CHAPTER VIII

CONSERVING THE SOIL

The Revolution rudely interrupted Washington's farming experiments, and

for eight long years he was so actively engaged in the grim business of

checkmating Howe and Clinton and Cornwallis that he could give little

time or thought to agriculture. For more than six years, in fact, he did

not once set foot upon his beloved fields and heard of his crops, his

servants and his live stock only from family visitors to his camps or

through the pages of his manager's letters.

Peace at last brought him release. He had left Mount Vernon a simple

country gentleman; he came back to it one of the most famous men in the

world. He wasted no time in contemplating his laurels, but at once threw

himself with renewed enthusiasm into his old occupation. His observation

of northern agriculture and conversations with other farmers had

broadened his views and he was more than ever progressive. He was now

thoroughly convinced of the great desirability of grass and stock for

conserving the soil and he was also wide awake to the need of better

tools and methods and wished to make his estate beautiful as well

as useful.

Much of his energy in 1784-85 was devoted to rebuilding his house and

improving his grounds, and to his trip to his Ohio lands--all of which

are described elsewhere. No diary exists for 1784 except that of the

trip to the Ohio, but from the diary of 1785 we learn that he found time

to experiment with plaster of Paris and powdered stone as fertilizers,

to sow clover, orchard grass, guinea grass and peas and to borrow a scow

with which to raise rich mud from the bed of the Potomac.

The growing poverty of his soil, in fact, was a subject to which he gave

much attention. He made use of manure when possible, but the supply of

this was limited and commercial fertilizers were unknown. As already

indicated, he was beginning the use of clover and other grasses, but he

was anxious to build up the soil more rapidly and the Potomac muck

seemed to him a possible answer to the problem. There was, as he said,

"an inexhaustible fund" of it, but the task of getting it on the land

was a heavy one. Having heard of a horse-power dredge called the

_Hippopotamus_ that was in use on the Delaware River, he made inquiries

concerning it but feared that it would not serve his purpose, as he

would have to go from one hundred to eight hundred or a thousand yards

from high water-mark for the mud--too far out for a horse to be

available. Mechanical difficulties and the cost of getting up the mud

proved too great for him--as they have proved too great even down to the

present--but he never gave up the idea and from time to time tried

experiments with small plots of ground that had been covered with the

mud. His enthusiasm on the subject was so great that Noah Webster, of

dictionary fame, who visited him in this period, says that the standing

toast at Mount Vernon was "Success to the mud!"

Every scientific agriculturist knows that erosion is one of the chief

causes of loss in soil fertility and that in the basins and deltas of

streams and rivers there is going to waste enough muck to make all of

our land rich. But the cost of getting this fertility back to the soil

has thus far proved too great for us to undertake the task of

restoration. It is conceivable, however, that the time may come when we

shall undertake the work in earnest and then the dream of Washington

will be realized.

The spring and summer of 1785 proved excessively dry, and the crops

suffered, as they always do in times of drought. The wheat yield was

poor and chinch bugs attacked the corn in such myriads that our Farmer

found "hundreds of them & their young under the blades and at the lower

joints of the Stock." By the middle of August "Nature had put on a

melancholy look." The corn was "_fired_ in most places to the Ear, with

little appearance of yielding if Rain should now come & a certainty of

making nothing if it did not."

Like millions of anxious farmers before and after him, he watched

eagerly for the rain that came not. He records in his diary that on

August 17th a good deal of rain fell far up the river, but as for his

fields--it tantalizingly passed by on the other side, and "not enough

fell here to wet a handkerchief." On the eighteenth, nineteenth and

twenty-second clouds and thunder and lightning again awakened hopes but

only slight sprinkles resulted. On the twenty-seventh nature at last

relented and, to his great satisfaction, there was a generous downpour.

The rain was beneficial to about a thousand grains of Cape of Good Hope

wheat that Washington had just sown and by the thirty-first he was able

to note that it was coming up. For several years thereafter he

experimented with this wheat. He found that it grew up very rank and

tried cutting some of it back. But the variety was not well adapted to

Virginia and ultimately he gave it up.

