Palgrave, relates to the delivery into the King's Treasury of five
volumes, consisting of a Bible, a copy of the Book of Chronicles, a
treatise, De conceptione Beatae Mariae, a compendium of theology, and a
volume entitled Libellus de emendatione vitae. But in the following
year these manuscripts were given to the monastery at Sheen. In 1426 a
book described as Egesippus, another as Liber de observantia Papa, were
borrowed from the library in the Treasury by Cardinal Beaufort, and
there are subsequent notices of the return and re-loan of the same
volumes to the same borrower. It is interesting to note that a
manuscript called Hegesippus De Bello Judaico, etc., still in the Royal
library, is ascribed by Casley to the eleventh century, and may be
identified with the former of these two books.
In the following years entries occur of works on Civil Law, and of some
others being lent to the Master of King's College, Cambridge, and of
their subsequent presentation to that house, with the assent of the
Lords of the Council.
In the Wardrobe accounts of Edward IV. (Royal MS. 14, C 8), there are
entries relating to "the coveryng and garnyshing of the bookes of oure
saide Souverain Lorde the Kinge," which mark his possession in 1480 of
certain choice MSS., and the same document shows that these were bound
by Piers Bauduyn for the king. Among them were a Froissart, the
binding, gilding, and dressing of which cost 20S., and a Biblia
Historians (now marked 19 D 2 in the Royal library), bound and
ornamented for the same sum. On a fly-leaf is an inscription recording
its purchase for 100 marks by William de Montacute, Earl of Salisbury,
after the battle of Poitiers. It had been taken as loot among the
baggage of the French king. On his death in 1397, the Earl of Salisbury
bequeathed it to his wife, who, in her will, ordered that it should be
sold for forty livres.
When the king went from London to Eltham his books went with him, and
some were put into "divers cofyns of fyrre," and others into his
carriage. They were bound in "figured cramoisie velvet, with rich laces
and tassels, with buttons of silk and gold, and with clasps bearing the
king's arms." The only reference to books in the will of Edward IV. is
in regard to such as appertained "to oure chapell," which he bequeathed
to his queen, such only being excepted "as we shall hereafter dispose
to goo to oure saide Collage of Wyndesore."*
* Add. MS., Transcript by Rymer, No. 4615.
Henry VII. stands between the Middle Ages and modern times, but his
additions to the Royal library consisted chiefly of Renaissance
literature. Notwithstanding his parsimony in most matters, his Privy
Purse Expenses contain a remarkable series of entries of payments for
books, for copying manuscripts, and for binding them. On one occasion
the sum of 23 pounds was spent on a single book, and there is an item
of 2 pounds paid to a clerk for copying The Amity of Flanders. He
bought a great number of romances in French as well as the grand series
of volumes printed on vellum by the famous Antoine Verard. Bacon
describes Henry VII. as "a prince, sad, serious, and full of thoughts
and secret observations, and full of notes and memorials of his own
hand . . . rather studious than learned, reading most books that were
of any worth, in the French tongue. Yet he understood the Latin."*
* Life and Rein of Henry VII, i., 637.
He had also a taste for finely illuminated books of devotion, and
presented a beautiful Missal to his daughter Margaret, Queen of Scots,
in which he inscribed his own name in enormous letters several times.
This book is now in the possession of the Duke of Devonshire. In the
Royal collection is another Missal which belonged to the same king,
written in a late Gothic hand.
Henry VII. was careful to have his children well instructed, and his
second son, being intended for the Church, received an education
fitting him for an ecclesiastical career. In his youth Henry VIII.
displayed considerable literary talent, posed as a patron of scholars,
and smiled benignly on such geniuses as Erasmus, More, Linacre, and
Grocyn; but in after years he was more keen to destroy other peoples'
libraries than to build up his own. The accounts of his Privy Purse
Expenses contain few entries of disbursements for books, and to take
one short period as a specimen, we find that the whole sum spent on his
library between 1530 and 1532, including not merely all moneys paid for
binding, but also an indefinite amount "to the taylour and skynner for
certeyn stuff, and workmanship for my lady Anne," was only 124 pounds,
16s. 3d. These figures become still more insignificant if we compare
them with those representing the money spent during the same period for
jewels alone, exclusive of plate, which amounted to the prodigious sum
of 10,800 pounds.
But although Henry VIII. did not buy books extensively, he sometimes
borrowed them, and several entries chronicle the lending of books to
him by monastic and other libraries, when he was pestering Christendom
for arguments in favour of his divorce from Katharine of Arragon.
Nevertheless, in spite of adverse circumstances, the Royal library had
been steadily growing in the course of ages, and had by this time
assumed notable proportions. Henry VIII. found himself the possessor of
a collection of books at Windsor, comprising 109 volumes in bindings of
velvet and leather, with silver and jewelled clasps; of another at
Westminster, consisting of Latin primers, some richly ornamented, of a
few Greek authors, Latin classics, and English chronicles, "bokes
written in tholde Saxon tongue." He had another library at Beaulieu
(now New Hall) in Essex, with about 60 volumes of Latin authors,
besides works of the Fathers, dictionaries, and histories. At
Beddington in Surrey he had many chronicles and romances, and "a greate
boke of parchment written and lymned with gold of graver's work--De
Confessione Amantis, which may be identified as the MS., now marked 18
C 22, in the Royal library. At Richmond was a small collection made by
his father, consisting chiefly of missals and romances. At St. James's
Palace were, among others, works described vaguely as "a boke of
parchment containing divers patterns; a white boke written on
parchment; one boke covered with green velvet contained in a wooden
case; a little boke covered with crimson velvet," and so on, a curious
method of cataloguing and utterly useless for the purpose of
identification after so long an interval. Here and there a distinctive
title occurs, such as the Foundation Book of Henry VIIth's Chapel.
All these different small collections together represented the Royal
library in the early part of the sixteenth century. Henry VIII. had the
greater number of the books removed to Greenwich, where there were
already some printed volumes and a few manuscripts. That part which
remained at Westminster was enriched with some of the spoils of the
monasteries, placed there perhaps by Leland to save them from
destruction.* Among these was a Latin Evangelia of the eleventh century
(1 D 3), which belonged to the monks of Rochester, and which had been
given to them by a certain Countess Goda, according to an inscription
in the book itself. From Christ Church, Canterbury, came a fine copy of
the gospels (1 A 1 8), presented to that monastery by King Athelstan,
and from St. Alban's several choice historical and theological works
from the pen of Matthew Paris.
* Edward's Memoirs of Libraries, i., 364 et seq.
It is a question whether the attention bestowed on the Royal library
during the reign of Edward VI. was an advantage to it or the reverse.
It is true that the energy of Sir John Cheke, and Roger Ascham, King's
librarian, secured for it the manuscripts that had belonged to Martin
Bucer; but on the other hand, the rabid intolerance of Edward's Council
deprived it of many of its valuable contents. On the 25th January 1550,
a so-called king's letter, sent from the Council Board, authorised
certain commissioners to make a descent upon all public and private
libraries, and to "cull out all superstitious books, as missals,
legends, and such like, and to deliver the garniture of the books,
being either gold or silver, to Sir Anthony Aucher.* The havoc thus
wrought was irremediable, and not even the king's own library was
spared the terrible perquisitions. But at the same time we cannot but
marvel that still so many of the condemned books should have escaped
the notice of the commissioners. In the same year the libraries at
Oxford were also "purged of a great part of Fathers and Schoolmen," and
great heaps of books set on fire in the market-place were watched with
delight by the younger members of the university, who named the
conflagration "Scotus's funeral."
* Council Book of Edward VI.
The short and troubled reign of Mary afforded no scope for literary
activity, and Elizabeth was far too busy outwitting her enemies abroad,
and controlling the factious tendencies of her friends at home, to be
able to cultivate her taste for books. Nevertheless, although in the
course of a hundred years the Royal library had suffered as much as it
had gained, it was even then a goodly sight. Paul Hentzner, the German
literary tourist, who visited it in 1598, says that it was "well stored
with Greek, Latin, and French books, bound in velvet of different
colours, although chiefly red, with clasps of gold and silver, the
corners of some being otherwise adorned with gold and precious
stones."* Perhaps the custodians vouchsafed him but a glance at these
outer splendours, for he tells us nothing of the treasures within, of
which all this magnificence was only the antechamber.
* P. Hentzner, Itnerarium Germaniae, Angliae, etc., p. 188.
But the golden age of the Royal library was in the reign of James I.,
and its greatest benefactor a youth who died at the age of eighteen. It
were idle to speculate on what might have been the future of Henry,
Prince of Wales, had he lived to fulfil the bright promise of his
boyhood. To a singularly well-balanced mind, he appears to have joined
an amiability of character that endeared him to all save the crotchety
doctrinaire who sat upon the throne. He loved hunting and hawking and
all healthy open-air pursuits no less than he loved books, and the
society of men, who were the history-makers of his day. He would visit
Sir Walter Raleigh in his prison in the Tower, and listen to his
brilliant projects for the future greatness of England in the
development of her colonies, and the annexation of still barbarous
lands, the fabulous wealth of which was the life-long dream of the
veteran explorer.
But Raleigh was not a mere dreamer, as his History of the World
shows--a work which, written during his long years of captivity, became
the text-book and standard authority for the next two hundred years.
Whatever his faults, and he had perhaps grave ones, it was his
misfortune to be in some ways in advance of the age in which he lived,
in consequence of which his finer qualities were misunderstood by most
of his contemporaries. Prince Henry was not, however, among their
number; he lent a fascinated ear to Raleigh's grand, patriotic schemes,
and had they both lived, the one to reign, the other to counsel and
guide, England might not only have been spared the most disgraceful
blot on her escutcheon, but have anticipated by more than two hundred
years her subsequent achievements. It was without doubt Sir Walter
Raleigh who inspired the young prince to take the Royal library under
his protection, and his pupil threw himself heart and soul into the
work, so that rightly or wrongly he has been considered its real
founder.
On the death of John, Lord Lumley, Prince Henry secured his fine
collection of MSS., by which means he more than made up for the loss
which the Royal library had sustained by his father's incomprehensible
warrant to Sir Thomas Bodley to choose any of the books in any of his
houses or libraries.*
* Reliquiae Bodleiana, p. 205.
Lord Lumley had not only been a diligent collector himself, but had
inherited a valuable library from his wife's father, Henry Fitzalan,
Earl of Arundel, who had begun to collect at the most propitious moment
for acquiring rare MSS., and had obtained a portion of Archbishop
Cranmer's library. The prince's Privy Purse Expenses have unfortunately
been destroyed, but one single entry of the year 16og, bearing
reference to his books, has survived: "To Mr. Holcock, for writing a
catalogue of the library which his Highness hade of my Lord Lumley, 68
pounds, 13s. 0d." This catalogue has unfortunately disappeared.
