders
deprived of further influence over the race. To others the constantly
recurring Southern problem was growing stale and they desired to hear
less of it. Within the Republican party in each Southern State there
were serious divisions over the spoils. First it was carpetbagger and
negro against the scalawag; later, when the black leaders insisted that
those who furnished the votes must have the larger share of the rewards,
the fight became triangular. As a result, by 1874 the Republican party
in the South was split into factions and was deserted by a large
proportion of its white membership.
The conservative whites, fiercely resentful after their experiences
under the enforcement laws and hopeful of Northern sympathy, now planned
a supreme effort to regain their former power. Race lines were more
strictly drawn; ostracism of all that was radical became the rule; the
Republican party in the South, it was apparent, was doomed to be only a
negro party weighed down by the scandal of bad government; the state
treasuries were bankrupt, and there was little further opportunity for
plunder. These considerations had much to do with the return of
scalawags to the "white man's party" and the retirement of carpetbaggers
from Southern politics. There was no longer anything in it, they said;
let the negro have it!
It was under these conditions that the "white man's party" carried the
elections in Alabama, Arkansas, and Texas in 1874, and Mississippi in
1875. Asserting that it was a contest between civilization and
barbarism, and that the whites under the radical régime had no
opportunity to carry an election legally, the conservatives openly made
use of every method of influencing the result that could possibly come
within the radical law and they even employed many effective methods
that lay outside the law. Negroes were threatened with discharge from
employment and whites with tar and feathers if they voted the radical
ticket; there were night-riding parties, armed and drilled "white
leagues," and mysterious firing of guns and cannon at night; much plain
talk assailed the ears of the radical leaders; and several bloody
outbreaks occurred, principally in Louisiana and Mississippi. Louisiana
had been carried by the Democrats in the fall of 1872, but the radical
returning board had reversed the election. In 1874 the whites rose in
rebellion and turned out Kellogg, the usurping Governor, but President
Grant intervened to restore him to office. The "Mississippi" or
"shot-gun plan" ¹ was very generally employed, except where the contest
was likely to go in favor of the whites without the use of undue
pressure. The white leaders exercised a moderating influence, but the
average white man had determined to do away with negro government even
though the alternative might be a return of military rule. Congress
investigated the elections in each State which overthrew the
reconstructionists, but nothing came of the inquiry and the population
rapidly settled down into good order. After 1875 only three States were
left under radical government--Louisiana and Florida, where the
returning boards could throw out any Democratic majority, and South
Carolina, where the negroes greatly outnumbered the whites.
¹ See The New South, by Holland Thompson (in The Chronicles of America).
Reconstruction could hardly be a genuine issue in the presidential
campaign of 1876, because all except these three reconstructed States
had escaped from radical control, and there was no hope and little real
desire of regaining them. It was even expected that in this year the
radicals would lose Louisiana and Florida to the "white man's party."
The leaders of the best element of the Republicans, both North and
South, looked upon the reconstruction as one of the prime causes of the
moral breakdown of their party; they wanted no more of the Southern
issue but planned a forward-looking, constructive reform.
To some of the Republican leaders, however, among whom was James G.
Blaine, it was clear that the Republican party, with its unsavory record
under Grant's Administration, could hardly go before the people with a
reform program. The only possible thing to do was to revive some Civil
War issue--"wave the bloody shirt" and fan the smoldering embers of
sectional feeling. Blaine met with complete success in raising the
desired issue. In January 1876, when an amnesty measure was brought
before the House, he moved that Jefferson Davis be excepted on the
ground that he was responsible for the mistreatment of Union prisoners
during the war. Southern hot-bloods replied, and Blaine skillfully led
them on until they had foolishly furnished him with ample material for
campaign purposes. The feeling thus aroused was so strong that it even
galvanized into seeming life the dying interest in the wrongs of the
negro. The rallying cry "Vote as you shot!" gave the Republicans
something to fight for; the party referred to its war record, claimed
credit for preserving the Union, emancipating the negro, and
reconstructing the South, and demanded that the country be not
"surrendered to rebel rule."
Hayes and Tilden, the rival candidates for the presidency, were both men
of high character and of moderate views. Their nominations had been
forced by the better element of each party. Hayes, the Republican
candidate, had been a good soldier, was moderate in his views on
Southern questions, and had a clean political reputation. Tilden, his
opponent, had a good record as a party man and as a reformer, and his
party needed only to attack the past record of the Republicans. The
principal Democratic weakness lay in the fact that the party drew so
much of its strength from the white South and was therefore subjected to
criticism on Civil War issues.
The campaign was hotly contested and was conducted on a low plane. Even
Hayes soon saw that the "bloody shirt" issue was the main vote winner.
The whites of the three "unredeemed" Southern States nerved themselves
for the final struggle. In South Carolina and in some parishes of
Louisiana there was a considerable amount of violence, in which the
whites had the advantage, and much fraud, which the Republicans, who
controlled the election machinery, turned to best account. It has been
said that out of the confusion which the Republicans created they won
the presidency.
The first election returns seemed to give Tilden the victory with 184
undisputed electoral votes and popular majorities of ninety and over six
thousand respectively in Florida and Louisiana; only 185 votes were
needed for a choice. Hayes had 166 votes, not counting Oregon, in which
one vote was in dispute, and South Carolina, which for a time was
claimed by both parties. Had Louisiana and Florida been Northern States,
there would have been no controversy, but the Republican general
headquarters knew that the Democratic majorities in these States had to
go through Republican returning boards, which had never yet failed to
throw them out.
The interest of the nation now centered around the action of the two
returning boards. At the suggestion of President Grant, prominent
Republicans went South to witness the count. Later prominent Democrats
went also. These "visiting statesmen" were to support the frail
returning boards in their duty. It was generally understood that these
boards, certainly the one in Louisiana, were for sale, and there is
little doubt that the Democrats inquired the price. But they were afraid
to bid on such uncertain quantities as Governor Wells and T. C. Anderson
of Louisiana, both notorious spoilsmen. The members of the boards in
both States soon showed the stiffening effect of the moral support of
the Federal Administration and of the "visiting statesmen." Reassured as
to their political future, they proceeded to do their duty: in Florida
they threw out votes until the ninety majority for Tilden was changed to
925 for Hayes, and in Louisiana, by throwing out about fifteen thousand
carefully selected ballots, they changed Tilden's lowest majority of six
thousand to a Hayes majority of nearly four thousand. Naturally the
Democrats sent in contesting returns, but the presidency was really won
when the Republicans secured in Louisiana and Florida returns which were
regular in form. But hoping to force Congress to go behind the returns,
the Democrats carried up contests also from Oregon and South Carolina,
whose votes properly belonged to Hayes.
