CHAPTER XI.

The Ku Klux Movement

The Ku Klux movement, which took the form of secret revolutionary

societies, grew out of a general conviction among the whites that the

reconstruction policies were impossible and not to be endured. Somers,

an English traveler, says that at this time "nearly every respectable

white man in the Southern States was not only disfranchised but under

fear of arrest or confiscation; the old foundations of authority were

utterly razed before any new ones had yet been laid, and in the dark and

benighted interval the remains of the Confederate armies--swept after a

long and heroic day of fair fight from the field--flitted before the

eyes of the people in this weird and midnight shape of a Ku Klux Klan."

Ryland Randolph, an Alabama editor who was also an official of the Klan,

stated in his paper that "the origin of Ku Klux Klan is in the galling

despotism that broods like a night-mare over these Southern States--a

fungus growth of military tyranny superinduced by the fostering of Loyal

Leagues, the abrogation of our civil laws, the habitual violation of our

national Constitution, and a persistent prostitution of all government,

all resources and all powers, to degrade the white man by the

establishment of negro supremacy."

The secret orders, regardless of their original purposes, were all

finally to be found opposing radical reconstruction. Everywhere their

objects were the same: to recover for the white race their former

control of society and government, and to destroy the baneful influence

of the alien among the blacks. The people of the South were by law

helpless to take steps towards setting up any kind of government in a

land infested by a vicious element--Federal and Confederate deserters,

bushwhackers, outlaws of every description, and negroes, some of whom

proved insolent and violent in their newly found freedom. Nowhere was

property or person safe, and for a time many feared a negro

insurrection. General Hardee said to his neighbors, "I advise you to get

ready for what may come. We are standing over a sleeping volcano."

To cope with this situation ante-bellum patrols--the "patter-rollers" as

the negroes called them--were often secretly reorganized. In each

community for several months after the Civil War, and in many of them

for months before the end of the war, there were informal vigilance

committees. Some of these had such names as the Black Cavalry and Men of

Justice in Alabama, the Home Guards in many other places, while the

anti-Confederate societies of the war, the Heroes of America, the Red

Strings, and the Peace Societies, transformed themselves in certain

localities into regulatory bodies. Later these secret societies numbered

scores, perhaps hundreds, varying from small bodies of local police to

great federated bodies which covered almost the entire South and even

had membership in the North and West. Other important organizations were

the Constitutional Union Guards, the Pale Faces, the White Brotherhood,

the Council of Safety, the '76 Association, the Sons of '76, the Order

of the White Rose, and the White Boys. As the fight against

reconstruction became bolder, the orders threw off their disguises and

appeared openly as armed whites fighting for the control of society. The

White League of Louisiana, the White Line of Mississippi, the White

Man's party of Alabama, and the Rifle Clubs of South Carolina, were

later manifestations of the general Ku Klux movement.

The two largest secret orders, however, were the Ku Klux Klan, from

which the movement took its name, and the Knights of the White Camelia.

The Ku Klux Klan originated at Pulaski, Tennessee, in the autumn of

1865, as a local organization for social purposes. The founders were

young Confederates, united for fun and mischief. The name was an

accidental corruption of the Greek word Kuklos, a circle. The officers

adopted queer sounding titles and strange disguises. Weird night riders

in ghostly attire thoroughly frightened the superstitious negroes, who

were told that the spirits of dead Confederates were abroad. This

terrorizing of the blacks successfully provided the amusement which the

founders desired and there were many applications for admission to the

society. The Pulaski Club, or Den, was in the habit of parading in full

uniform at social gatherings of the whites at night, much to the delight

of the small boys and girls. Pulaski was near the Alabama line, and many

of the young men of Alabama who saw these parades or heard of them

organized similar Dens in the towns of Northern Alabama. Nothing but

horseplay, however, took place at the meetings. In 1867 and 1868 the

order appeared in parade in the towns of the adjoining States and, as we

are told, "cut up curious gyrations" on the public squares.