Edward Wright, the mathematician, and the learned Patrick Young were
both candidates for the post of librarian, and Wright was appointed
with a salary of 30 pounds a year.
Besides purchasing Lord Lumley's books, the young prince acquired the
entire collection of the erudite Welshman, William Morice, and an
unprecedented stir and activity began to animate the affairs of the
Royal library. Scholars saw in the Prince of Wales their future stay
and protector, and looked forward to his reign as to that of the first
English king in modern times, who would not merely patronise, but also
extend learning by his inherent love of, and zeal for, letters. But
this fair prospect was doomed to fade, even as they were contemplating
it, and the hope of England died in the very midst of all his literary
labours. The books which he had collected were mainly incorporated into
the Royal library, but many were dispersed after his death. Scattered
up and down the country may still be seen volumes in private
collections bearing the tell-tale conjoined names, "Tho.
Cantuariensis--Arundel--Lumley."
James I., aptly styled by Henry IV. of France "the wisest fool in
Christendom," dabbled in books as in most other things, but does not
appear to have succeeded in doing much harm to his library beyond the
suicidal carte blanche to Sir Thomas Bodley. He appointed Patrick Young
to be custodian of the different sections of it distributed throughout
the various royal palaces, and this really great scholar retained the
post till the Revolution.
That part of the collection which was lodged at Richmond went by the
name of Henry VIIth's library, and was shown to Johann Zingerling, a
German scholar who came to England while Patrick Young was librarian.
The only MS. which he singled out for mention was the Genealogia Regum
Anglia, ab Adamo, a roll of the fifteenth century (t4 B 8). The
Richmond collection was removed to Whitehall by Charles I., and the
Genealogia appears in a catalogue made after the Restoration.
The reign of Charles I. is almost barren of events in the Royal
library, save at the very, beginning, for the acquisition of one MS.,
which may, however, be regarded as the piece de resistance of the whole
collection. This was the famous Codex Alexandrinus, one of the three
oldest MSS. of the whole Bible in Greek. Before describing this
venerable codex, it will be well to relate what little is known of its
history. In 1624, Cyril Lucar, Patriarch of Constantinople, formally
presented it to James I., through his ambassador, Sir Thomas Roe.
Writing to Lord Arundel, in December of that year, Roe says: "One book
he (the Patriarch) hath given me to present his Majestie, but not yet
delivered, being the Bible intire, written by the hand of Tecla, the
protomartyr of the Greeks, that lived with St. Paul, which he doth aver
it to be authentical, and the greatest relique of the Greek Church." In
1626, he wrote to the Archbishop of Canterbury: "The Patriarch also,
this New Year's tide, sent me the old Bible formerly presented to his
late Majesty, which he now dedicates to the king, and will send it with
an epistle. What estimation it may be of is above my skill, but he
values it as the greatest antiquity of the Greek Church. The letter is
very fair, a character I have never seen. It is entire, except the
beginning of St. Matthew. He doth testify under his hand that it was
written by the virgin Tecla, daughter of a famous Greek, called Stella
Hatutina, who founded the monastery in Egypt, upon Pharaoh's Tower, a
devout and learned maid, who was persecuted in Asia, and to whom
Gregory Nazianzen hath written many epistles. At the end whereof, under
the same hand, are the epistles of Clement. She died not long after the
Council of Nice. The book is very great, and hath antiquity enough at
sight; I doubt not his Majesty will esteem it for the hand by whom it
is presented."*
* Negotiations of Sir Thomas Roe, London, 1740.
Sir Thomas Roe certainly did not overestimate the value of the
manuscript, and it would be extremely interesting could we trace the
evidence by which it came to be believed that it was written by the
hand of St. Tecla. A note in Arabic at the foot of the first page of
Genesis says that it was "made an inalienable gift to the patriarchal
cell of Alexandria. Whoever shall remove it thence shall be accursed
and cut off. Written by Athanasius the humble."
* "Probably," says Sir Edward Maunde Thomson, "Athanasius, the Melchite
Patriarch, who was still living in 1308." Description of Ancient
Manuscripts in the British Museum.
Before his translation to Constantinople, Cyril Lucar had been
Patriarch of Alexandria, and possibly he himself risked the threatened
curse and excommunication in taking the Bible away with him, though his
deacon asserted that he had obtained it from Mount Athos.
But besides the above-mentioned note there is another also in Arabic,
with a Latin translation at the back of the table of books. This note
says: "Remember that this book was written by the hand of Tecla the
martyr." The tradition is recalled by Cyril Lucar at the beginning of
the manuscript. He states that the name of Tecla was originally to be
found inscribed at the end of the volume, but that when Christianity
practically became extinct in Egypt, the few remaining Christians and
their books were doomed, and for this reason the name was erased,
Tecla's memory and the legend being perpetuated notwithstanding.
Tregelles accounts for the tradition that St. Tecla was the writer of
the MS. by the supposition that the Arabic note was ignorantly added by
some scribe who had observed the name of Tecla written in the now
mutilated margin of the first leaf of the New Testament, which contains
the lesson appointed by the Greek Church for the feast of St. Tecla.
Sir Edward Thompson points out, however, that this would infer that in
the fourteenth century the Gospel of St. Matthew was in its present
mutilated state, and that then as now, the New Testament formed a
separate volume apart from the Old; and he shows that the Arabic
numeration of the leaves, which is of about the same age as the
inscription, is carried continuously through both Testaments, and by a
calculation of the numbers which have not been cut away in trimming the
edges, it appears that the twenty-five leaves which contained the
greater portion of St. Matthew were lost at a later period, the last
leaf of the Old Testament bearing the number 641, and the present first
leaf of the New Testament 667.
Cobet and other experts fixed the date of the two codices, the Codex
Sinaiticus and the Codex Alexandrinus, as not earlier than the fifth or
sixth century, the principal reason for assigning to them so late a
date being the generally accepted theory that uncials were not in use
until vellum had entirely superseded papyrus as the medium for precious
manuscripts. But the latest authority in this department, Mr. F. G.
Kenyon, has thrown light on the whole question of early Christian Greek
MSS., by the discovery of a large uncial round hand on a papyrus dated
Anno Domini 88.* Thus it is quite possible, palaeographically, that the
Codex Vaticanus, which has been hitherto supposed to date from the
fourth century, may be much older, and there is now no conclusive
evidence to prove that the Alexandrinus was not written by St. Tecla,
whatever the probabilities may be to the contrary.
* The Paleography of Greek Papyri, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1899.
The three above-named codices, the Vaticanus, the Sinaiticus, and the
Alexandrinus have certain points in common, but the MS. in the Royal
library is written in double columns, that of the Vatican in triple
columns, and the Codex Sinaiticus, some leaves of which are in the
public library at Leipzig, the main body of the work being in the
imperial library at St. Petersburg, in quadruple columns.
Besides being numerically imperfect, the leaves of the Codex
Alexandrinus have suffered from the clipping of the outer edges by the
binder, and several of its priceless pages have been otherwise spoiled
and mutilated.
The MS. is austere in its simplicity, being totally unadorned, save for
the red ink used in the opening lines of each book, and occasionally in
superscriptions and colophons. The letters are uncials (or capitals)
without break, their form proving that the book was written in Egypt.
Patrick Young was librarian when this celebrated codex was added to the
Royal library, and duly conscious of its value, he did his utmost to
get a facsimile of it printed. But the king could not be induced to
take up the matter. In 1644 Young prevailed on the assembly of divines
to present a petition to the House of Commons, praying "that the said
Bible may be printed, for the benefit of the Church, the advancement of
God's glory, and the honour of the kingdom." A committee was found to
confer with him on the subject, but nothing was done, owing to the
troubled state of the country.
During the Revolution and under the commonwealth the Royal library was
in extreme peril. Hugh Peters, successor to Young, although he belonged
to the iconoclastic faction, practically saved the books, but was
unable to protect the unique collection of medals and coins. After a
few months the custodianship was transferred to Ireton, and ultimately
a permanent librarian was appointed in the person of Bulstrode
Whitelocke, first commissioner of the Great Seal. He accepted the
office from patriotism and reverence for the antiquities which were in
such imminent danger, but he wrote deprecatingly:
"I knew the greatness of the charge, . . . yet being informed of a
design to have some of them (the books) sold, and transferred beyond
sea (which 1 thought would be a disgrace and damage to our nation, and
to all scholars therein), and fearing that in other hands they might be
more subject to embezzling . . . I did accept the trouble of being
library-keeper at St. James's, and therein was much persuaded by Mr.
Selden, who swore that if I did not undertake the charge of them, all
those rare monuments of antiquity, those choice books and MSS. would be
lost, and there were not the like of them except only in the Vatican,
in any other library in Christendom."
At the Restoration, Thomas Rosse was made royal librarian, but his
offices were already so numerous that he was unable to bestow much
attention on the books. Nevertheless, he revived the project of
printing the Alexandrian MS., and urged the king to interest himself in
bringing it about, saying that, although it would cost 200 pounds, it
would "appear glorious in history after your Majesty's death." "Pish,"
replied Charles II., characteristically, "I care not what they say of
me in history when I am dead," and there was an end of the matter till
our own day.
The year 1678 is noteworthy in the annals of the Royal library as the
period at which it acquired the series of valuable MSS. known as the
Theyer collection. They had been bought from Theyer's executors by
Robert Scott, a famous bookseller, who offered them to the king for
6841. He subsequently got them for 560 pounds. Next to the Alexandrian
Codex this is the most important addition to the library in
comparatively modern times. It consisted of 336 volumes, including l00
rare treatises, a whole series of Roger Bacon's works, and the
celebrated autograph collection formerly belonging to Cranmer, and long
mourned as lost. Many of these manuscripts could be traced back to the
library of Llanthony Abbey, having passed into Theyer's possession by
the marriage of one- of his ancestors with a sister of the last prior
of Llanthony. Nearly the whole of the Theyer collection is described in
the Catalogi Librorum Manuscriptorum of 1697, but without the least
hint that it then formed part of the Royal library. The great Richard
Bentley was at that time librarian, and was responsible for the amazing
omission, having prohibited any mention of the Royal library in that
work, his reason perhaps being the disgraceful condition into which the
books had fallen. Bentley was by far the most distinguished of the
royal librarians during any part of its history, and he would, no
doubt, have accomplished wonders if he had not been so outrageous a
pluralist, so busy a scholar, and so pugnacious a litigant. Not only
was he Master of Trinity College, Cambridge, Regius Professor of
Divinity, Rector of Haddington, Rector of Wilburn, and Archdeacon of
Ely, but he was immersed in numberless lawsuits, and in classical
studies which would alone have sufficed to fill the whole life of an
ordinary man. What he, in spite of these multifarous occupations,
attempted to do for the Royal library at least testifies to the
grandeur of his conceptions and the boldness of his schemes. His
failure to place the library within the reach of students was as much
due to the stultifying effects of red-tapeism as to the disorganised
condition of the library itself.