The final contest came in Congress over the counting of the electoral
votes. The Constitution provides that "the President of the Senate
shall, in the presence of the Senate and the House of Representatives,
open all the Certificates, and the Votes shall then be counted." But
there was no agreement as to where authority lay for deciding disputed
votes. Never before had the presidency turned on a disputed count. From
1864 to 1874 the "twenty-second joint rule" had been in force under
which either House might reject a certificate. The votes of Georgia in
1868 and of Louisiana in 1872 had thus been thrown out. But the rule had
not been readopted by the present Congress, and the Republicans very
naturally would not listen to a proposal to readopt it now.
With the country apparently on the verge of civil war, Congress finally
created by law an Electoral Commission to which were to be referred all
disputes about the counting of votes and the decision of which was to be
final unless both Houses concurred in rejecting it. The act provided
that the commission should consist of five senators, five
representatives, four designated associate justices of the Supreme
Court, and a fifth associate justice to be chosen by these four. While
nothing was said in the act about the political affiliations of the
members of the commission, every one understood that the House would
select three Democrats and two Republicans, and that the Senate would
name two Democrats and three Republicans. It was also well known that of
the four justices designated two were Republicans and two Democrats, and
it was tacitly agreed that the fifth would be Justice David Davis, an
"independent." But at the last moment Davis was elected Senator by the
Illinois Legislature and declined to serve on the Commission. Justice
Bradley, a Republican, was then named as the fifth justice, and in this
way the Republicans obtained a majority on the Commission.
The Democrats deserve the credit for the Electoral Commission. The
Republicans did not favor it, even after they were sure of a party
majority on it. They were conscious that they had a weak case, and they
were afraid to trust it to judges of the Supreme Court. Their fears were
groundless, however, since all important questions were decided by an 8
to 7 vote, Bradley voting with his fellow Republicans. Every contested
vote was given to Hayes, and with 185 electoral votes he was declared
elected on March 2, 1877.
Ten years before, Senator Morton of Indiana had said: "I would have been
in favor of having the colored people of the South wait a few years
until they were prepared for the suffrage, until they were to some
extent educated, but the necessities of the times forbade that; the
conditions of things required that they should be brought to the polls
at once." Now the condition of things required that some arrangement be
made with the Southern whites which would involve a complete reversal of
the situation of 1867. In order to secure the unopposed succession of
Hayes, to defeat filibustering which might endanger the decision of the
Electoral Commission, politicians who could speak with authority for
Hayes assured influential Southern politicians, who wanted no more civil
war but who did want home rule, that an arrangement might be made which
would be satisfactory to both sides.
So the contest was ended. Hayes was to be President; the South, with the
negro, was to be left to the whites; there would be no further military
aid to carpetbag governments. In so far as the South was concerned, it
was a fortunate settlement--better, indeed, than if Tilden had been
inducted into office. The remnants of the reconstruction policy were
surrendered by a Republican President, the troops were soon withdrawn,
and the three radical States fell at once under the control of the
whites. Hayes could not see in his election any encouragement to adopt a
vigorous radical position, and Congress was deadlocked on party issues
for fifteen years. As a result the radical Republicans had to develop
other interests, and the North gradually accepted the Southern
situation.
Although the radical policy of reconstruction came to an end in 1877,
some of its results were more lasting. The Southern States were burdened
heavily with debt, much of which had been fraudulently incurred. There
now followed a period of adjustment, of refunding, scaling, and
repudiation, which not only injured the credit of the States but left
them with enormous debts. The Democratic party under the leadership of
former Confederates began its régime of strict economy, race fairness,
and inelastic Jeffersonianism. There was a political rest which almost
amounted to stagnation and which the leaders were unwilling to disturb
by progressive measures lest a developing democracy make trouble with
the settlement of 1877.
The undoing of reconstruction was not entirely completed with the
understanding of 1877. There remained a large but somewhat shattered
Republican party in the South, with control over county and local
government in many negro districts. Little by little the Democrats
rooted out these last vestiges of negro control, using all the old
radical methods and some improvements,¹ such as tissue ballots, the
shuffling of ballot boxes, bribery, force, and redistricting, while some
regions were placed entirely under executive control and were ruled by
appointed commissions. With the good government which followed these
changes a deadlocked Congress showed no great desire to interfere. The
Supreme Court came to the aid of the Democrats with decisions in 1875,
1882, and 1883 which drew the teeth from the Enforcement Laws, and
Congress in 1894 repealed what was left of these regulations.
¹ See The New South, by Holland Thompson (in The Chronicles of America).
Under such discouraging conditions the voting strength of the
Republicans rapidly melted away. The party organization existed for the
Federal offices only and was interested in keeping down the number of
those who desired to be rewarded. As a consequence, the leaders could
work in harmony with those Democratic chiefs who were content with a
"solid South" and local home rule. The negroes of the Black Belt, with
less enthusiasm and hope, but with quite the same docility as in 1868,
began to vote as the Democratic leaders directed. This practice brought
up in another form the question of "negro government" and resulted in a
demand from the people of the white counties that the negro be put
entirely out of politics. The answer came between 1890 to 1902 in the
form of new and complicated election laws or new constitutions which in
various ways shut out the negro from the polls and left the government
to the whites. Three times have the Black Belt regions dominated the
Southern States: under slavery, when the master class controlled; under
reconstruction, when the leaders of the negroes had their own way; and
after reconstruction until negro disfranchisement, when the Democratic
dictators of the negro vote ruled fairly but not always acceptably to
the white counties which are now the source of their political power.
Bibliographical Note.
The best general accounts of the reconstruction period are found in
James Ford Rhodes's History of the United States from the Compromise of
1850 to the Restoration of Home Rule at the South in 1877, volumes V,
VI, VII (1906); in William A. Dunning's Reconstruction, Political and
Economic, 1865-1877, in the American Nation Series, volume XXII (1907);
and in Peter Joseph Hamilton's The Reconstruction Period (1905), which
is volume XVI of The History of North America, edited by F. N. Thorpe.
The work of Rhodes is spacious and fair-minded but there are serious
gaps in his narrative; Dunning's briefer account covers the entire field
with masterly handling; Hamilton's history throws new light on all
subjects and is particularly useful for an understanding of the Southern
point of view. A valuable discussion of constitutional problems is
contained in William A. Dunning's Essay on the Civil War and
Reconstruction and Related Topics (1904); and a criticism of the
reconstruction policies from the point of view of political science and
constitutional law is to be found in J. W. Burgess's Reconstruction and
the Constitution, 1866-1876 (1902). E. B. Andrews's The United States in
our own Time (1903) gives a popular treatment of the later period. A
collection of brief monographs entitled Why the Solid South? by Hilary
A. Herbert and others (1890) was written as a campaign document to
offset the drive made by the Republicans in 1889 for new enforcement
laws.