In this period he also tried Siberian wheat, put marl on sixteen square

rods of meadow[4], plowed under rye, and experimented with oats,

carrots, Eastern Shore peas, supposed to be strengthening to land, also

rib grass, burnet and various other things. He planted potatoes both

with and without manure and noted carefully the difference in yields. At

this time he favored planting corn in rows about ten feet apart, with

rows of potatoes, carrots, or peas between. He noted down that his

experience showed that corn ought to be planted not later than May

15th, preferably by the tenth or perhaps even as early as the first, in

which his practice would not differ much from that of to-day. But he

came to an erroneous conclusion when he decided that wheat ought to be

sown in August or at the latter end of July, for this was playing into

the hands of his enemy, the Hessian fly, which is particularly

destructive to early sown wheat. Later he seems to have changed his mind

on that point, for near the end of his life he instructed his manager to

get the wheat in by September 10th. Another custom which he was

advocating was that of fall and winter plowing and he had as much of it

done as time and weather would permit. All of his experiments in this

period were painstakingly set down and he even took the trouble in 1786

to index his agricultural notes and observations for that year.

[4] "On sixteen square rod of ground in my lower pasture, I put 140

Bushels of what we call Marle viz on 4 of these, No. Wt. corner were

placed 50 bushels--on 4 others So. Wt. corner 30 bushels--on 4 others

So. Et. corner 40 bushels--and on the remaining 4-20 bushels. This Marle

was spread on the rods in these proportions--to try first whether what

we have denominated to be Marie possesses any virtue as manure--and

secondly--if it does, the quantity proper for an acre." His ultimate

conclusion was that marl was of little benefit to land such as he owned

at Mount Vernon.

Many of his experiments were made in what he called his "Botanical

Garden," a plot of ground lying between the flower garden and the

spinner's house. But he had experimental plots on most or all of his

plantations, and each day as he made the rounds of his estate on

horseback he would examine how his plants were growing or would start

new experiments.

The record of failures is, of course, much greater than of successes,

but that is the experience of every scientific farmer or horticulturist

who ventures out of the beaten path. Even Burbank, the wizard, has his

failures--and many of them.

One of Washington's successes was what he called a "barrel plough." At

that time all seed, such as corn, wheat and oats had to be sown or

dropped by hand and then covered with a harrow or a hoe or something of

the kind. Washington tried to make a machine that would do the work more

expeditiously and succeeded, though it should be said that his plans

were not altogether original with him, as there was a plan for such a

machine in Duhamel and another was published by Arthur Young about this

time in the _Annals of Agriculture_, which Washington was now perusing

with much attention. Richard Peters also sent yet another plan.

Washington's drill, as we should call it to-day, consisted of a barrel

or hollow cylinder of wood mounted upon a wheeled plow and so arranged

that as the plow moved forward the barrel turned. In the barrel, holes

were cut or burnt through which the corn or other seed could drop into

tubes that ran down to the ground. By decreasing or increasing the

number of holes the grain could be planted thicker or thinner as

desired. To prevent the holes from choking up he found it expedient to

make them larger on the outside than on the inside, and he also found

that the machine worked better if the barrel was not kept too full of

seed. Behind the drills ran a light harrow or drag which covered the

seed, though in rough ground it was necessary to have a man follow after

with a hoe to assist the process. A string was fastened to this harrow

by which it could be lifted around when turning at the ends of the rows,

the drill itself being managed by a pair of handles.

Washington wrote to a friend that the drill would not "work to good

effect in land that is very full either of stumps, stones, or large

clods; but, where the ground is tolerably free from these and in good

tilth, and particularly in light land, I am certain you will find it

equal to your most sanguine expectation, for Indian corn, wheat, barley,

pease, or any other tolerably round grain, that you may wish to sow or

plant in this manner. I have sown oats very well with it, which is among

the most inconvenient and unfit grains for this machine.... A small bag,

containing about a peck of the seed you are sowing, is hung to the nails

on the right handle, and with a small tin cup the barrel is replenished

with convenience, whenever it is necessary, without loss of time, or

waiting to come up with the seed-bag at the end of the row."

As Washington says, the drill would probably work well under ideal

conditions, but there were features of it that would incline, I have no

doubt, to make its operator swear at times. There was a leather band

that ran about the barrel with holes corresponding to those in the

barrel, the purpose of the band being to prevent the seeds issuing out

of more than one hole at the same time. This band had to be "slackened

or braced" according to the influence of the atmosphere upon the

leather, and sometimes the holes in the band tended to gape and admit

seed between the band and the barrel, in which case Washington found it

expedient to rivet "a piece of sheet tin, copper, or brass, the width of

the band, and about four inches long, with a hole through it, the size

of the one in the leather."