There was a general belief outside the order that there was a purpose

behind all the ceremonial and frolic of the Dens; many joined the order

convinced that its object was serious; others saw the possibilities of

using it as a means of terrorizing the negroes. After men discovered the

power of the Klan over the negroes, indeed, they were generally

inclined, owing to the disordered conditions of the time, to act as a

sort of police patrol and to hold in check the thieving negroes, the

Union League, and the "loyalists." In this way, from being merely a

number of social clubs the Dens swiftly became bands of regulators,

taking on many new fantastic qualities along with their new seriousness

of purpose. Some of the more ardent spirits led the Dens far in the

direction of violence and outrage. Attempts were made by the parent Den

at Pulaski to regulate the conduct of the others, but, owing to the

loose organization, the effort met with little success. Some of the

Dens, indeed, lost all connection with the original order.

A general organization of these societies was perfected at a convention

held in Nashville in May, 1867, just as the Reconstruction Acts were

being put into operation. A constitution called the Prescript was

adopted which provided for a national organization. The former slave

States, except Delaware, constituted the Empire, which was ruled by the

Grand Wizard (then General Forrest) with a staff of ten Genii; each

State was a realm under a Grand Dragon and eight Hydras; the next

subdivision was a Dominion, consisting of several counties, ruled by a

Grand Titan and six Furies; the county or Province was governed by a

Grand Giant and four Goblins; the unit was the Den or community

organization, of which there might be several in each county, each under

a Grand Cyclops and two Nighthawks. The Genii, Hydras, Furies, Goblins,

and Nighthawks were staff officers. The private members were called

Ghouls. The order had no name, and at first was designated by two stars

(**), later by three (***). Sometimes it was called the Invisible Empire

of Ku Klux Klan.

Any white man over eighteen might be admitted to the Den after

nomination by a member and strict investigation by a committee. The oath

demanded obedience and secrecy. The Dens governed themselves by the

ordinary rules of deliberative bodies. The punishment for betrayal of

secrecy was "the extreme penalty of the Law." None of the secrets was to

be written, and there was a "Register" of alarming adjectives, such as

terrible, horrible, furious, doleful, bloody, appalling, frightful,

gloomy, which was used as a cipher code in dating the odd Ku Klux

orders.

The general objects of the order were thus set forth in the revised

Prescript: first, to protect the weak, the innocent, and the defenseless

from the indignities, wrongs, and outrages of the lawless, the violent,

and the brutal; to relieve the injured and oppressed; to succor the

suffering and unfortunate, and especially the widows and orphans of

Confederate soldiers; second, to protect and defend the Constitution of

the United States and all laws passed in conformity thereto, and to

protect the States and people thereof from all invasion from any source

whatever; third, to aid and assist in the execution of all

"constitutional" laws, and to protect the people from unlawful arrest,

and from trial except by their peers according to the laws of the land.

But the tests for admission gave further indication of the objects of

the order. No Republican, no Union Leaguer, and no member of the

G. A. R. might become a member. The members were pledged to oppose negro

equality of any kind, to favor emancipation of the Southern whites and

the restoration of their rights, and to maintain constitutional

government and equitable laws.

Prominent men testified that the order became popular because the whites

felt that they were persecuted and that there was no legal protection,

no respectable government. General (later Senator) Pettus said that

through all the workings of the Federal Government ran the principle

that "we are an inferior, degraded people and not fit to be trusted."

General Clanton of Alabama further explained that "there is not a

respectable white woman in the Negro Belt of Alabama who will trust

herself outside of her house without some protector.... So far as our

State Government is concerned, we are in the hands of camp-followers,

horse-holders, cooks, bottle-washers, and thieves.... We have passed out

from the hands of the brave soldiers who overcame us, and are turned

over to the tender mercies of squaws for torture.... I see negro

police--great black fellows--leading white girls around the streets of

Montgomery, and locking them up in jails."

The Klan first came into general prominence in 1868 with the report of

the Federal commanders in the South concerning its activities. Soon

after that date the order spread through the white counties of the

South, in many places absorbing the White Brotherhood, the Pale Faces,

and some other local organizations which had been formed in the upper

part of the Black Belt. But it was not alone in the field. The order

known as the Knights of the White Camelia, founded in Louisiana in 1867

and formally organized in 1868, spread rapidly over the lower South

until it reached the territory occupied by the Ku Klux Klan. It was

mainly a Black Belt order, and on the whole had a more substantial and

more conservative membership than the other large secret bodies. Like

the Ku Klux Klan, it also absorbed several minor local societies.