There are many scholarly monographs on reconstruction in the several
States. The best of these are: J. W. Garner's Reconstruction in
Mississippi (1901), W. L. Fleming's Civil War and Reconstruction in
Alabama (1905), J. G. deR. Hamilton's Reconstruction in North Carolina
(1914), W. W. Davis's The Civil War and Reconstruction in Florida
(1913), J. S. Reynolds's Reconstruction in South Carolina, 1865-1877
(1905); C. W. Ramsdell's Reconstruction in Texas (1910), and C. M.
Thompson's Reconstruction in Georgia (1915).
Books of interest on special phases of reconstruction are not numerous,
but among those deserving mention are Paul S. Pierce's The Freedmen's
Bureau (1904), D. M. DeWitt's The Impeachment and Trial of Andrew
Johnson (1903), and Paul L. Haworth's The Hayes-Tilden Disputed
Presidential Election of 1876 (1906), each of which is a thorough study
of its field. J. C. Lester and D. L. Wilson's Ku Klux Klan (1905) and M.
L. Avary's Dixie After the War (1906) contribute much to a fair
understanding of the feeling of the whites after the Civil War; and
Gideon Welles, Diary, 3 vols. (1911), is a mine of information from a
conservative cabinet officer's point of view.
For the politician's point of view one may go to James G. Blaine's
Twenty Years of Congress, 2 vols. (1884, 1886) and Samuel S. Cox's Three
Decades of Federal Legislation (1885). Good biographies are James A.
Woodburn's The Life of Thaddeus Stevens (1913), Moorfield Storey's
Charles Sumner (1900), C. F. Adams's Charles Francis Adams (1900). Less
satisfactory because more partisan is Edward Stanwood's James Gillespie
Blaine (1906). There are no adequate biographies of the Democratic and
Southern leaders.
The official documents are found conveniently arranged in William
McDonald's Select Statutes, 1861-1898 (1903), and also with other
material in Walter L. Fleming's Documentary History of Reconstruction, 2
vols. (1906, 1907). The general reader is usually repelled by the
collections known as Public Documents. The valuable Ku Klux Trials
(1872) is, however, separately printed and to be found in most good
libraries. By a judicious use of the indispensable Tables and Index to
Public Documents, one can find much vividly interesting material in
connection with contested election cases and reports of congressional
investigations into conditions in the South.
INDEX
A.
Abolitionists, views on reconstruction, 60-61.
Adams, C. F., candidate for presidential nomination, 287.
Advertiser, Boston, Sidney Andrews as correspondent for, 28.
Advertiser of Montgomery, and education, 212.
Agriculture in the South, 267-269, 271, 273-274.
Alabama, corruption, 10-11; poverty, 14; Protestant Episcopal churches
closed, 23; labor, 47, 110, 268; negro legislation, 97; courts, 111; and
Fourteenth Amendment, 132; negro voters, 151, 222; constitutional
convention, 153; constitution, 153-154, 155; abstention policy, 155,
156, 158, 223; readmitted, 157, 170; Union League in, 189; negro
churches, 206; schools, 215; illiterate magistrates, 225; negro
legislators, 226; taxes, 231; public debt, 232; decrease in property
values, 233; value of railroads, 236; negro voting, 238; two governments
in, 239; legislature, 240; vigilance committee, 245; Ku Klux in, 246;
partially Democratic in 1870, 260; permits mixed marriages, 276; and
radicalism, 290; election (1874), 293.
Alabama claims, 283.
Alabama, University of, 3, 210, 216.
Alexandria (Va.), Virginia Government transferred to, 65, 74.
Alvord, J. W., quoted, 211.
Amendments, see Constitution.
Ames, General Adelbert, commands military district, 141 (note).
Amnesty, Johnson's proclamation, 9, 75; use of pardoning power, 87; Act
of 1872, 288-289; measure (1876), 295.
Anderson, T. C., of Louisiana, 298.
Andrew, J. A., Governor of Massachusetts, reconstruction policy, 61-62,
68.
Andrews, General Garnett, on fear of negroes, 278.
Andrews, Sidney, correspondent for Boston Advertiser, 28.
Appomattox, Grant at, 280.
Arkansas, 262; recognizes "Union" State government, 18; Lincoln's
reconstruction plan adopted (1862), 65; Johnson recognizes government,
74; negro labor, 99; representatives refused admission to Congress, 119;
abstention policy in regard to constitution, 155, 156, 170; schools,
215; scalawags in, 222; corruption, 233; railroad grant, 235; split in
state government, 239; election (1874), 293.
Armstrong's Hampton Institute, see Hampton Institute.
Army, officers assist civil authorities in South, 75-76; utilizes negro
labor, 99-100; military rule in South, 135, 140 et seq.; see also
Occupation, Army of.
Ashley, J. M., of Ohio, 160.
Atlanta (Ga.), post-war condition, 5.
Attakapas Parish (La.), Ku Klux incident, 254-255.
B.
Banks, General Nathaniel, and captured slaves, 99.
Baptist Church, 198, 202.
Beauregard, General P. G. T., on negro suffrage, 147-148.
Bingham, J. A., and impeachment of Johnson, 166.
Black, Jeremiah, and impeachment of Johnson, 166.
"Black Belt," post-war condition, 40-41; industrial revolution in,
265-267; and whites, 271; cotton production, 271-272 (note); domination
of South by, 304; see also South.
Black Cavalry, 245.
Black Friday episode, 283.
"Black Laws," 89-90, 93-98, 115-116, 127, 141; see also Negroes,
legislation.
Blaine, J. G., quoted, 125; and Republican party, 295.
Blair, F. P., of Missouri, Democratic nomination (1868), 168-169.
"Bloody shirt" issue in campaign of 1876, 295-296.
Border States, reconstruction in, 85-86; see also South.
Botts, J. M., of Virginia, 107.
Boutwell, G. S., radical leader, 122, 125; and tenure of office act,
134; and impeachment of Johnson, 166.
Boynton, General H. V. N., on Southern need of supplies, 5-6.
Bradley, Justice J. P., on electoral commission, 300.
"Brothers and Sisters of Pleasure and Prosperity," 275.
Brown, J. E., Governor of Georgia, and negro education, 212.
Brown, Gratz, candidate for presidential nomination, 287.
Brownlow, W. G., Governor of Tennessee, 224.
Bruce, B. K., negro senator, 242 (note).
Buchanan, General R. C., commands military district in South, 141
(note).
Bullock County (Ala.), Union League in, 192.
Butler, General B. F., and negro labor, 99; radical, 125; and
impeachment of Johnson, 160, 166.
C.
Campbell, Judge, Lincoln gives reconstruction terms to, 67.
Canby, General, commands military department in South, 140-141 (note),
163.
Cardozo, school official in Mississippi, 216.
Carpetbaggers, appointed to Federal offices, 80; in radical Republican
party, 149; in conventions, 153; and Union League, 193; and religion,
205; rule in South, 221 et seq.; use of term, 222; and equal rights
issue, 275-276; government in hands of, 289 (note); against scalawags,
292.
