APPENDIX
Description of Queen Mary's first Parliament—Queen Mary's
Proclamation anent religion—Her second Proclamation anent
religion—Her third Proclamation anent religion—Declaration
as to religion by Mary and Darnley—Text of her compulsory
abdication—Procuratory signed compulsorily—Plots for her
liberation—Text of letters in handwriting of Phillips:—
Queen Mary to Charles Paget, 20th May 1586
Charles Paget to Queen Mary, 29th May "
Queen Mary to Charles Paget, 27th July "
Queen Mary to Mendoza, 27th July "
Queen Mary's mottoes and devices, with translations
Queen Mary's Will
There are certain documents connected with the history of Queen Mary,
not easily found elsewhere, documents which are of the very highest
importance in estimating her character and the adverse criticism to
which she has frequently been subjected. Specially we refer to her
attitude on the question of religion, a point that has given rise to
much controversy. No less than three proclamations were issued by Queen
Mary, all of which we reproduce, and to which we direct the reader's
attention. Each of them is conspicuous for the liberality of her
opinions. It is evident from these that no attempt was ever made by her
to impose the Catholic religion on the nation.
The proclamation regarding Moray's Rebellion is a document that is not
usually included in the biographies of Queen Mary. This proclamation
was the result of Moray and Morton's conduct in opposing to the
very last Mary's marriage with Darnley and taking steps to create
a rebellion in the kingdom. The Queen keenly resented this conduct,
and although her position and influence were much stronger than that
of the rebels, these two nobles were vindictive, unforgiving, and
tyrannical to a degree. They both led the conspiracy which resulted in
Darnley's murder, and Morton was the man who behaved so treasonably and
disgracefully at Carberry Hill and betrayed the Queen, an event which
was followed by all her troubles.
We also give the text of the two fabricated documents—the Abdication
and the Procuratory—signed by her at Lochleven on 24th July 1567, when
Lord Lindsay of the Byres committed the outrage on the Queen by forcing
himself into her bedchamber and compelling her to sign these papers
under pain of death.
The letters in the handwriting of Phillips the spy, as also the text of
Queen Mary's Will, are reproduced as being rather uncommon papers.
Queen Mary's Devices and Mottoes, which once adorned her private
apartments, have, very fortunately for posterity, been carefully
deposited in the State Paper Office. They have been specially
translated for this volume, and must be admitted to be very ingenious
and very curious, and full of pathetic interest. The translation was
difficult on account of the age and obscurity of the text; but in their
new form they are an invaluable addition to the history of the Queen.
QUEEN MARY AND HER FIRST PARLIAMENT
Letter from Randolph to the Earl of Rutland 10th June 1563 at
Edinburgh:—
“Her Grace has now held her Parliament, the solemnity whereof hath
been very great. On the 26th May her Grace rode to the Parliament
House in this order:—gentlemen, barons, lords, and earls in their
order; after these the trumpeters and such other music as they had;
next the heralds; then the Earl of Moray, who carried the sword, the
Earl of Argyll the sceptre, and the Duke the regalia. Then followed
the Queen in her Parliament robes and a very fair rich crown upon her
head. There followed Her Grace the noblemen's wives as these were in
dignity, twelve in number; after them the four Maries, demoiselles of
honour, or the Queen's minions, call them as pleases your honour, but a
fairer sight was never seen. These being the principals, sixteen, there
followed them as many more so wonderful in beauty that I know not what
court may be compared to them. The choice, I assure your lordship, that
day was there of the whole realm. Having taken her place in Parliament,
and silence being commanded, the Queen delivered, with a singular good
grace, an oration short and very pretty, of which I send your lordship
a copy. I am sure she made it herself, and she deserved great praise
for delivering the same. I had that day the honour to escort Her Grace
to the Parliament House and to be present at the whole solemnities
during the time she was there. That day there was little done.”
QUEEN MARY'S PROCLAMATION ANENT RELIGION, EDINBURGH, _25th August 1561_
“Forasmuch as the Queen's Majesty has understood the great
inconvenience that may come by the division presently standing in
this realm in matters of religion, that Her Majesty is desirous to
see pacified by an order to the honour of God and tranquillity of her
realm, and means to adopt the same by the advice of her Estates as soon
as convenient may be. Her Majesty's resolution may be greatly hindered
if any tumult or sedition be raised among the lieges. Therefore Her
Majesty ordains letters to be directed charging all and sundry by open
proclamation at the Mercat Cross of Edinburgh and other places, that
the lieges continue in quietness, keep peace and civil society among
themselves. In the meantime while the Estates of her realm may be
assembled, and Her Majesty having taken a final order by their advice
and consent, which Her Majesty hopes will be for the good of all—that
none of them take on themselves publicly or privately to make any
alteration or innovation on the state of religion, or attempt anything
against the form which Her Majesty found universally observed on her
arrival in this realm, under pain of death; with certification that
if any subject violate this order he shall be held to be a seditious
person and a raiser of tumult, and the said penalty shall be executed
upon him with all rigour, as an example to others,—Her Majesty by the
advice of the Lords of her Secret Council commands and charges her
lieges that none of them take upon themselves to molest or trouble any
of her domestic servants or any person who has come from France in her
company, in word, deed, or countenance, or any cause whatever, either
within her palace or outside of it, or make any division amongst them
on any colour or pretence, under pain of death. Albeit Her Majesty is
sufficiently persuaded that her good and loving subjects would do the
same for the reverence they bear to her person and authority even if no
such command were published.”