The White Camelia had a national organization with headquarters in New

Orleans. Its business was conducted by a Supreme Council of the United

States, with Grand, Central, and Subordinate Councils for each State,

county, and community. All communication within the order took place by

passwords and cipher; the organization and the officers were similar to

those of the Ku Klux Klan; and all officers were designated by initials.

An ex-member states that "during the three years of its existence here

[Perry County, Alabama] I believe its organization and discipline were

as perfect as human ingenuity could have made it." The fundamental

object of the White Camelia was the "maintenance of the supremacy of the

white race," and to this end the members were constrained "to observe a

marked distinction between the races" and to restrain the "African race

to that condition of social and political inferiority for which God has

destined it." The members were pledged to vote only for whites, to

oppose negro equality in all things, but to respect the legitimate

rights of negroes.

The smaller orders were similar in purpose and organization to the Ku

Klux Klan and the White Camelia. Most of them joined or were affiliated

with the large societies. Probably a majority of the men of the South

were associated at some time during this period with these revolutionary

bodies. As a rule the politicians, though approving, held aloof. Public

opinion generally supported the movement so long as the radicals made

serious attempts to carry out the reconstruction policies.

The task before the secret orders was to regulate the conduct of the

blacks and their leaders in order that honor, life, and property might

be secure. They planned to accomplish this aim by playing upon the

fears, superstitions, and cowardice of the black race--in a word, by

creating a white terror to counteract the black one. To this end they

made use of strange disguises, mysterious and fearful conversation,

midnight rides and drills, and silent parades. As long as secrecy and

mystery were to be effective in dealing with the negroes, costume was an

important matter. These disguises varied with the locality and often

with the individual. High cardboard hats, covered with white cloth often

decorated with stars or pictures of animals, white masks with holes cut

for eyes, nose and mouth bound with red braid to give a horrible

appearance, and frequently a long tongue of red flannel so fixed that it

could be moved with the wearer's tongue, and a long white robe--these

made up a costume which served at the same time as a disguise and as a

means of impressing the impressionable negro. Horses were covered with

sheets or white cloth held on by the saddle and by belts, and sometimes

the animals were even painted. Skulls of sheep and cattle, and even of

human beings were often carried on the saddlebows to add another element

of terror. A framework was sometimes made to fit the shoulders of a

Ghoul which caused him to appear twelve feet high. A skeleton wooden

hand at the end of a stick served to greet terrified negroes at

midnight. For safety every man carried a small whistle and a brace of

pistols.

The trembling negro who ran into a gathering of the Ku Klux on his

return from a Loyal League meeting was informed that the white-robed

figures he saw were the spirits of the Confederate dead killed at

Chickamauga or Shiloh, now unable to rest in their graves because of the

conduct of the negroes. He was told in a sepulchral voice of the

necessity for his remaining more at home and taking a less active part

in predatory excursions abroad. In the middle of the night a sleeping

negro might wake to find his house surrounded by a ghostly company, or

to see several terrifying figures standing by his bedside. They were,

they said, the ghosts of men whom he had formerly known. They had

scratched through from Hell to warn the negroes of the consequences of

their misconduct. Hell was a dry and thirsty land: and they asked him

for water. Bucket after bucket of water disappeared into a sack of

leather, rawhide, or rubber, concealed within the flowing robe. The

story is told of one of these night travelers who called at the cabin of

a radical negro in Attakapas County, Louisiana. After drinking three

buckets of water to the great astonishment of the darky, the traveler

thanked him and told him that he had traveled nearly a thousand miles

within twenty-four hours, and that that was the best water he had tasted

since he was killed at the battle of Shiloh. The negro dropped the

bucket, overturned chairs and table in making his escape through the

window, and was never again seen or heard of by residents of that

community. Another incident is told of a parade in Pulaski, Tennessee:

"While the procession was passing a corner on which a negro man was

standing, a tall horseman in hideous garb turned aside from the line,

dismounted and stretched out his bridle rein toward the negro, as if he

desired him to hold his horse. Not daring to refuse, the frightened

African extended his hand to grasp the rein. As he did so, the Ku Klux

took his own head from his shoulders and offered to place that also in

the outstretched hand. The negro stood not upon the order of his going,

but departed with a yell of terror. To this day he will tell you: 'He

done it, suah, boss. I seed him do it.'"