Carter, Speaker of Louisiana Legislature, and railroad bills, 235.
Catholic Church, 23, 198.
Chamberlain, D. H., Governor of South Carolina, 225.
Charleston (S. C.), post-war condition, 5.
Chase, S. P., counsels against seizure of cotton, 9; and negro suffrage,
28, 50, 132; opposed to military reconstruction, 159; advises Johnson
against suspending Stanton, 163; and impeachment of Johnson, 166-167.
Civil Rights Act, 84, 137, 141, 277.
Clanton, General J. H., of Alabama, on position of whites, 250.
Clayton, Judge, of Alabama, opinion of Freedmen's Bureau, 90.
Clayton, Mrs., Black and White under the Old Régime, quoted, 38-39.
Cleveland, soldiers' and sailors' convention at, 130; Union League
formed (1862), 176-177.
Clinton (Miss.), race conflict in, 237 (note).
Cloud, school official in Alabama, 216.
Colfax, Schuyler, candidate for Vice President (1868), 168.
Colfax (La.), race conflict in, 237 (note).
Columbia (S. C.), post-war condition, 5.
Congress, impatient of executive precedence, 65-66, 119-120; and
Southern representatives, 80, 86, 119-120, 128; refuses to recognize
reconstructed governments, 81; Joint Committee on Reconstruction, 82,
84, 121, 125-126, 127, 129-130, 131, 198, 266 (note); Fourteenth
Amendment, 82, 85, 130; see also Constitution; radical reconstruction
plans, 83-84; radicalism, 83-84, 118 et seq., 285; Civil Rights Act, 84,
137, 141, 277; and Johnson, 126 et seq.; assumes control of
reconstruction, 129, 142-143; Tenure of Office Act, 134; Army
Appropriation Act, 134; reconstruction acts, 134-137, 158-160; supreme
control, 140; and Supreme Court, 158-159; impeachment of President, 160
et seq.; and Grant, 171; negro members, 230, 242; Committee on the
Condition of the South, 241; Committee on the Late Insurrectionary
States, 241; enforcement acts, 260, 261-262, 290, 292, 303; "Ku Klux
Bill," 261, 262; committee to investigate conditions in Southern States,
262; Amnesty Act (1872), 288-289; decline of radicalism, 289 (note),
290; investigates election, 294; amnesty measure (1876), 295; Electoral
Commission, 299-300; deadlocked by party issues, 302.
Connecticut and negro suffrage, 285.
Constitution, Johnson and, 72, 162; Thirteenth Amendment, 79; Fourteenth
Amendment, 82, 84, 85, 130, 131-133, 135-136, 137, 156, 172; Fifteenth
Amendment, 169-170, 171, 172, 222, 290.
Constitutional conventions in South, 152 et seq.
Constitutional Union Guards, 245.
Conway, school official in Louisiana, 216.
Copperheads, 176.
Cotton, tax on, 8; seized, 9-11; destruction of, 11; production (1880),
271-272 (note).
Council of Safety, 245.
Coushatta (La.), race conflict in, 237 (note).
Cowan, administration Republican, 122.
Credit Mobilier, 282.
Crittenden-Johnson resolutions, 55, 69.
Cuba, United States and, 284.
Cumberland Presbyterian Church, 204.
Cummings vs. Missouri, 159.
Curry, J. L. M., and negro education, 212, 214-215.
Curtis, B. R., counsel at impeachment, 166.
D.
Davis, David, candidate for presidential nomination, 287; and Electoral
Commission, 300.
Davis, Jefferson, prayer in Church for, 23; succeeded by negro in
Senate, 230; disfranchised, 289; and amnesty, 295.
Davis, Nicholas, characterizes Lakin, 205-206.
De Bow, J. D. B., on negro labor, 266 (note).
Democratic party, and Crittenden-Johnson resolutions, 55, 69; at end of
war, 70; Douglas Democrats, 70, 87; and Johnson, 70, 88, 138;
"Democratic and Conservative" party, 150; platform (1868), 169; Union
League and, 188, 190-191; in Congress from South, 230; Southern
Unionists turn to, 277; and Civil Rights Act, 277; "New Departure,"
Democrats, 287; supports Greeley, 288; and election of 1876, 297-298;
and Electoral Commission, 300; during period of adjustment, 302, 303.
Dennison, William, resigns from Cabinet, 131.
District of Columbia, negro suffrage in, 134; corruption, 282.
Dixon, James, administration Republican, 122.
Dixon, W. H., 29.
Doolittle, administration Republican, 122.
Douglass, Frederick, quoted, 37-38.
E.
Eaton, John, chaplain in Grant's army, 99.
Eaton, Colonel John, 106.
Education, negro, 45; Freedmen's Bureau and, 111-112; in South, 208-220.
Elections under carpetbag rule, 237-239.
Electoral Commission, 299-300.
Emancipation Proclamation, 36, 176.
Enforcement acts, 260-261, 290, 292, 303.
Episcopal Church, 198, 204.
Evarts, W. M., counsel at impeachment, 166.
Ewing, Thomas, nominated Secretary of War, 164.
F.
Fessenden, General, Freedmen's Bureau official, 106.
Fessenden, W. P., moderate Republican, 122; and negro suffrage, 132.
Finance, post-war condition in South, 2, 5; war taxes, 8; license taxes,
76; repudiation of Confederate war debt, 77, 130; under military
governors, 145-146; effect of bad government in South, 230-236; credit
system, 270; readjustments, 283; panic of 1873, 283.
Fish, C. R., The Path of Empire, cited, 284 (note).
Fisk, General, criticism of Kentucky Legislature, 113.
Fisk, James, 283, 286.
Florida, negro colony in, 36; negro legislation, 96; and Fourteenth
Amendment, 132; negro voters, 151; schools, 215; recitation in negro
school, 218-219; and reconstruction government, 221; corruption, 226;
taxes, 231; decrease in property values, 233; Equal Rights Law, 276; and
radicals, 294, 295; election of 1876, 297, 298.
Forrest, General, Grand Wizard of Ku Klux, 248, 259.
Freedmen, see Negroes.
Freedmen's Aid Societies, 177, 207, 213.
Freedmen's Bureau, 38, 81, 82, 85, 86, 90, 126, 161, 187; confiscable
property turned over to, 11; official describes conditions in South,
13-14; as relief agency, 15; in Kentucky, 26; as publicity agent, 28;
and contract labor, 46; on relations between races, 48; agitators from,
53; extension, 74, 84, 128, 129; and negroes, 80, 142, 149, 175; views
of North carried out in, 89; influence on legislation and government,
94, 97, 143; officials of, 97, 98-99; character of, 98; established
(1865), 102-103; functions, 103-104, 107-109; objections to, 104-105,
112-113; organization, 105-107; courts, 110-111, 113-114; educational
work, 111-112; political possibilities, 115; results, 116-117; and
radicals, 131, 156; Union League and, 177, 188, 194 (note), 195; negro
education, 213.