Washington was, however, very proud of the drill, and it must have

worked fairly well, for he was not the man to continue to use a

worthless implement simply because he had made it. He even used it to

sow very small seed. In the summer of 1786 he records: "Having fixed a

Roller to the tale of my drill plow, & a brush between it and the

barrel, I sent it to Muddy Hole & sowed turnips in the intervals

of corn[5]."

[5] Another passage from his papers in which he mentions using his drill

plow is also illustrative of the emphasis he placed upon having the seed

bed for a crop properly prepared. The passage describes his sowing some

spring wheat and is as follows: "12th [of April, 1785].--Sowed sixteen

acres of Siberian wheat, with eighteen quarts, in rows between corn,

eight feet apart. This ground had been prepared in the following manner:

1. A single furrow; 2. another in the same to deepen it; 3. four furrows

to throw the earth back into the two first, which made ridges of five

furrows. These, being done some time ago, and the sowing retarded by

frequent rains, had got hard; therefore, 4. before the seed was sown,

these ridges were split again by running twice in the middle of them,

both times in the same furrow; 5. after which the ridges were harrowed;

and, 6. where the ground was lumpy, run a spiked roller with a harrow at

the tail of it, which was found very efficacious in breaking the clods

and pulverizing the earth, and would have done it perfectly, if there

had not been too much moisture remaining from the late rains. After

this, harrowing and rolling were necessary, the wheat was sown with the

drill plough on the reduced ridges eight feet apart, as above mentioned,

and harrowed in with the small harrow belonging to the plough. But it

should have been observed, that, after the ridges were split by the

middle double furrows, and before they were closed again by the harrow,

a little manure was sprinkled in."

No man better understood the value of good clean seed than did he, but

he had much trouble in satisfying his desires in this respect. Often the

seed he bought was foul with weed seeds, and at other times it would not

grow at all. Once he mentions having set the women and "weak hands" to

work picking wild onions out of some Eastern Shore oats that he

had bought.

He advocated planting the largest and finest potatoes instead of the

little ones, as some farmers out of false ideas of economy still make

the mistake of doing, and he followed the same principle that "the best

will produce the best" in selecting all seed.

He also appreciated the importance of getting just the right stand of

grain--not too many plants and not too few--upon his fields and

conducted investigations along this line. He laboriously calculated the

number of seed in a pound Troy of various seeds and ascertained, for

example, that the number of red clover was 71,000, of timothy 298,000,

of "New River Grass" 844,800 and of barley 8,925. Knowing these facts,

he was able to calculate how much ought to be sowed of a given seed

to the acre.

The spectacle of the former Commander of the Armies of a Continent

engaging in such minute labor is ridiculous or sublime, according to the

viewpoint!

In the spring of the year that he helped to frame the Federal

Constitution he "Sowed the squares No. 2 & 4 at this place [Dogue Run]

with oats in the following manner--viz--the East half of No. 2 with

half a Bushel of Oats from George Town--and the west half with a Bushel

of Poland Oats--The east half of No. 4 with half a bushel of the Poland

Oats and the west half with a bushel of the George Town Oats. The

objects, and design of this experiment, was to ascertn. 3 things--1st.

which of these two kinds of Oats were best the George Town (which was a

good kind of the common Oats)--2d. whether two or four bushels to the

Acre was best--and 3d. the difference between ground dunged at the Rate

of 5 load or 200 bushels to the Acre and ground undunged."

This experiment is typical of a great many others and it resulted, of

course, in better yields on the manured ground and showed that two

bushels of seed were preferable to four. But if he ever set down the

result of the experiment as regards the varieties, the passage has

escaped me.

While at Fredericksburg this year visiting his mother and his sister

Betty Lewis he learned of an interesting method of raising potatoes

under straw and wrote down the details in his diary. A little later when

attending the Federal Convention he kept his eyes and ears open for

agricultural information. He learned how the Pennsylvanians cultivated

buckwheat and visited the farm of a certain Jones, who was getting good

results from the use of plaster of Paris. With his usual interest in

labor-saving machinery he inspected at Benjamin Franklin's a sort of

ironing machine called a mangle, "well calculated," he thought, "for

Table cloths & such articles as have not pleats & irregular foldings &

would be very useful in large families."