SECOND PROCLAMATION, ST. ANDREWS, _16th March 1562_
“Forasmuch as our Sovereign Lady remembering that soon after her
arrival in this realm, understanding the great inconvenience that might
follow by the differences in matters of religion, and being desirous
to see the same pacified by a good order to the honour of God and
tranquillity of the realm, directed letters, proclamations, and charges
throughout the realm, straightly commanding her lieges that they
should continue in quietness and keep peace and civil society among
themselves. In the meantime the Estates might be assembled and a final
order by their advice and consent might be taken in the matter that
none of the lieges shall take in hand privately or openly to make any
alteration on the state of religion, or attempt anything against the
form which Her Majesty found publicly and universally observed on her
arrival, under pain of death. With certification that if any violate
this order he shall be held to be a seditious person and a raiser of
tumult. Albeit the same was duly proclaimed so that none can pretend
ignorance thereof. Nevertheless, some forgetting their duty, are
reported to have contravened, and intend purposely to contravene, the
same by innovation of the religion and ministration of the sacraments
otherwise than the public form aforesaid. Such contravention if it
be allowed to proceed unpunished may not only engender contempt for
our authority, but raise tumult and sedition within the realm, to the
hindrance of Her Majesty's good intentions for restoring peace in such
matters. Her Majesty ordains open proclamation to be made at the Mercat
Cross of all burghs of this realm, that they as far as in them lies
endeavour to observe and keep the said former proclamation in every
point and condition; that none of them presume to do anything that may
tend to the violation thereof, under the penalty contained in the same,
certifying them that as Her Majesty most lovingly will embrace all her
subjects obeying her commands, so can she not of her honour and duty
but hate and punish the transgressors thereof, specially where the
matter concerns the keeping of good order, of which they may assure
themselves when they shall feel the same and obtain the reward due to
those who depart from their Sovereign's obedience.”
Confirmation of the foregoing proclamation; Holyrood, 30th June 1564:—
“The Queen ordains the Keeper of her Signet to pass letters of the date
hereof according to the ordinance made by her grace at St. Andrews,
16th March 1562, touching the matter of religion and the keeping of
civil society among her subjects, nowise adding thereto or diminishing
the same in any of its conditions; keeping this present Act for his
warrant as he will answer to Her Majesty therefor.”
THIRD PROCLAMATION,
_22nd August 1565_
“The King and Queen remembering that soon after Her Majesty's arrival
great inconvenience arose by differences in matters of religion,
and being desirous to see the same pacified, directed letters,
proclamations, and charges throughout the realm, commanding the lieges
not to make any alteration on the state of religion or attempt anything
against the form which Her Majesty found prevailing on her arrival,
under pain of death; with certification that if any should act contrary
to this he should be regarded as a seditious person and raiser of
tumult. The same has been divers times duly proclaimed, so that none
can pretend ignorance. Nevertheless, some forgetting their duty, it
is reported that they have contravened, and intend to contravene, the
same by introducing the religion and ministration of the sacraments
otherwise than by the public form observed on Her Majesty's arrival.
Others have already disobeyed their Majesties' commands and are
denounced rebels and put to the horn. To cover their rebellion they
endeavour to persuade the lieges to believe that their Majesties in
prosecuting the rebels mean nothing else but the plain subversion
of the state of religion as aforesaid. By such false reports they
alienate the lieges from their loyalty. For eschewing of which false
report their Majesties ordain letters to be directed to officers of the
King and Queen, etc., charging all and sundry their lieges that they
endeavour to observe and obey the former proclamation, and that none
presume to attempt anything that may tend to the violation and breaking
thereof under the penalty contained in the same.”
PROCLAMATION TOUCHING MORAY'S REBELLION
Declaration by the King and Queen, 3rd September 1565:—
“Forasmuch as in this uproar lately raised against us by certain rebels
and others to blind the eyes of the simple people, we have given them
to understand that the quarrel they had in hand was only religion,
thinking with that cloak to cover their other ungodly designs. And so
under pretence of that plausible argument to draw after them a large
following of ignorant persons. Now, for preservation of our lieges
whose cases were to be pitied if they blindly should be trapped in
so dangerous a snare, it has pleased God, by the utterance of their
own mouths and writings to us, to discover the poison that before lay
hid in their hearts; albeit to persons of clear judgment the same was
evident before. For what other thing might move the principal raisers
of this tumult to put themselves in arms against us so unnaturally,
upon whom we had bestowed so many benefits. The great honour we did to
them, being thereof most unworthy, made them to misknow themselves, and
their insatiable ambition could not be satisfied with heaping riches
upon riches, and honour upon honour, unless they might receive in their
hands ourselves and our whole realm, to be led, used, and disposed at
their pleasure. But of this the multitude could not perceive if God,
for disclosing of their hypocrisy, had not compelled them to utter
their unreasonable desire to govern. For now, by letters sent from
themselves to us, they make plain confession that the establishing
religion will not content them, but we must perforce be governed by
such counsel as shall please them to give us, a thing so far beyond all
reason that we think the mere mention of such a demand is sufficient to
make their nearest kinsfolk their mortal enemies. What is this but in
a manner to invert the order of nature, to make the prince obey, the
subject to command? The like was never demanded of any of our noble
progenitors, nor of governors or regents. The princes ever chose their
counsel of such as they thought most fit. When we ourselves were of
less age, and on our first arrival in the realm, we had free choice of
counsel at our pleasure. Now, when we are at our full majority, shall
we be brought back to the state of pupilage and minority, or be put
under tutelage?