Freedmen's Bureau Act, 128, 129, 137.
Freedmen's Inquiry Commission, 101.
"Freedmen's Readers," 218.
Frémont, J. C., and the radicals, 119.
Fullerton, General, and Freedmen's Bureau, 106, 113; on treatment of
negroes, 112-113.
G.
Garfield, J. A., 132.
Garland, ex parte, 159.
Geneva Arbitration (1872), 283.
Georgetown (D. C.), vote on negro suffrage in, 134.
Georgia, poverty in, 14; government relief, 15; negro colony in, 36;
courts, 111, 113; military government, 143, 144; suit against Stanton,
159; military rule resumed, 170; reconstruction in, 171-172, 221;
legislature, 172, 240; representatives in Congress, 172, 289 (note);
negro voters, 222; Godkin characterizes officials of, 226; holds mixed
marriages illegal, 276; conservatives gain control in, 290; election
(1868), 299.
Gillem, General, commands military department, 141 (note).
Godkin, E. L., quoted, 180 (note); on Georgia politicians, 226.
Gordon, J. B., and negro education, 212.
Gould, Jay, 283, 286.
Grant, U. S., 186, 224, 280, 297; urges use of white troops in South,
21; orders arrest of paroled Confederates, 22; report on South, 28, 29;
protests arrest of Southern military leaders, 74; and captured slaves,
99; and Freedmen's Bureau, 106; Army Appropriation Act, 134; radicalism,
141 (note), 239-240; Congress gives full powers to, 143; temporarily
Secretary of War, 163; and Stanton, 163, 165; nominated by National
Union party, 168; elected President, 169; reconstruction, 171; and
enforcement acts, 260-261; expansionist, 283-284; vote for, 285-286;
appointees, 286; reëlection, 288; refuses to interfere in Mississippi,
291; restores Kellogg to office, 294.
Greeley, Horace, candidate for Presidency, 287-288.
Greene, S. S., quoted, 208.
Groesbeck, W. S., counsel at impeachment, 166.
Guthrie, James, Democratic leader, 122.
H.
Hahn, Michael, Governor of Louisiana, Lincoln's letter to, 66-67.
Hail Columbia sung at Union League initiation, 183.
Halleck, General H. W., orders in regard to marriage, 20.
Hampton, General Wade, 174, 175; letter to Johnson, 31; and negro
suffrage, 51; and Freedmen's Bureau, 107.
Hampton Institute, 220; teacher's remark on negro education, 211-212.
Hancock, General W. S., commands military department, 141 (note), 163.
Hardee, General W. J., quoted, 244.
Harlan, James, resigns from Cabinet, 131.
Harris, I. G., on Johnson, 72.
Hayes, R. B., candidate for presidency, 296, 297, 298; elected, 300,
301; and radicalism, 302.
Hell Hole Swamp, 234.
Hendricks, T. A., Democratic leader, 122.
Herald, New York, Knox as correspondent of, 28; on radical
reconstruction, 148.
Heroes of America, 179, 245.
Hill, B. H., of Georgia, and "Jim Crow" theory, 277.
Hill, General D. H., of North Carolina, 279 (note).
Hill, Thomas, President of Harvard, 209.
Holden, W. W., provisional governor of North Carolina, 75, 77, 224, 232;
and Union League, 185, 189.
Home Guards, 245.
Howard, General O. O., head of Freedmen's Bureau, 105.
Humphreys, B. G., Governor of Mississippi, opinion of Freedmen's Bureau,
90; advocates civil equality, 91.
I.
Immigration to South, negroes against, 268.
Impeachment of President, 160 et seq.
Irish, South Carolina imports, 271.
J.
Jackson (Miss.), post-war condition, 5.
Jews in South, 23, 274.
Jillson, school official in South Carolina, 216.
"Jim Crow," car, 95; theory of "separate but equal" rights, 277.
John Brown's Body sung in Union League initiation, 184.
Johnson, Andrew, amnesty proclamation, 9, 75; policies opposed by
Andrews, 28; and negro suffrage, 50, 78; reconstruction policy, 57-58,
73 et seq., 83; military governor of Tennessee, 65; nomination, 70;
personal characteristics, 71-72, 73; adopts Lincoln's policy, 73, 88;
and Congress, 80 et seq., 118, 119, 120-121, 126 et seq., 288; use of
pardoning power, 87; speechmaking tour to the West, 131; impeachment,
158 et seq.; and Stanton, 163-165.
Johnson, Reverdy, 122.
K.
Kansas and negro suffrage, 156, 285.
Kelley, "Pig Iron," of Pennsylvania, 150.
Kellogg, W. P., Governor of Louisiana, 224-225, 294.
Kentucky, Confederates in, 25-26; and abolition of slavery, 36;
exception in reconstruction problem, 86.
Knights of the Golden Circle, 176.
Knights of the White Camelia, 237, 246, 251-252, 259.
Knox, T. W., correspondent for New York Herald, 28.
Ku Klux Klan, 191, 237, 243 et seq., 290; development, 49, 243-246; and
Freedmen's Bureau, 107; and Union League, 194 (note); activities, 207,
219, 240, 252 et seq., 263-264; organization, 246-249; objects, 249-250,
252, 263; report of Federal commanders, 250-251; political effects,
260-261; "Ku Klux Act," 261-262; and negro suffrage, 291.
L.
Labor, free negro, 45-47, 266-267, 272-273; Freedmen's Bureau, 46,
109-110, 266; testimony of Joint Committee concerning, 82; importation
of labor, 268.
Lakin, Rev. A. S., agent of Northern Methodist Church in Alabama,
205-206, 207-208.
Land, price after Civil War, 4; fertilizers for, 271, 272.
Lanier, Sidney, letter to Taylor, quoted, 279-280.
Latham, Henry, 29.
Lee, General R. E., president of Washington College, 17-18; and his
uniform, 20; letter to Letcher, 31, 32; kneels beside negro in church,
44; witness before Joint Committee, 125; and military reconstruction,
147; disfranchised, 289.
Legislation, Negro, see "Black Laws."
Leslie, South Carolina carpetbagger, 225.
Letcher, John, Governor of Virginia, Lee writes to, 31, 32.
Lewis, D. P., of Alabama, and Union League, 189.
Lincoln, Abraham, and negro suffrage, 50, 66-67; reconstruction policy,
55-57, 58, 62; and Wade-Davis Bill, 56, 66, 120; last speech quoted,
56-57; reconstruction plan put to trial, 63-68; Proclamation of
December, 1863, 64, 119; and Congress, 65-66, 67-68; nominated by
National Union party (1864), 70; second Cabinet, 70; and radicalism,
119; vote for (1864), 285.