This year he had in wheat seven hundred acres, in grass five hundred

eighty acres, in oats four hundred acres, in corn seven hundred acres,

with several hundred more in buckwheat, barley, potatoes, peas, beans

and turnips.

In 1788 he raised one thousand eighty-eight bushels of potatoes on one

plantation, but they were not dug till December and in consequence some

were badly injured by the frost. An experiment that year was one of

transplanting carrots between rows of corn and it was not successful.

He worked hard in these years, but, as many another industrious farmer

has discovered, he found that he could do little unless nature smiled

and fickle nature persisted in frowning. In 1785 the rain seemed to

forget how to fall, and in 1786 how to stop falling. Some crops failed

or were very short and soon he was so hard up that he was anxious to

sell some lands or negroes to meet debts coming due. In February, 1786,

in sending fifteen guineas to his mother, he wrote:

"I have now demands upon me for more than £500, three hundred and forty

odd of which is due for the tax of 1786; and I know not where or when I

shall receive one shilling with which to pay it. In the last two years I

made no crops. In the first I was obliged to buy corn, and this year

have none to sell, and my wheat is so bad I can neither eat it myself

nor sell it to others, and tobacco I make none. Those who owe me money

cannot or will not pay it without suits, and to sue is to do nothing;

whilst my expenses, not from any extravagance, or an inclination on my

part to live splendidly, but for the absolute support of my family and

the visitors who are constantly here, are exceedingly high."

To bad crops were joined bad conditions throughout the country

generally. The government of the Confederation was dying of inanition,

America was flooded with depreciated currency, both state and

Continental. In western Massachusetts a rebellion broke out, the rebels

being largely discouraged debtors. A state of chaos seemed imminent and

would have resulted had not the Federal Convention, of which Washington

was a member, created a new government. Ultimately this government

brought order and financial stability, but all this took time and

Washington was so financially embarrassed in 1789 when he traveled to

New York to be inaugurated President that he had to borrow money to pay

the expenses of the journey.

After having set the wheels of government in motion he made an extended

trip through New England and whenever public festivities would permit he

examined into New England farm methods and took copious notes. On the

first day up from New York he saw good crops of corn mixed with pumpkins

and met four droves of beef cattle, "some of which were very fine--also

a Flock of Sheep.... We scarcely passed a farm house that did not abd.

in Geese." His judgment of New England stock was that the cattle were

"of a good quality and their hogs large, but rather long legged." The

shingle roofs, stone and brick chimneys, stone fences and cider making

all attracted his attention. The fact that wheat in that section

produced an average of fifteen bushels per acre and often twenty or

twenty-five was duly noted. On the whole he seems to have considered

the tour enjoyable and profitable in spite of the fact that on his

return through Connecticut the law against Sabbath traveling compelled

him to remain over Sunday at Perkins' Tavern and to attend church twice,

where he "heard very lame discourses from a Mr. Pond."

About 1785 Washington had begun a correspondence with Arthur Young and

also began to read his periodical called the _Annals of Agriculture_.

The _Annals_ convinced him more than ever of the superiority of the

English system of husbandry and not only gave him the idea for some of

the experiments that have been mentioned, but also made him very

desirous of adopting a regular and systematic course of cropping in

order to conserve his soil. Taking advantage of an offer made by Young,

he ordered (August 6, 1786) through him English plows, cabbage, turnip,

sainfoin, rye-grass and hop clover seed and eight bushels of winter

vetches; also some months later, velvet wheat, field beans, spring

barley, oats and more sainfoin seed. He furthermore expressed a wish for

"a plan of the most complete and useful farmyard, for farms of about 500

acres. In this I mean to comprehend the barn, and every appurtenance

which ought to be annexed to the yard."

Young was as good as his word. Although English law forbade the

exportation of some of these things--a fact of which Washington was not

aware--he and Sir John Sinclair prevailed upon Lord Grenville to issue a

special permit and in due course everything reached Mount Vernon. Part

of the seeds were somewhat injured by being put into the hold of the

vessel that brought them over, with the result that they overheated--a

thing that troubled Washington whenever he imported seeds--but on the

whole the consignment was in fair order, and our Farmer was

duly grateful.

The plows appeared excessively heavy to the Virginians who looked them

over, but a trial showed that they worked "exceedingly well."