Bentley's first care on taking office was to enforce the Copyright Act,
which, although passed in 1663, had been carelessly ignored. By this
means about 1000 printed books were added to the collection, but no
bindings were provided, or shelves on which to put them. In a famous
controversy with Charles Boyle, who complained that difficulties were
placed in the way of his access to one of the royal manuscripts,
Bentley answered: "I will own that I have often said and lamented that
the library was not fit to be seen," and proceeding to exulpate
himself, he added: "If the room be too mean, and too little for the
books; if it be much out of repair; if the situation be inconvenient;
if the access to it be dishonourable, is the library- keeper to answer
for it?"
A proposal was made, during Bentley's tenure of office, to erect a
suitable building for the books, establishing it by Act of Parliament.
But nothing was done, and in the course of nineteen years the
collection was four times removed. In 1712 it migrated from the much
abused quarters at St. James's to Cotton House, and from thence to
Essex House in 1722. It was next lodged, together with the Cottonian
library at Ashburnham House, and after the disastrous fire in 1731,
from which the Cotton MSS. suffered so severely, it gained with them a
temporary refuge in the old Westminster dormitory.
Bentley resigned his office of librarian in 1724, in favour of his son,
another Richard Bentley; but Casley, who, as deputy custodian, had been
for many years the only working librarian, continued to fill that post.
In 1757, George II. presented the Royal library to the nation, handing
it over by Letters Patent to the custody of the trustees of the British
Museum, and thus its hitherto chequered career was turned into
prosperous channels. All that is henceforth left to desire is a
descriptive catalogue worthy of its unique contents.*
* The Royal Library must not be confused with the King's Library
belonging to George III., and presented to the British Museum by George
IV. The King's Library included, however, a few important MSS. which
had been retained by George II. when he made over the Royal collection
to the nation.
The Greek MSS. in the British Museum are not very numerous, but are
widely renowned. Of those in the Royal library the Codex Alexandrinus
is by far the most interesting, not only as being the one Greek MS. of
the whole Bible in the library, but also as surpassing all the other
existing Greek fragments of the Scriptures in point of antiquity. The
next earliest MS., containing the Books of Ruth, Kings, Esdras, Esther,
and the Maccabees (1 D 2), is of the thirteenth century. The Books of
Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and the Song of Solomon (1 A 15), are of the
fifteenth century. Nearest in antiquity to the Alexandrian Bible in the
British Museum is the Cotton MS. (Titus, C 15), the Codex Clarmontanus,
a purple-dyed fragment of the sixth century, written on vellum of so
subtle and delicate a texture that even experts have sometimes mistaken
it for Egyptian papyrus.
A few words will not be out of place here respecting the writing
materials of the ancients, and their custom of staining leaves of
vellum. Skins of animals were probably one of the most ancient mediums,
as being the most durable. There exists in the British Museum a ritual,
written on white leather, which dates from about the year 2000 B.C. But
the custom of writing on leather is known to have been much older
still. The commonest mode of keeping records in Assyria and Babylonia
was on prepared bricks, tiles, or cylinders of clay, baked after the
inscription had been impressed on them. But a wood-cut of an ancient
sculpture from Konyungik* illustrates scribes in the act of writing
down the number of heads and the amount of spoil taken in battle, on
rolls of leather, which the Egyptians used as early as the eighteenth
dynasty. At the close of the commercial intercourse between Assyria and
Egypt, rolls of leather may have been the only material employed for
writing on. Parchment, so prepared that both sides could be used, was
doubtless the development of this custom, but was a much later
invention. Together with the use of the rough skins, and of the more or
less carefully prepared surfaces of the leather, papyrus became one of
the most frequent vehicles for written words, and was used for some
time after the beginning of the Christian era. Leaves of palm or mallow
led up to the first forms of papyrus used--hence, perhaps, the word
leaf of a book. Bark was next pressed into the service of literature
and, it has often been suggested, possibly gave rise to the word book,
although it seems more likely that book was of runic origin and derived
from the beech-staves--Buch-staben, on which the runes were expressed.
* Nineveh and its Remains, by Sir Henry Layard, ii., 185.
Eventually vellum entirely took the place of papyrus, but papyrus was
used not only in Egypt, but in imperial Rome before vellum became
common, and even biblical manuscripts were written on rolls of this
material. It was, however, too fragile and perishable to remain the
receptacle of writing and illumination intended to last for all time,
and therefore, by the middle of the tenth century A.D. it was
altogether discarded. Only a few tattered fragments of the New
Testament written on papyrus are still extant.
The oldest manuscripts belonging to the Christian era were written on
the thinnest and whitest vellum. The parchment of later times is more
coarsely grained, and less well finished, manuscripts a thousand and
more years old showing no signs of decay or discoloration, unlike many
which date from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Scrivener,
basing his authority on Tischendorf, observes that the Codex Sinaiticus
is made of the finest skins of antelopes, the leaves being so large
that a single animal could furnish but two of them. The Codex Vaticanus
is greatly admired for the beauty of the vellum; and the whiteness of
the Codex Alexandrinus can be seen by all who visit the British Museum,
although the exquisite thinness, softness, and delicacy of the texture
can only be appreciated by touching it. The beautiful fabric of the
Codex Clarmontanus has already been mentioned.
But not only was the vellum finer and more durable in the earliest days
of our era than at a comparatively recent date, but the ink was better,
and the colours used in illuminating were far more beautiful. The
ancients laid on the gold very thickly, and the ink which they prepared
is still black, so that the text can be easily read, while the ink used
in the Middle Ages is now generally of a greyish brown. Red ink is very
ancient, and often seen in early Egyptian papyri. The instrument for
writing on papyrus was the reed growing in the marshes formed by the
Tigris and the Euphrates, and on the banks of the Nile. It was also
used for writing on vellum, but quills, admirably adapted for this kind
of material, came gradually into use with parchment. By degrees the
roll form was abandoned for the codex or book form, as being more
convenient, the leaves being stitched into gatherings or quires; but
for a long time both forms were used together.
It is uncertain when the custom of staining the most precious MSS.
purple came into vogue, but it did not obtain after the tenth century.
St. Jerome and his contemporaries practised it, using letters stamped
rather than written, in silver and gold. Writing in gold ceased to be
common in the thirteenth century, and in silver when the fashion of
staining the vellum died out. The value of a manuscript does not depend
on its purple colour, but this is chiefly interesting as serving to
show one phase of the reverence paid to the Scriptures. It may also
help to fix the date of a MS.*
* Scrivener, A Plain Introduction to the Criticism of the New
Testament, p. 23.
One of the most beautiful specimens of early paleographic art in the
Royal library is the Latin MS. of the gospels, known as the Evangelia
of King Canute (1 D 9). Westwood indeed considers that it will not bear
comparison with the Gospels of Trinity College, Cambridge, though he
admits that it exceeds them in interest owing to the Anglo-Saxon
entries relating to Canute at the beginning of St. Mark's Gospel.*
Wanley has described these entries as a certificate or testimonial of
Canute's reception into the family or society of the Church of Christ
at Canterbury. One leaf bears this inscription: "In the name of our
Lord Jesus Christ. Here is written Canute the King's name. He is our
beloved Lord worldwards, and our spiritual brother Godwards; and
Harold, this King's brother; Thorth, our brother; Kartoca, our brother;
Thuri, our brother." On the next leaf is a charter by the same king,
confirming the privileges of Christ Church, Canterbury. The book was
probably the gift of Canute to the monks of that house. There are no
miniatures, but an illuminated page with a grand border, heavily gilt,
contains small figures of the evangelists in medallions. Written in ink
at the bottom of the illuminated page is the name Lumley, showing that
the MS. formed part of that collection acquired by Prince Henry.
* Facsimiles of the Miniatures and Ornaments of Anglo-Saxon and Irish
MSS.
The Gospels of St. Augustine's Abbey, Canterbury (1 E 6), written in
England in the eighth century, are probably the remains of the
so-called Biblia Gregoriana. But if this codex was really among the
books sent by Pope Gregory to St.
Augustine, it must first have been sent to Rome from England, but
internal evidence points to a much later date. It contains four very
dark-purple or rather rose-coloured stained leaves, with inscriptions
in letters of gold and silver an inch long, the silver being oxidised
by age. It is one of the most precious examples of Anglo-Saxon
caligraphy and illumination now existing. The half-uncial letters of
English type are by different hands, and the miniatures are of
different dates, that of the Lion of St. Mark being probably of the
tenth century. It is also supposed that the missing verses at the
beginning of the gospels were all written on purple-stained vellum, and
that there may have been a miniature of the evangelist before each
gospel. An inscription on the fly-leaf states that it belonged to the
monastery of St. Augustine at Canterbury, and that it formed part of
that library in the fourteenth century.
The fine manuscript, designated 2A 20, is a book of prayers and lessons
on vellum, of the eighth century. It belonged to the Theyer collection,
and several notes are inserted in the handwriting of John Theyer. It is
very much stained and spoiled, the binder, as was so often the piteous
case, having barbarously cut off some of the edges, and with them a
portion of the marginal writing, to the great detriment of the book.
2 A 22 is a magnificent Latin Psalter of the twelfth century, the best
period of penmanship. Sir Edward Thompson draws attention to the fact
that this volume originated at Westminster, as may be inferred by the
prominence given in the calendars and prayers to St. Peter and St.
Edward, even without its identification with an entry in the Abbey
Inventory.* A further proof of this is furnished by the miniatures of
the two saints, one of which begins the series; the other leads up to
the beautiful Salvator Mundi. Between are St. George and St.
Christopher. Instead of being dispersed throughout the book, the
illustrations are all at the beginning and end, indicating by the
colourless faces, and by what for want of a better word may be styled
their Gothic outlines, that they are of English origin. Some of the
capital letters are very interesting. One of these quaintly represents
the Saviour of the world enthroned in glory, on a gold background. His
hand is raised in blessing, while a Benedictine monk, floating on the
wings of prayer, clasps a scroll, one end of which disappears under the
rainbow-hued throne. On the scroll are the words Domine, exandi
orationem mean. At the end of the Psalter are Litanies and other
prayers.
* English Illuminated MSS., pp. 34, 35.
The broad manner in which these illuminations are treated, with foliage
boldly designed, and animals of various kinds disporting themselves
among the branches, is indicative of the period. There is a striking
contrast between this large, bold treatment and the minute style of the
next century, although the period of transition occupied but a few
years. The change began with the development of the initial letter,
which was the starting-point of the border and of the miniature.
