CHAPTER V.

_Home duties and pleasures—The brewing of war._

Florence was very happy as her mother’s almoner, and in her modest and

unobtrusive way was the life and soul of the village festivities that

centred in the church and school and were planned in many instances by

her father and mother. It is one of the happy characteristics of our time

that much innocent grace and merriment have been revived in the teaching

of beautiful old morris dances and other peasant festivities that had

been banished by the rigour of a perverted Puritanism, and the squire of

Lea Hurst and his wife were before their time in such matters. There was

a yearly function of prize-giving and speech-making and dancing, known

as the children’s “Feast Day,” to which the scholars came in procession

to the Hall, with their wreaths and garlands, to the music of a good

marching band provided by the squire, and afterwards they had tea in

the fields below the Hall garden, served by Mrs. Nightingale and her

daughters and the Hall servants, and then ended their day with merry

outdoor dancing. For the little ones Florence planned all kinds of games;

the children, indeed, were her special care, and by the time the evening

sun was making pomp of gold and purple in the sky above the valley of

the Derwent, there came the crowning event of the day when on the garden

terrace the two daughters of the house distributed their gifts to the

happy scholars.

Mrs. Tooley in her biography calls up for us in a line or two a vision

of Florence as she was remembered by one old lady, who had often been

present and recalled her slender charm, herself as sweet as the rose

which she often wore in her neatly braided hair, brown hair with a glint

of gold in it, glossy and smooth and characteristic of youth and health.

We have from one and another a glimpse of the harmonious simplicity also

of her dress—the soft muslin gown, the little silk fichu crossed upon

her breast, the modest Leghorn bonnet with its rose. Or in winter, riding

about in the neighbourhood of Embley and distributing her little personal

gifts at Christmas among the old women—tea and warm petticoats—her

“ermine tippet and muff and beaver hat.”

She helped in the training of young voices in the village, and was

among the entertainers when the carol-singers enjoyed their mince-pies

and annual coins in the hall. The workhouse knew her well, and any

wise enterprise in the neighbourhood for help or healing among the

poor and the sad was sure of her presence and of all the co-operation

in the power of her neighbours, Mr. and Mrs. Sidney Herbert, with whom

for some years before the Crimea she shared much companionship in such

work. This friendship was an important influence in our heroine’s life,

for Mr. Herbert was of those who reveal to the dullest a little of the

divine beauty and love, and his wife was through all their married life

his faithful and devoted friend, so that they made a strong trio of

sympathetic workers; for “Liz,” as her husband usually called her in his

letters to their common friend Florence Nightingale, seemed to have fully

shared his unbounded faith in the noble powers and high aims of the said

Florence, whom she too loved and admired. She was a daughter of General

Charles Ashe à Court, and she and Sidney Herbert had known one another as

children. Indeed, it was in those early days, when she was quite a little

child, that Elizabeth, who grew up to be one of the most beautiful women

of her day, said of Sidney, then, of course, a mere boy, that that was

the boy she was going to marry, and that she would never marry any one

else. Many a long year, however, had rolled between before he rode over

to Amington from Drayton, where he often met her, though no longer such

near neighbours as in the early Wiltshire days, and asked the beautiful

Elizabeth to be his wife. The intimacy between the two families had never

ceased, and General à Court, himself member for Wilton, had worked hard

for Sidney’s first election for the county. We shall hear more of these

dear and early friends of Florence Nightingale as her story unfolds, but

let us turn now for a moment to herself.