To Young's plan for a barn and barnyard Washington made some additions

and constructed the barn upon Union Farm, building it of bricks that

were made on the estate. He later expressed a belief that it was "the

largest and most convenient one in this country." It has now disappeared

almost utterly, but Young's plan was subsequently engraved in

the _Annals_.

In return for the exertions of Young and Sinclair in his behalf

Washington sent over some American products and also took pains to

collect information for them as to the state of American agriculture.

His letters show an almost pathetic eagerness to please these good

friends and it is evident that in his farming operations he regarded

himself as one of Young's disciples. He was no egotist who believed that

because he had been a successful soldier and was now President of the

United States he could not learn anything from a specialist. The trait

was most commendable and one that is sadly lacking in many of his

countrymen, some of whom take pride in declaring that "these here

scientific fellers caint tell me nothin' about raisin' corn!"

Young and Sir John Sinclair were by no means his only agricultural

correspondents. Even Noah Webster dropped his legal and philological

work long enough in 1790 to propound a theory so startlingly modern in

its viewpoint that it is worthy of reproduction. Said he:

"While therefore I allow, in its full extent, the value of stable

manure, marl, plaster of Paris, lime, ashes, sea-weed, sea-shells &

salt, in enriching land, I believe none of them are absolutely

necessary, but that nature has provided an inexhaustible store of

manure, which is equally accessible to the rich and the poor, & which

may be collected & applied to land with very little labor and expense.

This store is the _atmosphere_, & the process by which the fertilizing

substance may be obtained is vegetation."

He added that such crops as oats, peas, beans and buckwheat should be

raised and plowed under to rot and that land should never be left bare.

As one peruses the letter he recalls that scientists of to-day tell us

that the air is largely made up of nitrogen, that plants are able to

"fix it," and he half expects to find Webster advocating "soil

innoculation" and speaking of "nodules" and "bacteria."

Throughout the period after the Revolution our Farmer's one greatest

concern was to conserve and restore his land. When looking for a new

manager he once wrote that the man must be, "above all, Midas like, one

who can convert everything he touches into manure, as the first

transmutation toward gold; in a word, one who can bring worn-out and

gullied lands into good tilth in the shortest time." He saved manure as

if it were already so much gold and hoped with its use and with

judicious rotation of crops to accomplish his object. "Unless some such

practice as this prevails," he wrote in 1794, "my fields will be growing

worse and worse every year, until the Crops will not defray the expense

of the culture of them."

He drew up elaborate plans for the rotation of crops on his different

farms. Not content with one plan, he often drew up several alternatives;

calculated the probable financial returns from each, allowing for the

cost of seed, cultivation and other expenses, and commented upon the

respective advantages from every point of view of the various plans. The

labor involved in such work was very great, but Washington was no

shirker. He was always up before sunrise, both in winter and summer, and

seems to have been so constituted that he was most contented when he had

something to do. Perhaps if he had had to engage in hard manual toil

every day he would have had less inclination for such employment, but he

worked with his own hands only intermittently, devoting his time mostly

to planning and oversight.

One such plan for Dogue Run Farm is given on the next page. To

understand it the reader should bear in mind that the farm contained

five hundred twenty-five arable acres divided into seven fields, each of

which contained about seventy-five acres.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