The Royal MS. 1 D 1, a Latin Bible of the middle of the thirteenth
century, forms an excellent example of this development. It is written
on fine vellum, and in a perfect style of calligraphy. The paintings
are few if we except those connected with the initial letter, which
serves admirably to illustrate the growth of the border from its
pendants, cusps, and graceful finials, showing how the initial and
miniature came to be combined. Writing about this same MS. Sir Edward
Thompson says: "In the large initial we see the combination of the
miniature with the initial and partial border, a combination which is
typical of book decoration of the thirteenth century. In MSS. of
earlier periods the miniature was a painting which usually occupied a
page, independently of the text . . . or if inserted in the text it was
not connected with the decoration of the page. It was, in fact, an
illustration and nothing more. But now, while the miniature is still
employed in this manner, independently of the text, the miniature
initial also comes into common use, the miniature therein., however,
continuing to hold for some time a subordinate place, as a decoration
rather than as an illustrative feature. In course of time, with the
growth of the border, the two-fold function of the miniature, as a
means of illustration and also of decoration, is satisfied by allowing
it to occupy part or even the whole of a page as an independent
picture, but at the same time, set in the border, which has developed
from the pendent of the initial. This development of the border it is
extremely interesting to follow, and so regular is its growth, and so
remarkable are the national characteristics which it assumes, that the
period and place of origin of an illuminated MS. may often be
accurately determined from the details of its border alone." *
* English Illuminated MSS., p. 37.
The distinguished writer goes on to show that in tracing this
development one sees how the initials first terminate in simple buds or
cusps, and how, in the next stage, characteristic of the thirteenth
century, they put out little branches, the buds growing into leaves and
flowers, and how thus gradually the border comes to surround the whole
page.
The Royal MS. 2 B 3, commonly known as Queen Mary's Psalter, is a good
specimen of fourteenth century art. This is a large octavo volume of
320 leaves of vellum, almost everyone being magnificently illuminated
on both sides, with daintily executed drawings, lightly sketched, and
slightly tinted in green, brown, and violet. One richly-decorated page
represents the Last Judgement. At the top, a miniature within the
border shows forth the judge of all mankind. Angels with green-tipped
wings hover on either side. Before the Saviour as judge kneel the
Blessed Virgin and St. John, and on the other side is a group of monks.
The background is of pure gold. Underneath, enclosed in a blue and
white border, the dead rise to judgment. Angels blow long trumpets and
the graves open. Below this again is a lovely initial, with more
figures on a gold background. The letter begins the words of the Litany
Kyrie eleison. A drawing at the bottom of the page represents Saul
receiving the letter to Damascus for the persecution of the Christians.
This page, as elaborate and glowing with colour as it is rich in design
and fine in execution, is, however, not more striking than many others
in the same manuscript, which may, without too much praise, be
described as a gem of palaeographic art. A note on the last leaf
explains that the MS. was on the point of being carried beyond seas,
when a customs officer, one Baldwin Smith, in the port of London seized
and presented it to the Queen, in October 1553, the first year of her
reign.
The writer does not record whether the hapless owner was indemnified
for his loss. It was probably Queen Mary herself who caused the book to
be bound as we now see it, in the worn crimson velvet binding, with the
remains of large pomegranates embroidered at each corner, pomegranates
being her own badge.
The MS. 2 B 7 is an extremely beautiful piece of workmanship of the
fourteenth century. Its delicate outline drawings, mostly in mauve and
green, are reminiscent of the Guthlac roll. They represent mainly an
illustrated Martyrology of Saints, popular in England. 1 A 18 is the
copy of the Latin Gospels presented to Christ Church, Canterbury, by
King Athelstan, with the name Lumley on the first page of the Eusebian
canons, and Umfridus me fecit on a fly-leaf.
The beautiful French version of the Apocalypse, written in England
about 1330 (19 B R5), contains drawings of great refinement, though
scarcely to be compared with those which adorn Queen Mary's Psalter.
The very large Bible of the end of the fourteenth century measuring
twenty-four by Leventeen inches, is splendidly illuminated and
profusely adorned with miniatures.
But choice and variety are infinite, and to the devout lover of these
things, the Royal library resembles a goldmine with nuggets of immense
value lying in profusion wherever his adventurous footsteps lead him.
If his object be delight he will find that every step leads him there.
VI. THE HARLEIAN COLLECTION OF MANUSCRIPTS
When Robert Harley laid the foundation of his magnificent library in t
7o5, so many collectors were already in the field that the prospect of
getting together any large number of choice manuscripts did not seem
promising. But contrary to expectation, this very fact proved
fortunate, for whereas Cotton had built up his library, book by book,
laboriously, Harley had the advantage of forming his, to a great
extent, by the purchase of other well-known collections, either at the
death of their original owners, or after the manuscripts had passed
through successive hands. Of these larger acquisitions may be mentioned
the library which had belonged to the famous antiquary, Sir Symonds
D'Ewes, Cotton's friend; the greater number of the Graevius MSS.; the
23 bulky volumes of the Baker collection; many of the papers originally
belonging to Nicholas Charles, Lancaster Herald, which, at his death,
Camden had purchased for 690 pounds, and the collection of Stow, the
historian of London.
Charles's library consisted chiefly of epitaphs, drawings of monuments
and arms, and an historical catalogue of the officers of the College of
Arms. Some of these are now at the Herald's College, one of the
manuscripts is in the Lansdowne collection, and the others were bought
by Harley.
On Strype's death in 1737, the majority of the papers, collected by
Foxe the martyrologist, which had been in the annalist's possession,
also passed with others into Harley's hands; they form vols. 416 to
428, and vol. 590 of this collection. Some of Foxe's papers are in the
Lansdowne library.
By means of great exertion and a lavish expenditure, Harley became
within ten years the possessor of about 2500 old MSS., and in 1721 had
collected 6000 volumes, 1400 charters, and 500 rolls, besides about
350,000 pamphlets. His entire library afterwards numbered over 20,000
volumes.
Robert Harley, afterwards Earl of Oxford, was descended from an ancient
family, existing, it is pretended, in Shropshire at the time of the
Norman Conquest, and closely allied to the French family of de Harlai.
He was the eldest son of Sir Edward Harley, member for the county of
Hereford, in the Parliament which restored Charles I I.; was born in
1661, rose to a high position in public affairs, and was created, by
Queen Anne, a peer of the realm by the style and title of Baron
Wigmore, in the county of Hereford, Earl of Oxford, and Mortimer.* Soon
afterwards he was made Lord High Treasurer of Great Britain, and Prime
Minister. He was twice married--first to Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas
Foley of Whitley Court, Worcestershire, by whom he had three
children--a son, Edward, who succeeded him, and two daughters. His
second wife was Sarah, daughter of Simon Middleton, of Hurst Hill,
Edmonton, who survived him some years.
* The Earldom of Mortimer was added, because, although Aubrey de Vere,
twentieth Earl of Oxford had died without leaving male issue in 1702,
it was necessary to guard against possible claimants among remote
descendants of the de Veres.
Swift drew attention to the circumstance that Robert Harley was
educated at Shilton, a private school in Oxfordshire, remarkable for
having produced at the same time a Lord High Treasurer (the Earl of
Oxford), a Lord High Chancellor (Lord Harcourt), a Lord Chief Justice
of the Common Pleas (Lord Trevor), and ten members of the House of
Commons, who were all contemporaries as well at school as in
Parliament. From both his father and grandfather he had inherited a
taste for books, and as Speaker of the House of Commons, had taken
considerable part in organising the Cottonian library when it was
bequeathed to the nation. It was on this occasion that his notice was
first drawn to Humphrey Wanley, who offered some valuable hints in
regard to the arrangement of the Cotton manuscripts, and subsequently
proved himself to be the model of librarians.
Humphrey Wanley was the son of a country parson; he had received a
university education, and had already achieved success and some fame as
a scholar by his catalogue of the Anglo-Saxon MSS., preserved in the
principal libraries of Great Britain. He would gladly have undertaken
the custody of the Cotton library vice Dr. Smith, and wrote to Robert
Nelson, a learned writer and philanthrophist, who apparently possessed
some influence with the government, to solicit his good offices in
procuring him that post. Nelson's answer, interpolated by a remark in
Wanley's beautiful, scholarly hand, is interesting as an illustration
of the rivalry that existed between the two foremost librarians of the
day.
"Were I as able to advise Mr. Wanley as I am desirous to offer what
might be most advantageous for his interest," wrote Nelson, "I should
immediately have answered your last letter which requires some queries
to be resolved before I can well determine how you ought to proceed.
For if there is any friendship between you and the Dr. [Smith] it will
give a different aspect to your endeavours to supplant him."
Here there is a mark in the original letter referring to a note written
across the margin by Wanley as follows:
"This is about the Cottonian Library, the custody whereof I did then,
and many years after, most ardently desire. As to friendship between
Dr. Thomas Smith [here meant] and me there was but little, his
conversation being not suitable to mine, by reason of his jealousies
and peevishness extreme. I always allowed the Doctor's pretensions to
be much better grounded than mine; but if he, being a non-juror, could
not swear to the Queen's government, or being much in years should
happen to decease, as he did after some time, I desired that employment
when the trustees should please to regulate that noble collection.
"Otherwise," continues Nelson, "I can see no reason why a man that is
qualified for an employment may not fairly offer himself as a candidate
for it, without injury to others that may pretend to it, and if you
should want success, it no way diminishes those qualifications you were
endowed with, for the discharge of the employment. If the Sir Robert
Cotton you mention be of the Post Office, I believe I can find a way of
applying to him,--I am your faithful friend and servant, Wanley's
ardent desire was not destined to be satisfied, but a still more
honourable position was in store for the distinguished scholar and man
of letters, for he not only became ultimately custodian of the Harleian
manuscripts, but as we shall presently see, he deserved by his zeal,
learning, and discrimination to be considered together with Lord
Oxford, the joint-founder of the Harleian library.
"Nelson.
"2nd October 1702."
Thus, it was entirely owing to Wanley that the D'Ewes collection,
purchased for 6000 pounds, was secured by Sir Robert Harley, and it
formed the basis of what is now one of our greatest national
collections of manuscripts. The acquisition of this celebrated library
was the determining point in Wanley's career and in that of the
Harleian library itself.
Sir Symonds D'Ewes, the antiquary, had by his will left all his books
and manuscripts to his grandson, another Sir Symonds, but without
antiquarian or literary tastes. Wanley, having discovered that
although, according to the antiquary's will, his collection might not
be dispersed, it might still possibly be bought, wrote to Harley and
suggested that he should be the purchaser:
"Sir Symonds D'Ewes, being pleased to honour me with a peculiar
kindness of esteem, I have taken the liberty of inquiring of him
whether he will part with his library; and I find that he is not
unwilling to do so, and that at a much easier rate than I could think
for. I dare say that it would be a noble addition to the Cotton
Library; perhaps the best that could be had anywhere at present . . . .
If your Honour should judge it impracticable to persuade Her Majesty to
buy them for the Cotton Library--in whose coffers such a sum as will
buy them is scarcely conceivable--then Sir, if you have a mind of them
yourself, I will take care that you shall have them cheaper than any
other person whatsoever. I know that many have their eyes on this
collection. I am desirous to have this collection in town for the
public good, and rather in a public place than in private hands, but of
all private gentlemen's studies first in yours. I have not spoken to
anybody as yet, nor will not till I have your answer, that you may not
be forestalled."