It was seldom necessary at this early stage to use violence, for the

black population was in an ecstasy of fear. A silent host of

white-sheeted horsemen parading the country roads at night was

sufficient to reduce the blacks to good behavior for weeks or months.

One silent Ghoul posted near a meeting place of the League would be the

cause of the immediate dissolution of that club. Cow bones in a sack

were rattled within earshot of the terrified negroes. A horrible being,

fifteen feet tall, walking through the night toward a place of

congregation, was very likely to find that every one had vacated the

place before he arrived. A few figures wrapped in sheets and sitting on

tombstones in a graveyard near which negroes were accustomed to pass

would serve to keep the immediate community quiet for weeks and give the

locality a reputation for "hants" which lasted long.

To prevent detection on parade, members of the Klan often stayed out of

the parade in their own town and were to be seen freely and

conspicuously mingling with the spectators. A man who believed that he

knew every horse in the vicinity and was sure that he would be able to

identify the riders by their horses was greatly surprised upon lifting

the disguise of the horse nearest him to find the animal upon which he

himself had ridden into town a short while before. The parades were

always silent and so arranged as to give the impression of very large

numbers. In the regular drills which were held in town and country the

men showed that they had not forgotten their training in the Confederate

army. There were no commands save in a very low tone or in a mysterious

language, and usually only signs or whistle signals were used.

Such pacific methods were successful to a considerable degree until the

carpetbaggers and scalawags were placed in office under the

Reconstruction Acts. Then more violent methods were necessary. The Klans

patrolled disturbed communities, visited, warned, and frightened

obnoxious individuals, whipped some, and even hanged others. Until

forbidden by law or military order, the newspapers were accustomed to

print the mysterious proclamations of the Ku Klux. The following, which

was circulated in Montgomery, Alabama, in April 1868, is a typical

specimen:

K. K. K.

Clan of Vega.

hdqr's k.k.k. hospitallers.

Vega Clan, New Moon,

3rd Month, Anno K. K. K. 1.

Order No. K. K.

Clansmen--Meet at the Trysting Spot when Orion Kisses the Zenith. The

doom of treason is Death. Dies Iræ. The wolf is on his walk--the serpent

coils to strike. Action! Action!! Action!!! By midnight and the Tomb; by

Sword and Torch and the Sacred Oath at Forrester's Altar, I bid you

come! The clansmen of Glen Iran and Alpine will greet you at the

new-made grave.

Remember the Ides of April.

By command of the Grand D. I. H.

Cheg. V.

The work of the secret orders was successful. As bodies of vigilantes,

the Klans and the Councils regulated the conduct of bad negroes,

punished criminals who were not punished by the State, looked after the

activities and teachings of Northern preachers and teachers, dispersed

hostile gatherings of negroes, and ran out of the community the worst of

the reconstructionist officials. They kept the negroes quiet and freed

them to some extent from the influence of evil leaders. The burning of

houses, gins, mills, and stores ceased; property became more secure;

people slept safely at night; women and children walked abroad in

security; the incendiary agents who had worked among the negroes left

the country; agitators, political, educational, and religious, became

more moderate; "bad niggers" ceased to be bad; labor became less

disorganized; the carpetbaggers and scalawags ceased to batten on the

Southern communities. It was not so much a revolution as the defeat of a

revolution. Society was replaced in the old historic grooves from which

war and reconstruction had jarred it.

Successful as was the Ku Klux movement in these respects, it had at the

same time many harmful results. Too often local orders fell under the

control of reckless or lawless men and the Klan was then used as a cloak

to cover violence and thievery; family and personal feuds were carried

into the orders and fought out; and anti-negro feeling in many places

found expression in activities designed to drive the blacks from the

country. It was easy for any outlaw to hide himself behind the

protection of a secret order. So numerous did these men become that

after 1868 there was a general exodus of the leading reputable members,

and in 1869 the formal disbanding of the Klan was proclaimed by General

Forrest, the Grand Wizard. The White Camelia and other orders also

gradually went out of existence. Numerous attempts were made to suppress

the secret movement by the military commanders, the state governments,

and finally by Congress, but none of these was entirely successful, for

in each community the secret opposition lasted as long as it was needed.