Her life was many-sided, and her devotion to good works did not arise

from any lack of knowledge of the world. She was presented, of course,

like other girls of her order, and had her “seasons” in London as well

as her share in country society. A young and lovely girl, whose father

had been wise enough to give her all the education and advantages of

a promising boy, and who excelled also in every distinctive feminine

accomplishment and “pure womanliness,” had her earthly kingdom at her

feet. But her soul was more and more deeply bent on a life spent in

service and consecrated to the good of others. Her Sunday class, in the

old building known as the “Chapel” at Lea Hurst, was but one of her many

efforts in her father’s special domain in Derbyshire, and girls of every

faith came to her there without distinction of creed. They were mostly

workers in the hosiery mills owned by John Smedley, and many of them,

like their master, were Methodists. She sang to them, and they still

remember the sweetness of her voice and “how beautifully Miss Florence

used to talk,” as they sat together through many a sunny afternoon in the

tiny stone building overlooking Lea Hurst gardens. Cromford Church, built

by Sir Richard Arkwright, was then comparatively new, and time had not

made of it the pretty picture that it is now, in its bosoming trees above

the river; but it played a considerable part in Florence Nightingale’s

youth, when the vicar and the Arkwright of her day—old Sir Richard’s

tomb in the chancel bears the earlier date of 1792—organized many a kind

scheme for the good of the parish, in which the squire’s two daughters

gave their help.

But Miss Nightingale was not of a type to consider these amateur

pleasures a sufficient training for her life-work, and that life-work was

already taking a more or less definite shape in her mind.

She herself has written:—

“I would say to all young ladies who are called to any

particular vocation, qualify yourselves for it as a man does

for his work. Don’t think you can undertake it otherwise.

Submit yourselves to the rules of business as men do, by which

alone you can make God’s business succeed, for He has never

said that He will give His success and His blessing to sketchy

and unfinished work.” And on another occasion she wrote that

“three-fourths of the whole mischief in women’s lives arises

from their excepting themselves from the rules of training

considered needful for men.”

It has already been said that her thought was more and more directed

towards nursing, and in various ways she was quietly preparing herself to

that end.

Her interview with the Quaker-saint, Elizabeth Fry, though deliberately

sought and of abiding effect, was but a brief episode. It was about

this time that they met in London. The serene old Quakeress, through

whose countenance looked forth such a heavenly soul, was no doubt keenly

interested in the ardent, witty, beautiful girl who came to her for

inspiration and counsel. They had much in common, and who knows but the

older woman, with all her weight of experience, her saintly character,

and ripened harvest, may yet in some ways have felt herself the younger

of the two; for she had come to that quiet threshold of the life beyond,

where a soul like hers has part in the simple joys of the Divine Child,

and looks tenderly on those who are still in the fires of battle through

which they have passed.

Her own girlhood had defied in innocent ways the strictness of the Quaker

rule. Imagine a young Quakeress of those days wearing, as she had done on

occasion, a red riding habit!

She had been fond of dancing, and would have, I suspect, a very healthy

human interest in the activities of a girl in Society, though she would

enter into Florence Nightingale’s resolve that her life should not be

frittered away in a self-centred round, while men and women, for whom her

Master died, were themselves suffering a slow death in workhouses and

prisons and hospitals, with none to tend their wounds of soul and body.

Be this as it may—and without a record of their conversation it is easy

to go astray in imagining—we do know that like all the greatest saints

they were both very practical in their Christianity, and did not care

too much what was thought of their actions, so long as they were right

in the sight of God. In their common sense, their humility, their warm,

quick-beating heart of humanity, they were kindred spirits.

The interview bore fruit even outwardly afterwards in a very important

way. For it was from Elizabeth Fry that Florence Nightingale first heard

of Pastor Fliedner and his institute for training nurses at Kaiserswerth,

as well as of Elizabeth Fry’s own institute for a like purpose in London,

which first suggested the Kaiserswerth training home, thus returning in

ever-widening blessing the harvest of its seed.

Her desire was for definite preparatory knowledge and discipline, and

we of this generation can hardly realize how much searching must have

been necessary before the adequate training could be found. Certificated

nursing is now a commonplace, and we forget that it dates from Miss

Nightingale’s efforts after her return from the Crimea. We have only

to turn to the life of Felicia Skene and her lonely labour of love at

the time when the cholera visited Oxford—some twelve years later than

Florence Nightingale’s seventeenth birthday, that is to say, in 1849-51,

and again in 1854—to gain some idea of the bareness of the field. Sir

Henry Acland, whose intimate friendship with Felicia dates from their

common labours among the cholera patients, has described one among the

terrible cases for which there would, it seems, have been no human aid,

but for their discovery of the patient’s neglected helplessness.