Lincoln Brotherhood, 275.
Lindsay, R. B., Governor of Alabama, on Northern missionaries, 205.
Longstreet, General James, 147.
Louisiana, recognizes "Union" state government, 18; Whitelaw Reid in,
28; Lincoln's reconstruction plan adopted (1862), 65; Johnson recognizes
government of, 74; treatment of negroes by army in, 99; Freedmen's
Bureau courts in, 113; representatives refused admission to Congress,
119-120; military government in, 144; negro voters, 151, 152, 222, 239;
equal rights legislation, 154, 275, 276; schools, 215, 217; carpetbag
rule, 221; conservatives, 223; corruption, 225, 233-234, 235;
legislature, 226, 227, 240; taxes, 231; public debt, 232; decrease in
property values, 233; negro militia, 236-237, two governments in, 239;
government over-turned, 240-241, omitted from Federal investigation,
262; labor, 268; and radicalism, 290, 294, 295; elections, 293-294, 297,
298, 299.
Louisiana State Seminary, 3.
Louisiana State University, 217.
Louisville and Nashville Railroad, 7.
Loyal League, see Union League.
Lynch, negro officeholder, 242 (note).
M.
McCardle, ex parte, 159-160.
McCulloch, Hugh, Secretary of Treasury, and seizure of cotton in South,
9-10; and Johnson, 74, 163.
McDowell, General Irvin, commands military district, 141 (note).
McPherson, Edward, clerk of the House, 121.
Marvin, William, Governor of Florida, on status of negroes, 91, 92, 93.
Maryland, disfranchisement in, 25-26; state emancipation in, 36; and
negro suffrage, 285.
Meade, General G. G., commands military district, 140-141 (note).
Memminger, C. G., Governor of South Carolina, on status of freedmen,
90-91, 92-93.
Memphis (Tenn.), 185; race riots in, 83, 131, 175; convention of
Confederate soldiers and sailors at, 130; surrenders charter, 233.
Men of Justice, 245.
Methodist Church, 198, 199-201, 202, 203-204, 208.
Metropolitan Guard, 237.
Michigan rejects negro suffrage, 156, 285.
Milligan, ex parte, 159.
Minnesota rejects negro suffrage, 156, 285.
Mississippi, poverty in, 14; rejects Thirteenth Amendment, 79; negro
legislation in, 94, 95-96; treatment of negroes by army in, 99; courts,
111; military government, 143, 144, 157; negro voters, 151, 222;
constitution, 153-154, 155; suit against President, 159; reconstruction
fails in, 170; and radicalism, 171; schools, 215, 217, 218;
conservatives, 223; negroes in legislature, 226; taxes, 231; negro
militia, 236; and enforcement acts, 261; permits mixed marriages, 276;
unrepresented in Congress, 289 (note); Grant and interference in, 291;
elections (1875), 293.
Mississippi River, negro colonies along, 37.
Mississippi Shot Gun Plan, 263, 294.
Mississippi, University of, 216.
Missouri, and Confederates, 26; state emancipation in, 36; rejects negro
suffrage, 285.
Mobile (Ala.), post-war condition, 5; surrenders charter, 233.
Montgomery (Ala.), separate organization of Baptist Church in, 203;
negro education, 212; Ku Klux proclamation, 257-258.
Montgomery Conference on Race Problems (1900), Proceedings quoted,
214-215.
Moore, Governor, and negro education, 212.
Morgan, E. D., Senator, and Freedmen's Bureau Act, 129.
Morton, O. P., of Indiana, 125; on negro suffrage, 300-301.
Moses, F. J., Jr., Governor of South Carolina, 224.
Moses, Judge, in South Carolina, 225.
N.
Nash, negro officeholder, 242 (note).
Nation, New York, 180 (note); editorial on post-war church situation
quoted, 201 (note); on corruption of government, 226.
National Teachers Association meeting (1865), 208.
National Union party, Republican party becomes, 70; Whigs and Douglas
Democrats join, 70-71; convention at Philadelphia, 130; nominates Grant,
168.
Negro Affairs, Department of, 177.
Negroes, as soldiers in South, 21-22; problems of reconstruction, 34 et
seq.; health conditions among, 41-42; morals and manners, 42-43;
poverty, 44-45; education, 44-45, 209, 211-220; relations with whites,
47-48, 277-278; lawlessness, 48-49; suffrage, 49-52, 58, 66-67, 78, 84,
85, 134, 169, 284-285, 300-301, 304; Lincoln urges deportation of
freedmen, 66; legislation concerning, 77-78, 89-90, 93-98, 115-116, 127,
141; status at close of war, 89 et seq.; Freedmen's Bureau supervises,
109; Union League and, 181 et seq.; religion, 201-206; rule in South,
221 et seq.; in Congress, 230, 242; and state offices, 242; and Ku Klux,
258; anti-negro movements, 263; labor, 266, 272; "privileges," 269;
advantages, 270-271; as farmers, 271-274; change in condition during
reconstruction, 274-275; mixed marriages, 276.
Nelson, counsel at impeachment, 166.
New England, and negro suffrage, 156, 285; Freedmen's Aid Society, 209.
New Orleans, negro soldiers in, 21-22; riots in, 83, 131, 175, 237
(note); Northern teachers in, 210; public debt, 232; Federal officials
at, 241.
New York, charity for relief of South, 14; and negro suffrage, 156, 284.
New York City, Union League organized, 177; headquarters for Union
League, 181; corruption in, 282.
Nordhoff, Charles, 291; The Cotton States in the Spring and Summer of
1875, cited, 232 (note).
Norfolk, "contraband" camp, 36.
North, free negroes of, 35-36; planters from, 49; capital and labor
from, 268; change in attitude toward South, 282; politics, 291.
North Carolina, negro colonies in, 36, 99; Johnson proclaims restoration
of, 75; committee on laws for freedmen, 91, 92; courts, 111; negro
voters, 152; Union League, 185, 186, 194; carpetbag rule, 221; public
debt, 232; negro militia, 236; Democratic in 1870, 260; and enforcement
acts, 261; conservatives gain control of, 290.
North Carolina, University of, 216.
O.
Occupation, Army of, 18-22, 81; see also Army.
Ohio rejects negro suffrage, 156, 285.
Ord, General E. O. C., commands military division, 140 (note).
Oregon, election of 1876, 297, 298.
Orr, J. L., and negro education, 212.
Orth, S. P., The Boss and the Machine, cited, 282 (note).
P.
Pale Faces, 245, 251.
Patton, R. M., Governor of Alabama, 174, 175; and negro suffrage, 51,
78; and contract labor, 110; and negro education, 212.
Peabody Board, 217-218.
"Peace Societies," 149, 179, 245.
Perry, B. F., Governor of South Carolina, and negro suffrage, 78-79.