The D'Ewes collection was a curiously miscellaneous one, containing
much trivial matter side by side with learned treatises, transcripts of
important cartularies, monastic registers, public and private muniments
of the most varied description. A list of them is to be found in the
Harleian MS. 775. No subject seems to have been void of interest for
the great antiquary: he treasured up his school exercises as carefully
as he did any ancient Greek or Roman charter, or mediaeval paleographic
gem.
With the purchase of this rich medley of books begins Wanley's term of
office as librarian to Lord Oxford, which continued till his death in
1726. By his knowledge and literary acumen the librarian supplied what
was lacking in his patron, for like Sir Robert Cotton, Harley, despite
his love of books, was by no means a scholar or man of letters. Even
the insignificant pamphlets, once ascribed to his pen, have since been
proved to be the work of others. His verses, some of which were printed
in the sixteenth volume of Swift's works, were condemned by Macaulay as
being "more execrable than the bellman's." But with Wanley at his side
he surpassed even Cotton as a collector, for the librarian possessed an
intimate acquaintanceship with the contents of every foreign library of
note, and Harley was always ready to spend in princely fashion whenever
Wanley considered that a manuscript was worth buying. On the sumptuous
bindings with which he adorned these acquisitions he expended as much
as 18,000 pounds. His principal binders were Thomas Elliott and
Christopher Chapman, of Duck Lane, who called forth some severe remarks
in Wanley's Diary, on the subject of their negligence and extravagant
prices. On inspecting Mr. Elliott's bill he finds him "exceeding dear
in all the works of Morocco, Turkey, and Russia leather, besides those
of velvet," and he is constantly reprimanding both book-binders for
their "negligence in executing my Lord's work."
Perhaps the best-merited praise that has ever been bestowed on the
founder of this celebrated library is Macaulay's tribute to his
"sincere kindness for men of genius." And, however much the first Earl
of Oxford may have transgressed politically (he is accused of having
been unscrupulous, weak, and incapable as a minister), his services to
literature in the protection which he accorded to the learned, have won
for him a high place in the estimation of his countrymen. Even as a
politician he acquired some literary fame, as being the first minister
who employed the Press for ministerial purposes; and it redounds to his
honour that, amid the cares and passions of public life, and aims more
or less worthy of a statesman, he occupied his scanty leisure with the
altogether laudable endeavour to gather together under his own roof for
the benefit of students and scholars as much as possible of the lore
and erudition of past ages.
The correspondence between Harley and Defoe, preserved at Welbeck
Abbey, and now published by the Historical MSS. Commission, reveals the
intimate relations which existed for public purposes between these two
remarkable men.
Of Edward, second Earl of Oxford, much praise and very little blame
have been recorded. He has been quaintly described as " indeed rich but
thankful, charitable without ostentation, and that in so good-natured a
way as never to give pain to the person whom he obliged in that
respect." He was, in truth, indolent and extravagant, faults which did
not, however, detract from his popularity. He was the prey of
adventurers, and the providence of impecunious poets such as Pope and
Swift. All the literati of the day were allowed access to his library.
Oldys drew therefrom the materials for his Life of Sir Walter Raleigh;
Joseph Ames and Samuel Palmer had recourse to it in their black-letter
studies. Pope was his adored friend and kept up a lively correspondence
with him; Swift was always welcome at his table. He had many tastes, of
which book-collecting was not the least expensive, and of the fortune
of 500,000 pounds which his wife brought him, the greater part is said
to have been sacrificed to "indolence, good-nature, and want of worldly
wisdom."
In 1740 he was obliged to sell his estate of Wimpole, in order to clear
off a debt of 100,000 pounds, a sacrifice which failed to appease his
creditors, and a prey to carking care, he found the downward path from
conviviality to inebriety a rapid one.
It was during the lifetime of the second Lord Oxford that the Rev.
Thomas Baker bequeathed his works in manuscript to the Harleian
library. A memorandum prefixed to these papers states that, in
consideration of one guinea (to satisfy
an original copy of Baston's verses on the battle of Bannockburn; a
fine one of the Chronicle of Mailros; the Life of King David, written
by the Abbot of Rievaulx; copies of charters between Scottish and
French kings; and transcripts overlooked by Rymer and John Harding
touching the lordship of England over Scotland. A contemporaneous
document relates to the marriage of Mary Queen of Scots to the Dauphin,
and there are various letters from the same queen. We also notice Papal
Bulls, enjoining the Scottish bishops to render obedience to the
Archbishop of York as their metropolitan, and the king's recognition of
that archbishop's rights; besides many other important papers too
numerous to mention. Wales and Ireland are also well represented.
But like the Cottonian, the Harleian library spread its borders far
beyond the limits of British history. As early as 1697 it had been
Wanley's opinion that it would conduce very much to the welfare of
learning in this country if some fit person or persons were sent abroad
to make it their business to visit the libraries of France, Italy, and
Germany, and to give a good account of the most valued manuscripts in
them. "The Papists," he adds in his memorandum to this effect, "are
communicative enough, for love or money, of any book that does not
immediately concern their controversies with Protestants,"* a somewhat
cryptic utterance which Wanley does not concern himself to explain,
controversy not being one of the sciences to which his attention was
turned. But his letter of instructions to Mr. Andrew Hay, who was
commissioned by Lord Oxford 1720 to proceed to France and Italy in
order to purchase MSS. for him, shows such an intimate knowledge of the
contents of the great continental libraries, that long as it is we
cannot forbear transcribing the whole:--
"Mr. Andrew Hay, you being upon your departure towards France and Italy
by my noble Lord's order, I give you this commission, not now expecting
that you can execute every part of it in this journey, but yet hoping
that you will dispatch those articles which are of the greatest
importance, and put the others into a proper posture against the time
of your next return thither.
*Marl. MS., Harl. M.S., vol. 5911, f. 2.
"In Paris Fr. Bernard Montfaucon has some Coptic, Syriac, and other
MSS. worth the buying. Among them is an old leaf of the Greek
Septuagint, written in uncial or capital letters. Buy these and the
leaden book he gave to Cardinal Bouillon if he can procure it for you
or direct you to it. In the archives of the Cistercian monastery of
Clervaulx, I am told there are some original letters or epistles
written by the hand of St. Hierome upon phylira or bark. One or more of
these will be acceptable if not too outrageously valued. The Duke of
Savoy has many Greek MSS., as also the Egyptian board or table of Isis,
adorned with hieroglyphics, being those which have been explained by
Pignorius, Richerus, etc. Let me have some account of these.
"At Venice buy a set of the Greek liturgical books printed there--I
mean a set of the first edition if they may be had; if not let us have
the other. Buy also Thomassini Bibliothecae Venetae in 40. Get a
catalogue of Mr. Smith's MSS. there, and inquire how matters go about
Giustiniani's Greek MSS. In the bookseller's shops, etc., you may
frequently pick up Greek MSS., which the Greeks bring from the Morea
and other parts of the Levant. Remember to get the fragments of Greek
MSS. you left with the bookseller who bought Maffeo's library. The
family of Moscardi at Verona have many valuable antiquities, and among
the rest four instruments of the Emperor Theodosius, junior [now
imperfect] written upon phylira. These must be bought, and especial
care taken of them, etc. The first begins 'dem relectis'; the second
'ius vir in ast'; the third 'ius vir in'; the fourth 'ni Siciliensis.'
At Florence, the Dominicans or Franciscans have a large collection of
Greek MSS. You may see them and get a catalogue of them if you can. Buy
Ernstius or some other catalogue of the Grand Duke's MSS.
"At Milan in the Ambrosian Library is a very ancient Catullus, part of
Josephus in Latin, written upon bark; a Samaritan Pentateuch in octavo,
part of the Syriac Bible in the ancient or Estrangele characters;
divers Greek MSS. in capital letters, being parts of the Bible, with
other books of great antiquity, both Greek and Latin. You may look upon
them and send me some account.
"At Monza [about ten miles from Milan] is an imperfect Antiphonarium
Gregorii Papae. It is all written upon purplecoloured parchment, with
capital letters of gold. Buy this if you can.
"The family of Septata at Milan have a Latin writing upon bark. Buy
this if it will be parted with.
"In the archives of the Church of Ravenna are divers instruments
written upon bark. You may see them.
"At Rome the Greek monks of St. Basil have very many old Greek MSS.
written in capitals, particularly a book of the four Gospels, and some
pieces of St. Gregory Nazianzen upon St. Paul's Epistles. Buy as many
as you can, for I hear they are poor, and therefore, they may sell the
cheaper. They have likewise a Greek charter of Roger, King of Sicily,
in five pieces, with some other instruments in Greek, written upon bark
or vellum. Buy these also if you can.
"The Fathers of the Oratory at Rome have many very ancient MSS., both
Greek and Latin. See them at least, even supposing that they will not
sell. In the Cathedral library at Pisa are many ancient MSS. Let me
have some account of these also.
"The monks of Bovio, near, if not in Pavia, have many very ancient
MSS., and among the rest a book of the Gospels in Latin, wherein St.
Luke is written Lucanus. They have many old deeds in their archives.
Buy what you can.
"At Cava [about a day's journey from Naples], is a Benedictine
monastery. In the archives or treasury is a Greek deed of Roger, King
of Sicily, with his golden seal appendant. Buy this if you can. In the
library are some old MSS.; see these at least, if you cannot buy.
"At Naples, in the library of the Augustin Friars of St. John de
Carbonara is a Greek MS. of the Gospels [or of homilies upon the
Gospels] all written in capitals, with letters of gold upon purple
parchment. This must be bought. There is also a Dioscorides in Greek
capitals, being a large work with figures of the planets, etc. This
must also be bought. There is also a good number of other ancient MSS.,
both Greek and Latin. Among the latter is an Hieronimus de Scriptoribus
Ecclesiasticis, in Saxon letters, and the Gospels in Latin, where St.
Luke is called Lucanus. Buy of these what you can.
"If the Greek MSS. of the monastery of St. Saviour, near Messina in
Sicily, or any of them do remain there yet, or in that neighbourhood,
as it is probable they may, they will doubtless come exceeding cheap.
You will inquire, however, how this matter stands.
"Pray Sir, all along in your journey endeavour to secure what Greek
MSS. and Latin classical MSS. you can, provided they come at reasonable
prices, and let me be favoured with an account of your proceedings as
often as may be convenient."
And he adds:
"Mr. Hay, in executing this commission, my noble Lord cannot give you
positive directions how to bid upon every occasion, by reason of this
his great distance from those parts, and must therefore rely upon your
fidelity, your prudence, your usual dexterity in business, and your
personal affection to him. You will be sure always to buy as cheap as
you can, for I foresee that some of the things his Lordship chiefly
wants or is desirous of, will not come for a small matter. In most of
the monasteries you will be able to buy for ready money; but it may be
at a cheaper rate with the Greek monks at St. Basil's monastery at
Rome, whose MSS. are good, and themselves in want.