No. of | | | | | | | |

Fields | 1793 | 1794 | 1795 | 1796 | 1797 | 1798 | 1799 |

------------------------------------------------------------------------

| Corn | |Buckwheat | Clover | Clover | Clover |

3 | and | Wheat | for | Wheat | or | or | or |

|Potatoes| | Manure | | Grass | Grass | Grass |

------------------------------------------------------------------------

| Clover | Corn | |Buckwheat | Clover | Clover |

4 | or | and | Wheat | for | Wheat | or | or |

| Grass |Potatoes| | Manure | | Grass | Grass |

------------------------------------------------------------------------

| Clover | Clover | Corn | |Buckwheat | Clover |

5 | or | or | and | Wheat | for | Wheat | or |

| Grass | Grass |Potatoes| | Manure | | Grass |

------------------------------------------------------------------------

| Clover | Clover | Clover | Corn | |Buckwheat |

6 | or | or | or | and | Wheat | for | Wheat |

| Grass | Grass | Grass |Potatoes| | Manure | |

------------------------------------------------------------------------

| | Clover | Clover | Clover | Corn | |Buckwheat

7 | Wheat | or | or | or | and | Wheat | for |

| | Grass | Grass | Grass |Potatoes| | Manure |

------------------------------------------------------------------------

|Buckwheat | Clover | Clover | Clover | Corn | |

1 | for | Wheat | or | or | or | and | Wheat |

| Manure | | Grass | Grass | Grass |Potatoes| |

------------------------------------------------------------------------

| |Buckwheat | Clover | Clover | Clover | Cornr |

2 | Wheat | for | Wheat | or | or | or | and |

| | Manure | | Grass | Grass | Grass |Potatoes|

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Of this rotation he noted that it "favors the land

very much; inasmuch as there are but three corn

crops [i.e. grain crops] taken in seven years from

any field, & the first of the wheat crops is followed

by a Buck Wheat manure for the second Wheat

Crop, wch. is to succeed it; & which by being laid

to Clover or Grass & continued therein three years

will a ford much Mowing or Grassing, according as

the Seasons happen to be, besides being a restoration

to the Soil--But the produce of the sale of the

Crops is small, unless encreased by the improving

state of the fields. Nor will the Grain for the use of

the Farm be adequate to the consumption of it in

this Course, and this is an essential object to attend to."

In a second table he estimated the amount of work that would be required

each year to carry out this plan of rotation, assuming that one plow

would break up three-fourths of an acre per day. This amount is hardly

half what an energetic farmer with a good team of horses will now turn

over in a day with an ordinary walking plow, but the negro farmer

lacked ambition, the plows were cumbersome, and much of the work was

done with plodding oxen. The table follows:

[ILLUSTRATION (TABLE): PLANTING CHART]

He estimated that seventy-five acres of corn would yield, at twelve and

a half bushels per acre, 937-1/2 bushels, worth at two shillings and

sixpence per bushel £117.3.9. In this field potatoes would be planted

between the rows of corn and would produce, at twelve and a half bushels

per acre, 937-1/2 bushels, worth at one shilling per bushel £46.17.6.

Two fields in wheat, a total of one hundred fifty acres, at ten bushels

per acre, would yield one thousand five hundred bushels, worth at five

shillings per bushel three hundred seventy-five pounds. Three fields in

clover and grass and the field of buckwheat to be turned under for

manure would yield no money return. In other words the whole farm would

produce three thousand three hundred seventy-five bushels of grain and

potatoes worth a total of £539.1.3.

A second alternative plan would yield crops worth £614.1.3; a third,

about the same; a fourth, £689.1.3; a fifth, providing for two hundred

twenty-five acres of wheat, £801.11.0; a sixth, £764. Number five would

be most productive, but he noted that it would seriously reduce the

land. Number six would be "the 2d. most productive Rotation, but the

fields receive no rest," as it provided for neither grass nor pasture,

while the plowing required would exceed that of any of the other plans

by two hundred eighty days.

On a small scale he tried growing cotton, Botany Bay grass, hemp, white

nankeen grass and various other products. He experimented with deep soil

plowing by running twice in the same furrow and also cultivated some

wheat that had been drilled in rows instead of broadcasted.

In 1793 he built a new sixteen-sided barn on the

[ILLUSTRATION: Part of Washington's Plan for His Sixteen-Sided Barn]

Dogue Run Farm. The plan of this barn, drawn by Washington himself, is

still preserved and is reproduced herewith. He calculated that one

hundred and forty thousand bricks would be required for it and these

were made and burnt upon the estate. The barn was particularly notable

for a threshing floor thirty feet square, with interstices one and a

half inches wide left between the floor boards so that the grain when

trodden out by horses or beat out with flails would fall through to the

floor below, leaving the straw above.

This floor was to furnish an illustration of what Washington called "the

almost impossibility of putting the overseers of this country out of the

track they have been accustomed to walk in. I have one of the most

convenient barns in this or perhaps any other country, where thirty

hands may with great ease be employed in threshing. Half the wheat of

the farm was actually stowed in this barn in the straw by my order, for

threshing; notwithstanding, when I came home about the middle of

September, I found a treading yard not thirty feet from the barn-door,

the wheat again brought out of the barn, and horses treading it out in

an open exposure, liable to the vicissitudes of the weather."