Pettus, General, quoted, 250.
Phelps, J. S., military governor of Arkansas, 65.
Philadelphia, convention of National Union party at, 130; Union League
organized (1863), 177.
Phillips, Wendell, Johnson and, 128.
Pike, J. S., 291; account of conditions in South Carolina, 16-17; The
Prostrate State, quoted, 227-230.
Pinchback, P. B. S., negro officeholder, 242 (note).
Pittsburgh, soldiers' and sailors' convention at, 130.
Politics, theoretical basis of, 54-55; see also names of parties.
Pope, General John, commands military district, 140-141 (note).
Poverty, of South after Civil War, 13-14; among negroes, 44.
Presbyterian Church, 198-199, 204.
Prescript, constitution of Ku Klux Klan, 248, 249.
Professions in South after Civil War, 16.
Propaganda, campaign of misrepresentation against South, 82-83; by Union
League, 177-178; see also Publicity.
Publicity, newspaper correspondents in South, 27-29.
Pulaski (Tenn.), Ku Klux Klan originates at, 246; Ku Klux incident, 255.
Q.
Quakers, opinion as to secession, 198.
R.
Radicalism, 118 et seq.; decline of, 289-294.
Railroads, post-war condition in South, 6-7; dishonest speculation,
234-236.
Rainey, negro officeholder, 242 (note).
Randolph, Ryland, editor of Tuscaloosa Independent Monitor, 146,
243-244.
Raymond, administration Republican, 122.
Reconstruction, problems in South, 1 et seq., 86; negro as central
figure, 34 et seq.; executive plans for, 54 et seq.; Crittenden-Johnson
resolutions, 55; Democratic party on, 69; Joint Committee on, 82, 84,
121, 125-126, 127, 129-130, 131, 198, 266 (note); congressional policy
of, 134-139; political issue, 169, 294-295; results of radical policy,
302-304; bibliography, 305-307.
Red String Band, 179, 245.
Reed, Governor of Florida, 276.
Refugees, 14, 108.
Refugees, Freedmen and Abandoned Lands, Bureau of, 102; see also
Freedmen's Bureau.
Reid, Whitelaw, relates incident of Confederate uniforms, 20-21; as
newspaper correspondent, 28; interview with Hampton, 51-52.
Relief agencies, after Civil War, 14-15; Freedmen's Bureau, 15, 107-109;
Government, 15.
Religion, separation of Northern and Southern churches, 23; among
negroes, 43-44; in South, 196-208; military censorship in church
matters, 197; see also names of denominations.
Republican party, and reconstruction, 63, 295; during Civil War, 69-70;
secures negro vote, 115; majority in Congress, 138; in South, 148-149,
151, 292; platform (1868), 169; and the North, 284; negro suffrage,
284-285; loses control in House, 286; Liberal Republican movement, 287;
issues (1876), 295-296; and Electoral Commission, 300; decline of
strength, 303.
Revels, negro officeholder, 242 (note).
Rhodes, J. F., on congressional policy of reconstruction, 118-119.
Richmond (Va.), post-war condition, 5; Halleck's order in regard to
marriage, 20; incident of Lee and a negro in church, 43-44; Lincoln and
Confederate Government in, 67.
Rifle Clubs of South Carolina, 245-246, 263.
Roads in Tennessee after Civil War, 4.
S.
Saffold, M. J., on negro suffrage, 50.
"Salary Grab," 282.
Santo Domingo, Grant seeks annexation of, 283-284.
Savannah (Ga.), incident relating to Confederate uniforms, 20-21.
Scalawags, in constitutional conventions, 153; desert radicals, 156;
disabilities removed, 171; and the churches, 205; use of term, 222.
Schofield, General J. M., 106; commands military district, 140 (note);
Secretary of War, 167.
Schuckers, J. W., quoted, 166.
Schurz, Carl, on army of occupation, 19; report on conditions in South,
28, 29, 30; on negro labor, 45-46.
Scott, R. K., Governor of South Carolina, 236.
Sea Islands, negroes sent to, 36, 103, 114.
Seward, W. H., and Jackson, 74; expansionist, 283.
Seymour, Horatio, of New York, 168, 169.
Sharkey, W. L., Governor of Mississippi, 78.
Shepherd, A. R., 282.
Shepley, General G. F., military governor of Louisiana, 65.
Sheridan, General P. H., commands military district, 140-141 (note);
Johnson removes, 163; "banditti" report, 241.
Sherman, General W. T., 28, 36; Sea Island order, 103, 114.
Shot Gun Plan, see Mississippi Shot Gun Plan.
Sickles, General D. E., commands military district, 140-141 (note);
removed by Johnson, 163.
Slavery, Abolition of, Lincoln and, 58, 66; Johnson and, 58, 76; Sumner
and, 59; see also Emancipation Proclamation.
Smith, Gerrit, view of reconstruction, 60-61.
Smith, W. H., Governor of Alabama, 207, 224; quoted, 24.
Somers, Robert, English writer on the South, 4, 28-29, 41-42, 269.
Sons of '76, 245.
South, post-war condition, 2 et seq.; exploitation by Northerners,
26-27; relation between races, 47-48; Presidents' work of
reconstruction, 54 et seq.; see also Reconstruction; conference of
governors of, 85; military rule in, 140 et seq.; churches, 196-208;
schools, 208-220; carpetbag and negro rule, 221 et seq.; social
conditions, 265 et seq.
South Carolina, Pike's account of post-war condition, 16-17; negroes on
Sea Islands of, 36; negro legislation, 94, 95, 96, 275, 276; negro
voters, 151, 152, 222; race lines abolished, 154; schools, 215-216, 217;
carpetbag rule, 221, 225; conservatives, 223; judiciary, 225; negroes in
legislature of, 226, 227; taxes, 231; public debt, 232; corruption, 234;
negro militia, 236; elections, 239, 297, 298; put under martial law,
261; labor, 267, 268; Irish in, 271; and radicalism, 294.
South Carolina, University of, 216-217.
Southwest, Southern whites open lands in, 271.
Spain, relations with United States, 284.
Speed, James, resigns from Cabinet, 131.
Spencer, General, 189.
Stanbery, Henry, Attorney-General, opinion on reconstruction laws, 142;
counsel at impeachment, 166.
Stanton, E. M., Secretary of War, 67; draws up army act, 134; radical,
142; Johnson and, 162-163; suit brought against, by Georgia, 159.
Star Routes, 282.
Star Spangled Banner, The, sung at Union League initiation, 183.
Stearns, M. L., Governor of Florida, 224.
Steedman, General J. B., 106, 113.
Stephens, A. H., witness before Joint Committee, 125-126.
Stephenson, N. W., The Day of the Confederacy, cited, 149 (note);
Abraham Lincoln and the Union, cited, 176 (note).