"I beseech God to bless and prosper you all along in this so long a
journey, and to bring you back again with safety and good success; and
you may be sure that you will be more welcome to but very few than to,
good Sir, your very hearty well-wisher and most humble servant,
"Humphrey Wanly.
"26th April 1720."*
* Printed in the Preface to the Catalogue of the Harleian MSS.
Mr. Hay's expedition was not entirely successful. Some of the
manuscripts mentioned in the above letter, which Wanley insisted "must
be bought," are clearly not in the Harleian collection, and notably the
Greek and Latin MSS. written in letters of gold upon purple parchment.
For this library contains among its choicest treasures no manuscript
entirely written upon purple vellum, the Codex Aureus being only
partially thus stained. As we have already seen, during the early ages
of Christianity, the Greeks and Romans were in the habit of writing
their most precious books in letters of gold and silver on
purple-stained vellum, that colour being the distinguishing sign of
royalty and greatness. Purple was only worn by princes, and in this
manner of distinguishing the Scriptures was shown the high degree of
reverence in which they were held. The practice was continued during
the fifth and three following centuries, although it was so little
known in England that when, towards the end of the seventh century, St.
Wilfrid, Archbishop of York, gave a copy of the Gospels ornamented in
this manner to York Minster, his biographer described the book as a
thing almost miraculous. Manuscripts entirely composed of leaves of
purple vellum are of the greatest rarity, and many are described by
palaeographers as purple-stained when they are only partially so. The
age of a manuscript may sometimes be determined among other
characteristics by the fineness and whiteness of the vellum, and
sometimes by its purple colour. The MSS. numbered 2788, 2820, and 2821
in the Harleian library are described by Astle as purple-stained,
whereas they are only thus painted in places intended to receive the
golden letters. Frequently, only the most important parts, such as the
title-pages, prefaces, or a few pages at the beginning of each gospel
or the Canon of the Mass, were written on vellum which had been
prepared in this manner.
Wanley, as may be seen from the foregoing letter, added to his
knowledge of manuscripts a certain fondness for driving a bargain. He
was extremely desirous of obtaining the treasures which he describes so
accurately, but he was almost as much bent on getting them cheap as on
getting them at all. This may have been the result of solicitude for
his patron's pocket, for Lord Oxford was ruining himself to enrich his
library; but at all events in this matter nature and grace seem to have
gone amicably hand in hand. Wanley's only comment on the death of the
Earl of Sunderland in 1722 is to the effect that it will make rare old
books more accessible from the fact of their being less in demand, " so
that any gentleman may be permitted to buy an uncommon old book for
less than forty or fifty pounds."
Number 2788 is the wonderful Codex Aureus or Golden Gospels. Its
acquisition by Lord Oxford is chronicled in Wanley's Diary in the year
1720. On the 14th May he wrote:
"Yesterday Mr. Vaillant (a bookseller) brought me a specimen of the
characters of that Latin MS. of the Gospels, which is to be sold at the
approaching auction of Menare's books at the Hague. These characters
are all uncials, gilded over with gold, and appear to be formed in very
elegant manner. Among them I observe A, G, V, M and E so shaped, which
is not commonly seen in the body or text of old MSS., although frequent
in the title or Rubrics. In my opinion this most ancient and valuable
book should be purchased at any rate."
Lord Oxford gave orders for the Golden Manuscript to be secured, and
commissioned Mr. Vaillant to buy it with all secrecy and prudence.
There are several entries in Wanley's Diary concerning the negotiations
for this purchase, and on the 27th June all was brought to a happy
conclusion.
"This day the Codex Aureus Latinus was cleared out of the king's
warehouse, and delivered into my custody." On the 29th its solemn entry
into the Harleian library is recorded, and on the 13th July of the
following year, we find that "Mr. Elliot, having clothed the Codex
Aureus in my Lord's morocco leather, took the same home this day, in
order to work upon it with his best tools, which he can do with much
more conveniency at his own house than here." Wanley makes a note of
this circumstance because of his "speedy journey to Oxford in case any
ill accident should happen."
This celebrated MS. is written throughout in gold letters upon vellum,
with the exception of the first lines of chapters in the Gospels and
the first lines of the subsidiary articles, which are in red ink. The
paintings of the four evangelists are extremely interesting, and the
title-pages are stained purple. This codex is described by Sir Edward
Maunde Thompson as French, of the time of Charlemagne, and we may add
that its position in the Harleian may be compared to that of the Durham
or Lindisfarne Gospels in the Cottonian library.
The manuscripts numbered 2820 and 2821 are further examples of
partially purple-stained vellum, in imitation of earlier work. They are
of German workmanship of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The
execution of the miniatures is condemned by Sir Edward Thompson as
"very rude" and "hard," but with all deference to so great an authority
we must put in a plea for them, on the score of their extreme naivete
and candour.
A mediaeval roll of immense interest, one of the greatest treasures of
this collection, consists of a series of beautiful outline drawings,
known as the Guthlac Roll, representing scenes from the life of St.
Guthlac. These drawings, which are of the twelfth century, are
contained in eighteen rondeaux, intended, perhaps, as a design for a
stained-glass window in honour of the saint at Croyland. They quaintly
describe, in exquisite delicacy of form and colour, how the young
Guthlac, after taking leave of his parents, renounces the profession of
arms, and receives the tonsure at the hands of Bishop Hedda. Then,
sailing away in a boat to Croyland, he builds an oratory with the help
of two companions, Becelin and Tatwin, and an angel converses with him.
No sooner is he launched on his new career of prayer, good works, and
bodily mortification, than demons assail him, carry him to the roof of
his oratory, and scourge him with knotted cords. But he scares them
away with the white scourge given to him by St. Bartholomew. He is then
ordained priest, instructs Ethelbald in the Christian religion, and
prophecies that he will be king. The last six rondeaux show forth the
death of Guthlac, the burial of his body by his sister Pega, his
appearing to Ethelbald and his attendants who are weeping round his
tomb, and his blissful state in heaven among the benefactors of
Croyland Abbey.
Reference has already been made to Wanley's Diary,* a chronicle of the
purchases made by Lord Oxford during the greater part of Wanley's
custodianship, and of the principal events which happened in the
library. It begins on the 2nd March 1714, when Wanley had been
librarian for about six years. Many of the entries are exceedingly
curious, as demonstrating the energy with which old manuscripts were
traced, discovered, and purchased, and the tact and discretion
employed, in order to induce their owners to part with them. A fine
manuscript of part of Bede's Ecclesiastical History in Saxon, and two
other valuable Saxon MSS. -- King Alfred's translation of Ossian and a
copy of Aelfrick's Grammar--were discovered in private hands, besides
the Psalterium Gallicanum of St. Jerome "with the * and ./., written
about the time of the last King Ethelred, with the Litany and some
prayers, being one of the most beautiful books that can be seen."
* Lansdowne MSS., 771, 772.
There was, moreover, a constant movement in the library itself. All
those who had any kind of manuscript for sale came to Wanley, and he
notifies in his diary the arrival of books in Chinese, Armenian,
Samaritan, Hebrew, Chaldee, Aethiopic and Arabic (both in Asiatic and
African letters), in Persian, Turkish, Russian, Greek (ancient and
modern), Latin, French, Italian, Spanish, Provencal, High German, Low
German, Flemish, Anglo-Saxon, English, Welsh, and Irish, in all about
940 manuscripts,
"Which is," he remarks, "a great parcel, besides which my Lord hath got
many other MSS. remaining at Wimpole . . . . My Lord hath not only
other MSS. in this room, written in almost all those [languages] above
enumerated, but also in those that follow, which I call to mind on the
sudden-viz., Chinese, Japanese, Sanscrit or Hanscrit, Malabaric,
Syriac, in the Nestorian, as well as in the common characters (some few
specimens of Coptic letters), Slavonian, Wallachian, Hungarian,
Courlandish, Francic or old Teutonic, Biscayan, Portuguese." On another
occasion, a person who had some books for sale, which he was anxious
that Lord Oxford should buy, offered Wanley a douceur, in the hope that
the librarian would press their purchase, "not knowing," he says
simply, "the kind of man I am." Wanley refused the bribe, but advised
his patron to buy the books, which he did.
At another time--
"A French sort of droll came to my lodging, saying he was sent to me by
Mr. Bu-Pis, of Long Acre. He pulled out a 40 paper MS., dedicated to
Maximilian, Duke of Bavaria, treating of Geomancy, and other like
nonsense, being written mostly in German. Monsieur stumped up the value
of it, and often swore it was the finest thing in the world. I asked
him the price of it, and looked grum and gravely, which he saw with
satisfaction; but as soon as his answer of fifty guineas was out, I
replied that was the book mine he should have it for the hundredth part
of a quart d'ecu. The droll would, however, have made remonstrances,
but I would hear none; il ne vaut rien being my word. So I waited on
him downstairs, which he took as a piece of ceremony; but indeed it was
to see him out of the house without stealing something."
One of the most important negotiations chronicled by Wanley relates to
the purchase of the Graevius MSS. in 1724-25. Johann Graevius was a
German classical scholar, born in 1632, and chiefly known by his
Thesaurus Antiquitatum Romanorum, and his Antiquitatum et Historianum
Italia, in 45 volumes. His library, one of the most remarkable in
Europe, was sold at his death in 1703 to the elector, Johann Wilhelm,
for 6000 Reichsthaler. The elector presented all the printed books in
this collection to the University of Heidelberg, but kept the
manuscripts, 110 in number, in his own library at Dusseldorf They were
accounted such treasures, that travellers, interested in antiquities,
were taken to see them. The German scholar Uffenbach, who visited the
elector's library in VI I, says of them:
"Among the few MSS. that were shown to me, the most remarkable was a
beautiful old quarto codex of Horace, which Graevius once lent to Mr.
Bentley, who could not be prevailed on to restore it till forced into
it by the threat that the elector would appeal to the Queen. There were
several volumes of autograph letters from learned men, collected by
Graevius, and several very beautiful breviaries, among which was one in
duodecimo, bound in silver, and containing as many beautiful figures as
I have ever seen in such books. Mr. Le Roy also showed me the 'Officia
Ciceronis,' printed by Scheffer in 1466--namely the books De Amicitia
et Senectute."
The above books, together with others not mentioned by Uffenbach,
subsequently found their way into the Harleian library, and have been
identified by Mr. A. C. Clark, who has made a careful study of them
aided by the dates written in Wanley's hand on the first page.*
* See his interesting paper in the "Classical Review," October 1891,
The Library of J. G. Gravius.
The manner of their disappearance from the elector's library
illustrates the more than questionable dealings to which
book-collectors were often subjected at the hands of their librarians.