I think we may safely conclude that this was one of those rare

occasions when George lost his temper and "went up in the air!"

Under any conditions treading or flailing out wheat was a slow and

unsatisfactory process and, as Washington grew great quantities of this

grain, he was alert for a better method. We know that he made inquiries

of Arthur Young concerning a threshing machine invented by a certain

Winlaw and pictured and described in volume six of the _Annals_, and in

1790 he watched the operation of Baron Poelnitz's mill on the Winlaw

model near New York City. This mill was operated by two men and was

capable of threshing about two bushels of wheat per hour--pretty slow

work as compared with that of a modern thresher. And the grain had to be

winnowed, or passed through a fan afterward to separate it from

the chaff.

Finally in 1797 he erected a machine on plans evolved by William Booker,

who came to Mount Vernon and oversaw the construction. Next April he

wrote to Booker that the machine "has by no means answered your

expectations or mine," At first it threshed not quite fifty bushels per

day, then fell to less than twenty-five, and ultimately got out of

order before five hundred bushels had been threshed, though it had used

up two bands costing between eight and ten pounds. Booker replied that

he had now greatly improved his invention and would come to Mount Vernon

and make these additions, but whether or not he ever did so I have

failed to discover.

By 1793 the burden of the estate had become so heavy that Washington

decided to rent all of it except the Mansion House Farm and accordingly

he wrote to Arthur Young telling his desire in the hope that Englishmen

might be found to take it over. One man, Parkinson, of whom more

hereafter, came to America and looked at one of the farms, but decided

not to rent it. Washington's elaborate description of his land in his

letter to Young, with an accompanying map, forms one of our best sources

of information regarding Mount Vernon, so that we may be grateful that

he had the intention even though nothing came of it. The whole of Mount

Vernon continued to be cultivated as before until the last year of his

life when he rented Dogue Run Farm to his nephew, Lawrence Lewis.

As a public man he was anxious to improve the general state of American

agriculture and in his last annual message to Congress recommended the

establishment of a board of agriculture to collect and diffuse

information and "by premiums and small pecuniary aids to encourage and

assist a spirit of discovery and improvement." In this recommendation

the example of the English Board of Agriculture and the influence of his

friend Arthur Young are discernible. It would have been well for the

country if Congress had heeded the advice, but public opinion was not

then educated to the need of such a step and almost a century passed

before anything of much importance was done by the national government

to improve the state of American agriculture.

In farming as in politics Washington was no standpatter. Notwithstanding

many discouragements, he could not be kept from trying new things, and

he furnished his farms with every kind of improved tool and implement

calculated to do better work. At his death he owned not only threshing

machines and a Dutch fan, but a wheat drill, a corn drill, a machine for

gathering clover seed and another for raking up wheat. Yet most of his

countrymen remained content to drop corn by hand, to broadcast their

wheat, to tread out their grain and otherwise to follow methods as old

as the days of Abel for at least another half century.

He was the first American conservationist. He realized that man owes a

duty to the future just as he owes a debt to the past. He deplored the

already developing policy of robber exploitation by which our soil and

forests have been despoiled, for he foresaw the bitter fruits which such

a policy must produce, and indeed was already producing on the fields of

Virginia. He was no misanthropic cynic to exclaim, "What has posterity

ever done for us that we should concern ourselves for posterity?" His

care for the lands of Mount Vernon was evidence of the God-given trait

imbedded in the best of men to transmit unimpaired to future generations

what has been handed down to them.

His agricultural career has its lessons for us, even though we should

not do well to follow some of his methods. The lessons lie rather in his

conception of farming as an honorable occupation capable of being put on

a better and more scientific basis by the application of brains and

intelligence; in his open-minded and progressive seeking after better

ways. Many of his experiments failed, it is true, but for his time he

was a great Farmer, just as he was a great Patriot, Soldier and

Statesman. Patient, hard-working, methodical, willing to sacrifice his

own interests to those of the general good, he was one of those men who

have helped raise mankind from the level of the brute and his whole

career reflects credit upon human nature.

Peace hath its victories no less renowned than war, and the picture of

the American Cincinnatus striving as earnestly on the green fields of

Mount Vernon as he did upon the scarlet ones of Monmouth and Brandywine,

is one that the world can not afford to forget.

George Washington: Farmer Being an Account of His Home Life and Agricultural Activities · 第 8 / 18 章