Stevens, Thaddeus, reconstruction policy, 59-60, 118, 122-123; and
Johnson, 71, 121, 128, 160, 161, 162, 166; radical leader, 122, 127,
133, 173; and negro suffrage, 132; on Military Reconstruction Bill, 135,
138-139; and Alabama, 156.
Stockton, Senator from New Jersey, unseated, 129.
Stoneman, General George, commands military district, 140 (note).
Suffrage, Negro, see Negroes.
Sumner, Charles, reconstruction policy, 58-59, 60, 119; radical leader,
122, 123-124, 127, 133, 173; Johnson and, 128, 162; and negro suffrage,
132; and equal rights, 276-277; and expansion, 284.
Supreme Court, Congress and, 158-160; and Civil Rights Act, 277; and
Enforcement Laws, 303.
Swayne, General Wager, head of Freedmen's Bureau in Alabama, 97, 106; on
contract labor, 110; and courts, 111; and Union League, 189, 192-193; on
negro education, 212.
"Swinging Around the Circle," Johnson's tour of the West, 131.
T.
Tarbell, General John, before Joint Committee on Reconstruction, 30.
Taxation, see Finance.
Taylor, Bayard, Lanier writes to, 279-280.
Taylor, General Richard, 83.
Tennessee, recognizes "Union" government, 18; imposes fines for wearing
Confederate uniform, 20; Confederates in, 25-26; State emancipation in,
36; attitude toward negroes in, 48; Lincoln's reconstruction plan
adopted (1862), 65; Johnson recognizes government of, 74; reconstruction
in, 85; negro labor, 99; readmitted to Congress, 129, 133; and
Fourteenth Amendment, 133; negro voters, 222; and enforcement acts, 261;
omitted from investigation, 262; conservatives gain control of, 290.
Tennessee Valley after Civil War, 4.
Tenure of office act, 134.
Texas, 152, 157, 262; delay in electing officials, 79; military
government in, 143, 144; constitution, 153, 155; reconstruction fails
in, 170; radicals in, 171; Confederates go to, 268; unrepresented in
Congress, 289 (note); elections (1874), 293.
Thach, president of Alabama Agricultural College, 271-272.
Thomas, General G. H., on sentiment of Tennessee, 24-25.
Thomas, Lorenzo, as acting Secretary of War, 164.
Thompson, Holland, The New South, cited, 218 (note), 294 (note), 303
(note).
Tichenor, Rev. I. T., 202-203.
Tilden, S. J., candidate for presidency, 296, 298, 301.
Tillson, General, quoted, 113.
Tourgée, A. W., chief of Union League in North Carolina, 189.
Trade restrictions in South, 7-12.
Treasury Department, frauds in selling confiscable property in South,
8-12; supervise negro colonies, 37; employer of negro labor, 100.
Tribune, Chicago, Sidney Andrews correspondent for, 28.
Tribune, New York, Horace Greeley as editor of, 288.
Trowbridge, J. T., on frauds in South, 11-12; on sentiment of East
Tennessee toward rebels, 25; correspondent in South, 28; on relation of
races, 48.
Truman, B. C., on society in South, 27; report on conditions in South,
28, 29-30; on negro labor, 46; on relation of races, 48.
Trumbull, Lyman, moderate Republican, 122; candidate for presidential
nomination, 287.
Tuscaloosa Independent Monitor suppressed, 146.
Tuscumbia (Ala.), Female Academy burned in, 185-186.
Tweed, W. M., 282.
U.
Uniforms, wearing of Confederate, forbidden, 20.
Union League of America, 174 et seq., 275; Freedmen's Bureau and, 115;
negroes in, 115, 149; and radicals, 156; and Ku Klux Klan, 247, 256.
Union party, see National Union party.
"United Order of African Ladies and Gentlemen," 275.
United States Sanitary Commission, 176.
V.
Vicksburg (Miss.), public debt, 232; race conflicts, 237 (note);
government overturned, 240-241.
Virginia, 152, 157, 262; recognizes "Union" State government, 18; army
in, 64; Lincoln's reconstruction plan adopted (1863), 65; Lincoln and,
67, 120; Johnson recognizes government of, 74; escaped slaves declared
contraband, 99; military government in, 143, 144; constitution, 154-155,
171; reconstruction fails in, 170; schools, 210; carpetbag rule, 221;
scalawags in, 222; unrepresented in Congress, 289 (note); conservatives
gain control of, 290.
Virginia Military Institute, 3.
Virginius dispute, 284.
W.
Wade, B. F., of Ohio, 67, 129; and Johnson, 73; radical leader, 122,
125; and negro suffrage, 132; and the presidency, 161, 167.
Wade-Davis Bill, 56, 65-66, 120.
Wages, Freedmen's Bureau fixes, 109.
War Department, takes over railways, 6-7; Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen
and Abandoned Lands, 102; see also Freedmen's Bureau.
Warmoth, H. C., Governor of Louisiana, 224-225.
Warner, General, and Union League, 189.
Washington, headquarters of Freedmen's Bureau, 105; vote on negro
suffrage, 134.
Washington and Lee University, 17.
Washington College, later Washington and Lee University, 17.
Watterson, H. M., 28.
Wayland, Francis, President of Brown University, 208-209.
Webb, General A. S., commands military district, 140 (note).
Weitzel, General Godfrey, Lincoln and, 67.
Welles, Gideon, and Johnson, 74.
Wells, Governor of Louisiana, 298.
West, development of, 268, 283.
West Virginia, Confederates in, 25-26; State emancipation in, 36;
established, 64, 65.
Whig party, 70, 71, 87, 149, 150, 179.
Whipper, judge in South Carolina, 225.
Whisky Ring, 282.
White Boys, 245.
White Brotherhood, 245, 251.
White Camelia, see Knights of the White Camelia.
White League, 219, 245, 263.
White Line of Mississippi, 245.
White Man's party of Alabama, 245, 263.
White River Valley and Texas Railroad obtains grant, 235.
White Rose, Order of the, 245.
Wilmer, Bishop R. H., and prayers for Davis, 23.
Wilson, Henry, on reconstruction, 124-125; tours the South, 150.
Wisconsin and negro suffrage, 285.
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Transcriber's Notes
Introduction
Welcome to Project Gutenberg's edition of Sequel to Appomattox by Walter
Fleming in the Chronicles of America series. The images were courtesy of
the Abraham Lincoln Edition on the internet archive from the University
of Michigan. We also consulted the textbook edition from the Internet
Archive to produce an e-book without images.
The images have been moved so that they do not break up paragraphs and
so that they are next to the text that they illustrate. The page number
of the illustration might not match the page number in the List of
Illustrations.
We have made the following emendations to the text:
Index:
On Page 313, Re-election is transcribed as reëlection.
On Page 321, Tourgée is spelled without the acute accent, but the entry
refers to a passage in the text where the acute accent is used. We put
the accent on the entry in the index.