There is a curious correspondence preserved in the Bodleian library,
consisting of autograph letters which passed between Buchels, the
elector's librarian at Dusseldorf, and Zamboni, the resident at the
court of Great Britain for the Landgraf of Hessen Darmstadt. In
appearance the correspondence is innocent enough: Zamboni has
manuscripts for sale on behalf of persons abroad. But there is far more
than meets the eye, and the letters contain almost beyond doubt the
disguised and detailed account of how the elector was robbed of his
manuscripts, and how Zamboni defrauded the fraudulent librarian
Buchels. Indeed the whole history of the Graevius manuscripts seems to
be one of peculation, until they came into Lord Oxford's possession.
Graevius himself was by no means irreproachable in the matter of
restoring borrowed books; Buchels, a Latin scholar and bibliograph of
some merit, had a suspicious tendency to appropriate his master's
goods; and Zamboni, had he lived in these days, would certainly have
been prosecuted for criminal bankruptcy, if, indeed, the greater part
of the transaction were not considered too dishonest to risk exposure.
Buchels, in writing to Zamboni, 13th August 1717, maintains an air of
mystery about the books which he offers to him for sale, professing to
get them from various monasteries, and describing the difficulties
which he has in obtaining them. There are English dealers about, too,
who raise the price of everything. By degrees he sends lists of what he
has to dispose of, and shelters himself behind a mysterious friend, who
is obliged to sell such and such a manuscript. Sometimes this friend is
travelling about, sometimes he is in the country, but he is always the
source of difficulties. But Zamboni is not deceived to the extent to
which Buchels wishes to deceive him, and he knows full well that the
manuscripts offered to him all formed part of the Codices Graeviani,
and he tells Wanley so, but does not of course mention Buchels.
Meanwhile there is much bargaining between Buchels and Zamboni; but it
is certain, from the correspondence in the Bodleian library, that
Zamboni never paid for the MSS. which he sold to Lord Oxford in
anything but promises. The bills which he gave were never met, and if
the elector was the loser, his librarian cannot be said to have
profited by the fraud which he undoubtedly committed.
Wanley's part in the transaction, a strictly honourable one, is fully
recorded in the Diary. On the 26th December 1724, he wrote:--
"The last night Mr. Mattaire came to me and said that he had seen
Signor Zamboni, and nine MSS. which are lately come to him from
Italy--that they will soon be sent to his house without being shown to
any other, and that then I shall see them forthwith. And further, that
this Signor expects a little parcel of Greek MSS., not yet arrived."
Three weeks later he again wrote:--
"This morning I went to Mr. Mattaire, with whom I saw fifteen old Latin
MSS., or fragments of MSS., belonging now to Signor Zamboni, but
formerly to the Dutch Professor Graevius.
He opened a negotiation, and after some months wrote thus:--
"Signor Zamboni, sending a very kind letter to me, desiring to visit
me, either here or at my lodgings, I desired he would please to call
here, my lodgings being out of order, by reason of my maid's being
married yesterday. Signor Zamboni came hither about 2, and I showed him
many more of my Lord's MSS. to his great satisfaction. At length he
desired that I would go along with him to an ordinary, where he was to
dine with some foreign persons of distinction. I complied with his
request, as thinking I might do my Lord some service; and after dinner
was over, and the rest of the company gone, he assured me that as to
the price of the MSS. which he hath sent hither, he will leave it
entirely to my regulation, and accept of whatever I shall think an
equitable price for them; only, he desires a dispatch as speedy as may
be, lest the owner should send for them back. He further said that the
owner chiefly values the two volumes of learned men's Letters, the
Saxon Spieghel, and the Prayerbook of Solyman the Magnificent."
Three days later, 27 September 1725, the Diary further records:--
"Yesterday Signor Zamboni came to me, and was entertained to his own
content and satisfaction. He conferred with me about the MSS. here in
my custody, and will stand to my award, between my Lord and him. He
says that as to the things my Lord formerly had of him, that he was no
gainer, but that in one of the parcels, he of himself lowered the price
twenty pounds less than his commission ran for. I hope I shall be able
to separate the two volumes of Letters, the Saxon Spieghel and
Solyman's Prayer-book, although they are very curious and valuable
things, and so my Lord may have the others very cheap. This done, I
believe that the same Letters and two MSS. may in time fall into my
Lord's hands at a price far lower than they are now held up at. Signor
Zamboni, who proves to be a good-natured and is [I believe] an honest
gentleman, mentioned 4000 more original Letters in the possession of
his correspondent, which may soon be brought over into England."
On the 2nd October he added:--
"I waited on Signor Zamboni yesterday, who is daily teased by his Dutch
correspondent about the chest of MSS. lying here."
There was a further delay of nearly a fortnight, and then Wanley wrote
to the rogue Zamboni to the effect that Lord Oxford had at last seen
many of his manuscripts, which he was not unwilling to buy at a
reasonable price, and that he would willingly forego the two volumes of
letters, the Saxon Spieghel and Sultan Solyman's Prayerbook, "if held
up too dear." He asked for the Greek MS. of Hesiod which he formerly
saw among them, but which had since been withdrawn. Ultimately he sent
back some of the books for which "this most greedy Signor" asked "the
most horrible price." Wanley's hope that they might subsequently come
to the library for less money was fulfilled as far as the letters were
concerned; these are now to be found in volumes 4933 4934 4935 and
4936. Among them are a few other letters which were already in the
Harleian library when the Dusseldorf manuscripts were purchased. Wanley
had them all bound up together.
The manuscripts bought by Wanley from Zamboni number eighty-four, and
comprise nearly all the important books mentioned in the Graevius
catalogue. The Hesiod is the only valuable Greek MS. missing, and the
principal Latin MS. of this collection, which did not pass into the
Harleian library, is a Terence. It is also to be regretted that Wanley
did not secure the prayers of Solyman and the celebrated Saxon
Spieghel. Of the eighty-four other MSS., two have a special historical
interest: the Cicero (2682) and the Quintilian (2664), both of which
can be traced to the Cathedral library at Cologne.
Graevius borrowed the Cicero in 1663 from the authorities, but never
returned it. The elector, Johann Wilhelm, bought it among other books
which were sold at his death. It consists of a folio of 192 leaves of
coarse vellum written in a German hand of the latter part of the
eleventh century, and has been the subject of much learned criticism.
It was collated by Mr. A. C. Clark, but until he identified it as one
of the books that had formed part of the Graevius collection, very
little attention had been paid to it. There is no trace of it before
the sixteenth century, beyond the fact that its first collator was
Modius of Cologne, who was allowed to use the Cathedral library, to
which the Cicero then belonged. The acquisition of these manuscripts
was the last important purchase made by Wanley; he died a few months
later, aged fifty-three.
Besides the above-mentioned treasures from the Dusseldorf library the
Harleian possesses, among other Greek classical manuscripts, some that
are unique in character. Sir Edward Thompson, in his "Catalogue of
Ancient Greek MSS. in the British Museum," calls attention to three in
the Harleian collection which appear to him to be of superior merit.
These are: (1) The Greek-Latin glossary of the seventh century. This
manuscript is of singular interest both for language and palaeography,
and consists of 277 leaves of vellum varying in thickness, some of it
being very coarse. At the end, on a fly-leaf is some scribbling in what
is described as "a Merovingian hand." (2) The Greek MS. of the ninth or
tenth century, imperfect in the beginning, and in several other places,
described by Wanley as the Codex Prusensis. The initial letters, some
of which are ornamented, are generally red. (3) A volume numbered 5694
in the catalogue, and containing a part of Lucian's works, on 134
leaves of fine vellum of the tenth century. On the second fly-leaf are
these words in an Italian fifteenth-century hand: "Libro de Jo.
Chalceopylus, Constantinopolitanus," and at the bottom of the page,
"Antonii Seripandi ex Henrici Casolle amici optimi munere." Wanley says
that this MS. was supposed to have been carried from the old imperial
library at Constantinople to the monastery of Bobi near Naples. He
considered it "the finest old Greek classical MS. now in England." The
library of Seripandus was preserved in the Augustinian monastery of St.
John of Carbonara at Naples, but a part of it was sold to Jan de Witt,
who took it to Holland, and this manuscript was among the number, and
was included in the sale catalogue of De Witt's library in 1701. It was
bought by Jan van der Mark of Utrecht, and on this account it is
described in the Amsterdam edition of the work as the Codex Marcianus.
Later on it came into the possession of John Bridges of
Northamptonshire, who sold it to the second Lord Oxford.
The earliest Latin MS. in the Harleian library is a copy of the four
Gospels of the sixth or seventh century--No. 1775. It was bought by the
founder of the library from Jean Aymon, who stole it, together with
eight other manuscripts, from the Bibliothique Royale in Paris, in
1707. It still bears on folio 2 its original press-mark. Another MS. in
Lord Oxford's possession having been identified as one of these, was
restored to its rightful owners in 1729. This relic of early Christian
times consists of 35 leaves of the Epistles of St. Paul, the canonical
Epistle, and the Apocalypse, written in gold letters on vellum. The
adventure through which it found itself in the Harleian library
together with the precious No. 1775, may be thus briefly related:
Jean Aymon was a renegade French priest who had retired to the Hague,
married, and become a Lutheran pastor. He enjoyed a considerable
reputation for learning and piety among the Dutch; but wearying of his
monotonous, uneventful life, he resolved on returning to France under
pretext of offering to Monsieur Clement, the king's sub-librarian, a
certain book which he had discovered. He accordingly wrote to Clement
asking him to procure him a passport, in order that he might present
the book in question, and reveal some important matters to the king.
Clement obtained the passport, and Aymon returned to France, where, in
order to ingratiate himself with the librarian, he declared that he
wished to be restored in religion. He was advised to retire for a time
to the seminary of Foreign Missions, in order to study his position and
to prepare for his rehabilitation as a priest. But he complained
bitterly of the treatment which he received at the seminary, and paid
frequent visits to Clement, who, with astounding simplicity, allowed
him to remain for hours, often quite alone, in the Royal library. Here
he employed himself in making selections from priceless manuscripts,
sometimes cutting out pages from the middle of a volume where the theft
would be less easily detected. When he had gathered in a considerable
harvest, he cleverly obtained another passport, and escaped back to the
Hague with his ill-gotten gains. He accounted for his absence by saying
that he had been to seek documents, important for the defence of
religion, and made no secret of having brought back rich trophies. It
was thus through public rumour that Clement first became aware that the
king's library had been robbed. But Aymon's method of pilfering had so
far succeeded that it was some time before it could be ascertained what
number of manuscripts he had carried off. By degrees, however, the list
was completed and sent to Holland. The Abbe Bignon was the king's
librarian at the time when it was discovered that one at least of the
stolen treasures was in the Harleian library. As soon as Edward, Lord
Oxford became aware of the fact, he hastened to restore it, and
received in exchange a very polite acknowledgement of his courtesy from
Cardinal Fleury on behalf of the king.*
* L. V. Delisle, Le Cabinet des Manuscrits de la Bibliotheque Imperiale.