“She had no blanket,” he says, “or any covering but the ragged

cotton clothes she had on. She rolled screaming. One woman,

scarcely sober, sat by; she sat with a pipe in her mouth,

looking on. To treat her in this state was hopeless. She was

to be removed. There was a press of work at the hospital, and

a delay. When the carriers came, her saturated garments were

stripped off, and in the finer linen and in the blankets of a

wealthier woman she was borne away, and in the hospital she

died.”

This is given, it would seem, as but one case among hundreds.

Three old cattle-sheds were turned into a sort of impromptu hospital, to

which some of the smallpox and cholera patients were carried, and the

clergy, especially Mr. Charles Marriott and Mr. Venables, did all they

could for old and young alike, seconding the doctors, with Sir Henry

at their head, in cheering and helping every one in the stricken town;

and Miss Skene’s friend, Miss Hughes, Sister Marion, directed the women

called in to help, who there received a kind of rough-and-ready training.

But more overwhelming still was Miss Skene’s own work of home nursing

in the cottages, at first single-handed, and afterwards at the head of

a band of women engaged by the deputy chairman as her servants in the

work, of whom many were ignorant and needed training. “By day and by

night she visited,” writes Sir Henry. “She plied this task, and when she

rested—or where as long at least as she knew of a house where disease had

entered—is known to herself alone.”

Meanwhile a critical moment had arisen in the affairs of Europe. Our

own Premier, Lord Aberdeen, had long been regarded as the very head and

front of the Peace Movement in England, and when he succeeded the wary

Lord Palmerston, it is said that Nicholas, the Czar of Russia, made no

secret of his pleasure in the event, for he saw tokens in England of

what might at least leave him a chance of pulling Turkey to pieces.

He seems also to have had a great personal liking for our ambassador,

Sir Hamilton Seymour, who was fortunately a man of honour as well as a

man of discretion and ready wit. The account given by Kinglake of the

conversations in which the Emperor Nicholas disclosed his views, and

was not permitted to hint them merely, makes very dramatic reading. The

Czar persisted in speaking of Turkey as a very sick man, whose affairs

had better be taken out of his hands by his friends before his final

dissolution. Sir Hamilton courteously intimated that England did not

treat her allies in that manner; but Nicholas was not to be put off, and

at a party given by the Grand Duchess Hereditary on February 20, 1853, he

again took Sir Hamilton apart, and in a very gracious and confidential

manner closed his conversation with the words, “I repeat to you that the

sick man is dying, and we can never allow such an event to take us by

surprise. We must come to some understanding.”

The next day he explained how the partition should in his opinion

be made. Servia and Bulgaria should be independent states under his

protection. England should have Egypt and Candia. He had already made

it clear that he should expect us to pledge ourselves not to occupy

Constantinople, though he could not himself give us a like undertaking.

“As I did not wish,” writes Sir Hamilton Seymour, “that the Emperor

should imagine that an English public servant was caught by this sort

of overture, I simply answered that I had always understood that the

English views upon Egypt did not go beyond the point of securing a safe

and ready communication between British India and the mother country.

‘Well,’ said the Emperor, ‘induce your Government to write again upon

these subjects, to write more fully, and to do so without hesitation. I

have confidence in the English Government. It is not an engagement, a

convention, which I ask of them; it is a free interchange of ideas, and

in case of need the word of a “gentleman”—that is enough between us.’”

In reply, our Government disclaimed all idea of aiming at any of the

Sultan’s possessions, or considering the Ottoman Empire ready to fall to

bits; and while accepting the Emperor’s word that he would not himself

grab any part of it, refused most decisively to enter on any secret

understanding.

All through 1853 these parleyings were kept secret, and in the meantime

the Czar had failed in his rôle of tempter. In the interval the Sultan,

who perhaps had gained some inkling of what was going on, suddenly

yielded to Austria’s demand that he should withdraw certain troops that

had been harassing Montenegro, and thereby rousing the Czar’s religious

zeal on behalf of his co-religionists in that province. Everything for

the moment lulled his previous intention of a war against Turkey.