The political effects of the orders, however, survived their organized

existence. Some of the Southern States began to go Democratic in spite

of the Reconstruction Acts and the Amendments, and there was little

doubt that the Ku Klux movement had aided in this change. In order to

preserve the achievements of radical reconstruction Congress passed, in

1870 and 1871, the enforcement acts which had been under debate for

nearly two years. The first act (May 31, 1870) was designed to protect

the negro's right to vote and was directed at individuals as well as

against States. Section six, indeed, was aimed specifically at the Ku

Klux Klan. This act was a long step in the direction of giving the

Federal Government control over state elections. But as North Carolina

went wholly and Alabama partially Democratic in 1870, a Supplementary

Act (February 28, 1871) went further and placed the elections for

members of Congress completely under Federal control, and also

authorized the use of thousands of deputy marshals at elections. As the

campaign of 1872 drew near, Grant and his advisers became solicitous to

hold all the Southern States which had not been regained by the

Democrats. Accordingly, on March 23, 1871, the President sent a message

to Congress declaring that in some of the States the laws could not be

enforced and asked for remedial legislation. Congress responded with an

act (April 20, 1871), commonly called the "Ku Klux Act," which gave the

President despotic military power to uphold the remaining negro

governments and authorized him to declare a state of war when he

considered it necessary. Of this power Grant made use in only one

instance. In October, 1871, he declared nine counties of South Carolina

in rebellion and put them under martial law.

During the ten years following 1870, several thousand arrests were made

under the enforcement acts and about 1250 convictions were secured,

principally in Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, and

Tennessee. Most of these violations of election laws, however, had

nothing to do with the Ku Klux movement, for by 1870 the better class of

members had withdrawn from the secret orders. But though the enforcement

acts checked these irregularities to a considerable extent, they

nevertheless failed to hold the South for the radicals and essential

parts of them were declared unconstitutional a few years later.

In order to justify the passage of the enforcement acts and to obtain

campaign material for use in 1872, Congress appointed a committee,

organized on the very day when the Ku Klux Act was approved, to

investigate conditions in the Southern States. From June to August,

1871, the committee took testimony in Washington, and in the fall

subcommittees visited several Southern States. Tennessee, Virginia,

Arkansas, Louisiana, and Texas were, however, omitted from the

investigation. Notwithstanding the partisan purpose and methods of the

investigation, the report of the committee and the accompanying

testimony constituted a Democratic rather than a Republican document. It

is a veritable mine of information about the South between 1865 and

1871. The Democratic minority members made skillful use of their

opportunity to expose conditions in the South. They were less concerned

to meet the charges made against the Ku Klux Klan than to show why such

movements came about. The Republicans, concerned mainly about material

for the presidential campaign, neglected the broader phases of the

situation.

Opposition to the effects of reconstruction did not come to an end with

the dissolution of the more famous orders. On the contrary, it now

became public and open and resulted in the organization, after 1872, of

the White League, the Mississippi Shot Gun Plan, the White Man's Party

in Alabama, and the Rifle Clubs in South Carolina. The later movements

were distinctly but cautiously anti-negro. There was most irritation in

the white counties where there were large numbers of negroes. Negro

schools and churches were burned because they served as meeting places

for negro political organizations. The color line began to be more and

more sharply drawn. Social and business ostracism continued to be

employed against white radicals, while the negroes were discharged from

employment or were driven from their rented farms.

The Ku Klux movement, it is to be noted in retrospect, originated as an

effort to restore order in the war-stricken Southern States. The secrecy

of its methods appealed to the imagination and caused its rapid

expansion, and this secrecy was inevitable because opposition to

reconstruction was not lawful. As the reconstruction policies were put

into operation, the movement became political and used violence when

appeals to superstitious fears ceased to be effective. The Ku Klux Klan

centered, directed, and crystallized public opinion, and united the

whites upon a platform of white supremacy. The Southern politicians

stood also from the movement but accepted the results of its work. It

frightened the negroes and bad whites into better conduct, and it

encouraged the conservatives and aided them to regain control of

society, for without the operations of the Klan the black districts

would never have come again under white control. Towards the end,

however, its methods frequently became unnecessarily violent and did

great harm to Southern society. The Ku Klux system of regulating society

is as old as history; it had often been used before; it may even be used

again. When a people find themselves persecuted by aliens under legal

forms, they will invent some means outside the law for protecting

themselves; and such experiences will inevitably result in a weakening

of respect for law and in a return to more primitive methods of justice.

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