In 1725 Wanley enumerated the Greek MSS. in the Harleian collection as
173. Among the illuminated ones, that which bears the number 1810
demands special attention. It is an Evangelia executed in Greece in the
twelfth century, and written in black and red characters on the finest
vellum. Some of the miniatures have suffered woefully, the paint having
cracked in parts, but the faces are still full of beauty and life. One
of the least damaged represents the death of the Blessed Virgin. The
apostles surround the bed on which she lies extended; the aged St.
Peter lifts up his hands in an attitude of grief; St. John is leaning
over her left side; another bends forward and embraces her feet. In a
lozenge-shaped medallion on a gold background our Lord holds her soul
in His arms, in the form of a little child. A crowd of people form the
background, and a figure at the head of the bed swings a censer. Three
women contemplate the scene from a small window.
Another remarkable miniature, the last in the volume, is a good deal
cracked, but still extremely interesting for the force and delicacy of
touch which it displays. Our Lord appears to the apostles after His
Resurrection. St. Thomas is in the act of placing his finger in the
wounded side. The print of the nails is seen in the hands and feet. Sir
Edward Thompson distinguishes this manuscript with his by no means
frequent encomium, "very good."
The Greek Evangelium of the ninth or tenth century (5787), with its
ornamental initials and borders, and St. Jerome's Latin version of the
Psalter (2793), with a preface addressed to Sophronius, and written in
a tenth-century hand, should not be passed over.
Another Psalter (2904), executed in England at the end of the tenth or
beginning of the eleventh century, has a fine drawing of the
Crucifixion, and grand initial letters. Westwood, in his Facsimiles and
Miniatures, considers this drawing to be the finest of the kind, and
the initial B (Beatus vir qui non abiit in consilio impiorum), the
noblest with which he is acquainted. This manuscript has most of the
characteristics of the later Anglo-Saxon school-the hunched-up
shoulders to express grief, the attenuated lower limbs, and the manner
in which prominence is given to the central figure by drawing the
others much smaller. On a scroll which St. John holds are the words,
"Hic est discipulis qui testimonii perhibet." The arrangement of
Pilate's superscription--"Hic est Nazaren IHC rex judaeor"--is unusual
but not without precedent.
The Harleian library contains no fewer than 300 MSS. of the Bible or
parts of the Bible, written and illuminated between the seventh and the
fourteenth centuries. Of the later copies we may note one of the whole
Bible, written in the thirteenth century, and described in the
"Catalogue of Ancient MSS. in the British Museum," as remarkable; and a
Psalter, written before 1339, splendidly illuminated, and further
interesting as having belonged to Philippa of Hainault, and as bearing
the arms of England without those of France.
There is also a fine series of Talmudical and Rabbinical books; nearly
200 volumes of Fathers of the Church, as well as liturgical books of
the different Latin and Greek rites.
The polite literature of the Middle Ages is admirably represented,
among other examples by the famous Roman de la Rose, with its brilliant
fourteenth-century miniatures, its wonderful figures gorgeously
dressed, its broad borders richly decorated with fruit, birds, insects,
and flowers, of which the rose is the most salient feature. One
fascinating miniature shows--
Comment Narcissus se mira
A la fontaine et souspira";
and after a long but delightful pilgrimage by flowery meads and limpid
streams, amid curious mediaeval gardens
"La conclusion du rommant
Est que vous voiez ez lemant
Qui prent la rose a son plaisir
En qui estait tout son desir."
This glimpse of the treasures of the Harleian library will at least
account for the great celebrity it attained within a comparatively
short time of its foundation. Wanley was careful to enter into his
Diary the names of visitors, and any interesting details connected with
them, and their motives for an inspection. On the 15th January 1719/20
he observed:--
"Dr.Fiddes came, and communicated to me his intention of writing the
life of Cardinal Wolsey at large; and desired me to transcribe for him
all such materials in this library as I should find for his purpose. I
showed him divers things here, and gave him notice of many others in
the Cottonian library, etc., but as to transcribing for him, begged his
excuse, etc."
On the 22nd December 1721,
"Mr. Bowles, the Bodleian library-keeper, came, and I spent most of the
time showing him some of the rarities here, to his great wonder and
satisfaction."
And on the 28th
"Mr. Bowles came and saw more of the rarities here."
Two more visits from Mr. Bowles are chronicled, when he saw "yet more
of the curious books, papers, and parchments here"; and shortly after
Wanley wrote, "many come and tarry long." A visit from David Casley,
keeper of the Cottonian and Royal libraries, on the 4th November 1725,
is suggestive of a certain amount of friction between the two rival
librarians. It is nearly the last entry in Wanley's record:--
"Mr. Casley came to collate my Lord's MSS. of Titus Livius for Mr.
D'Orville, by my Lord's order. I am civil to him, but when just now he
offered me a South Sea bond as security to let him carry one of the
said MSS. home to collate it there, I would by no means hearken to such
a proposal."
Perhaps Wanley would have regarded him with still greater suspicion if
he had known that Casley was to be his successor in cataloguing the
MSS. which he kept with so jealous a care. The talents of the two men
were very different, as the catalogue itself shows. That part of it for
which Wanley was responsible contains a description and an abstract of
each manuscript. Casley, whose knowledge of the age of manuscripts has
never been surpassed, contented himself with fixing their dates without
any reference to their contents.
The work of building up the library does not seem to have flagged or
deteriorated after Wanley's death. The search for precious MSS. was
still actively carried on, and copies of a large collection of
original, royal, and other letters and State Papers in the Lansdowne
library furnish us with an example of Lord Oxford's unabated zeal in
the pursuit of books. Appended to these papers is a note written on the
first leaf by Mr. J. West, and dated 2nd May 1742:--
"Mem. I went with Edward, Earl of Oxford, to view these MSS. at a
barber's shop next door to the Bull Head Tavern, in Lincoln's Inn
Fields, when we were carried up two pair of stairs, and an old woman
asked 300 pounds for the MSS., which was thought exorbitant, but which
would have been given, if she would have declared any lawful title to
us as owner of them."
After Casley, Hocker, deputy-keeper of the records in the Tower,
undertook to continue the catalogue, but only completed it as far as
the number 7355. When the collection was brought to the British Museum,
after the death of the second Lord Oxford, Dr. Brown, Professor of
Arabic at Oxford, and Dr. Kennicott, Fellow of Exeter College, added
titles to such of the Arabic and Hebrew MSS. as needed them. Gomez, a
learned Jew, was employed to do the same for the rabbinical books that
were without titles. In 1800 the Rev. Robert Nares was appointed to
continue and revise the catalogue. In a letter to Bishop Percy, dated
British Museum, 19th January 1801, Nares wrote:--
"I am just now deep in old MSS., correcting all that part of the
Harleian catalogue which was left unfinished by Humphrey Wanley, and
very imperfectly executed by Mr. Casley."
The work done by Nares was supplemented by Stebbing Shaw, and Douce.
The Rev. T. Hartwell Horne added a series of indexes, and published the
catalogue in 1812.*
* Nichol's Literary Illustrations, vol. vii., p. 591.
On the death of Edward, Earl of Oxford, in 1741, his widow,* who is
described as a "dull, worthy woman," cared to retain few of her
husband's treasures. His various curiosities were sold by auction; his
printed books, pamphlets, and engravings were disposed of to Thomas
Osborne, a bookseller of Gray's Inn, for 13,000 pounds--several
thousand pounds less than the cost of their bindings. A selection of
scarce pamphlets found in the library was made by Oldys, and printed in
8 volumes, in 1746, under the title of the "Harleian Miscellany." Dr.
Samuel Johnson wrote a preface to this work. The best edition of the
"Harleian Miscellany" is that of Thomas Park, in 10 volumes, published
between 1808-13.
* She was Lady Henrietta Cavendish Holles, only daughter of John,
fourth Earl of Clare, created Duke of Newcastle.
There still remained the precious manuscripts, and it had been the wish
of Lord Oxford that books so carefully collected might not be
dispersed. In accordance with this wish, Lady Oxford sold them to the
nation in 1753 for the inconsiderable sum of 10,000 pounds. They then
consisted of 7639 volumes, besides 14,236 original rolls, charters,
deeds, and other documents, and these were removed to the British
Museum, where they found a safe and suitable resting-place.
But although fortunately the Harleian MSS. have been preserved from the
fate of so many choice volumes in the Cottonian library, they have
suffered to some extent from the carelessness or dishonesty of
borrowers. The second Lord Oxford was generous to a fault in lending,
with the inevitable result. Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, the only one of
his literary friends whom Lady Oxford tolerated,* wrote the following
letter to her husband from Avignon in 1745, at the time when probably,
the MSS. having been removed to the British Museum, attention was
directed to the fact that some were missing:--
"I perfectly remember carrying back the manuscript you mention, and
delivering it to Lord Oxford. I never failed returning to himself all
the books he lent me. It is true I showed it to the Duchess of
Montague, but we read it together, and I did not even leave it with
her. I am not surprised in that vast quantity of manuscripts, some
should be lost or mislaid, particularly knowing Lord Oxford to be
careless of them, easily lending and as easily forgetting he had done
it. I remember I carried him once one very finely illuminated that when
I delivered he did not recollect he had lent it to me, though it was
but a few days before. Wherever this is, I think you had need be in no
pain about it."**
* "It is a common remark that people of brilliant parts often have no
objection to relax or REST their understandings in the society of those
whose intellects are a little more obtuse. Here was an instance: the
gods never made anybody less poetical than Lady Oxford; and yet Lady
Mary Wortley, though in general not over tolerant to her inferior's
incapacity, appears upon the whole to have loved nobody so well. And
there was an exception equally striking in her favour; for Lady Oxford,
heartily detesting most of the wits who surrounded her husband, yet
admired Lady Mary with all her might-pretty much as the parish clerk
reverences the rector for his Greek and Hebrew. Lady Bute confessed
that she sometimes got into sad disgrace by exclaiming, 'Dear mama! how
can you be so fond of that stupid woman?' which never failed to bring
upon her a sharp reprimand and a lecture against rash judgments, ending
with 'Lady Oxford is not shining, but she has much more in her than
such giddy things as you and your companions can discern."*-- The
Letters and Works of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, edited by her
great-grandson, Lord Whamcliffe, 2nd ed., vol. i., p. 66. Introduction.
** Letters, vol. ii., p. 147.
Two years after the removal of the Harleian library to the British
Museum, Lady Oxford died, leaving an only daughter, Margaret Cavendish,
married to William Bentinck, second Duke of Portland. She was the
"noble, lovely little Peggy" sung by Prior. As she had inherited none
of her father's and grandfather's tastes, it was fitting that the grand
collection of MSS., for the sake of which they had impoverished
themselves, should enrich an innumerable multitude of scholars and
students of all nations and for all time.