But the Emperor Louis Napoleon had in cold blood been driving a wedge

into the peace of the world by reviving a treaty of 1740, which had given

to Latin monks a key to the chief door of the Church of Bethlehem, as

well as the keys to the two doors of the Sacred Manger, and also the

right to place a silver star adorned with the arms of France in the

Sanctuary of the Nativity. That the Churches should fight for the key to

the supposed birthplace of the Prince of Peace is indeed grotesque. But

the old temple had in His day become a den of thieves; and even the new

temple, built through His own loving sacrifice, is ever being put to uses

that are childish and greedy.

It is not difficult to understand that, by means of this treaty,

awakening the vanity and greed that cloak themselves under more decent

feelings in such rivalries, Louis Napoleon made his profit for the

moment out of the powers of evil.

The Czar’s jealousy for his own empire’s Greek version of the faith made

the triumph of this treaty wormwood to him and to his people. “To the

indignation,” Count Nesselrode writes, “of the whole people following the

Greek ritual, the key of the Church of Bethlehem has been made over to

the Latins, so as publicly to demonstrate their religious supremacy in

the East.” ...

“A crowd of monks with bare foreheads,” says Kinglake, “stood

quarrelling for a key at the sunny gates of a church in

Palestine, but beyond and above, towering high in the misty

North, men saw the ambition of the Czars.”

The Czars did not stand alone: “some fifty millions of men in Russia held

one creed, and they held it too with the earnestness of which Western

Europe used to have experience in earlier times.... They knew that in the

Turkish dominions there were ten or fourteen millions of men holding

exactly the same faith as themselves ... they had heard tales of the

sufferings of these their brethren which seemed,” they blindly thought,

“to call for vengeance.”

Nicholas himself was a fanatic on such questions, and the end of it

was that his rage hoodwinked his conscience, and he stole a march upon

England and France, which destroyed their trust in his honour. He had

already gathered troops in the south, to say nothing of a fleet in the

Euxine; and having determined on an embassy to Constantinople, he chose

Mentschikoff as his messenger, a man who was said to hate the Turks and

dislike the English, and who, according to Kinglake, was a wit rather

than a diplomat or a soldier. Advancing with much of the pomp of war, and

disregarding much of the etiquette of peace, his arrival and behaviour

caused such a panic in the Turkish capital that Colonel Rose was besought

to take an English fleet to the protection of the Ottoman Empire.

Colonel Rose’s friendly willingness, though afterwards cancelled by our

Home Government, at once quieted the terror in Constantinople; but the

Emperor of the French cast oil upon the smouldering flame by sending a

fleet to Salamis. This greatly angered Nicholas, and, although he was

pleased to find England disapproved of what France had done, Mentschikoff

offered a secret treaty to Turkey, with ships and men, if she ever needed

help, and asked in return for complete control of the Greek Church. This

broke all his promises to the Western Powers, and England at once was

made aware of it by the Turkish minister.

Prince Mentschikoff meanwhile drew to himself an army, and the English

Vice-consul at Galatz reported that in Bessarabia preparations were

already made for the passage of 120,000 men, while battalions from all

directions were making southward—the fleet was even then at Sebastopol.

[Illustration: Florence Nightingale.

(_From the painting in the National Portrait Gallery by Augustus Egg,

R.A._)]

The double-dealing of Russia was met by a gradual and tacit alliance

between England and the Sultan; and Lord Aberdeen, whose love of peace

has been described by one historian as “passionate” and “fanatical,” was

unknowingly tying his own hands by the advice he gave in his despatches

when consulted by Turkey. Moreover, in Turkey, our ambassador, Lord

Stratford de Redcliffe, stiffened the back of Ottoman resistance against

the Czar’s wily handling of “the sick man.” Lord Stratford’s tact and

force of character had moulded all to his will, and our admiral at Malta

was told to obey any directions he received from him. Our fleets were

ordered into the neighbourhood of the Dardanelles, and Lord Stratford

held his watch at Therapia against the gathering wrath of the Czar. Only

a very little kindling touch was needed to light the fires of a terrible

conflict in Europe.

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