“So long as some of them bore the whole swing with us, this matter was
never called in question; but now, when they cannot be permitted to do
and undo all things at their own pleasure, they will put a bridle on
our mouths and give us counsel after their own fantasy. This is the
quarrel of religion they made you believe they had in hand; this is
the quarrel for which they would have you hazard your lives, lands, and
goods, in company with certain rebels against your natural princes; or,
in plain language, they would be kings themselves, leaving us the bare
name and title, taking to themselves the whole use and administration
of the kingdom.
“We have thought good to make publication hereof so that you suffer not
yourselves to be deceived under pretence of religion to follow them,
who, preferring their own advancement to the public good, would, if ye
hearken to their voice, draw you after them to your utter destruction.
Assuring you that as we have hitherto had good experience of our
clemency, and under our rule enjoyed in peace the possession of your
goods and liberty of conscience, so may ye be in full assurance of the
like hereafter, and have us always your good and loving princess as
many as shall continue in due obedience and do the office of faithful
and natural subjects.
“ST. ANDREWS, _3rd September 1565_.”
FABRICATED ABDICATION OF QUEEN MARY
“Mary, by the grace of God, Queen of Scots, to all and sundry, our
judges and ministers of our laws, lieges and all to whom it effeirs,
to whose knowledge these our letters shall come, greeting:—Forasmuch
as after long, great, and intolerable pains and labours taken by us
since our arrival in the realm for the government thereof, and keeping
of the lieges in quietness, we have not only been vexed in our spirit,
body, and senses, but altogether so wearied thereof, that our ability
and strength of body is not able longer to endure the same. Therefore
and because nothing earthly can be more comfortable and happy to us,
or in our lifetime to see our most dear son the native prince of this
our realm, placed in the kingdom thereof, and the crown royal set on
his head; we of our own free will and special motive have demitted and
renounced the government, guiding, and governing of this our realm of
Scotland, lieges, and subjects thereof, in favour of our said son; to
the effect that in all time coming he may peaceably and quietly enjoy
the same without trouble and be obeyed as native king and prince of the
same by the lieges thereof. And understanding by reason of his youth he
is not able in his own person to administer in his kingly government
as equity requires until hereafter he come to the years of discretion;
and also knowing the proximity of blood standing between our son and
our dearest brother James, Earl of Bothwell, Lord Abernethy, etc., and
having experience of the natural affection and kindly love he has in
all times borne and presently bears towards us, honour and estate of
our said son, of whose love and favour towards him we cannot but assure
ourselves to whom no greater honour, joy, nor felicity on earth can
come than to see him inaugurated in his kingdom, feared, reverenced,
and obeyed by the lieges thereof. In respect whereof and of the
certainty and notoriety of the honesty, ability, qualification, and
sufficiency of our said dearest brother to have the care and control of
our dearest son, realm, and lieges foresaid, during our son's minority,
we have made, named, appointed, constituted, and ordained, and by these
our letters, name, appoint, make, constitute, and ordain our said
dearest brother James, Earl of Moray, regent to our said dearest son,
realm, and lieges foresaid, during his minority and until he be of the
age of seventeen years, and that our dearest brother be called during
the said space regent to our son, realm, and lieges; so that our son
after completing the years foresaid in his own person may take upon
him the government, and use and exercise all and sundry privileges,
honours, and other immunities that appertain to the office of a king,
as well in governing his realm and people according to the laws, as
in repressing the violence of such as would invade or unjustly resist
him, or their or his royal authority; with power to our dearest brother
James, Earl of Moray, in name, authority, and on behalf of our said
most dearest son, to receive surrenders of whatever lands are holden
of him, or of offices, castles, towers, fortalices, fishings, woods,
benefices whatsoever; the same again in our son's name to give and
deliver signatories thereupon, and upon the gifts of words, release of
lands, marriages of heirs, falling, or shall happen to fall, into our
son's hands as superior thereof; and also upon presentation of lands,
benefices, escheat of goods movable and immovable, debts and tacks,
reports and remissions; and upon the disposition of offices vacant
or when they shall become vacant; to subscribe and cause to pass the
Seals. The said office of regent to use and exercise in all things,
privileges and commodities, as freely and with as great liberty as any
regent or governor to us or our predecessors used in times bypast;
and as if every privilege and article concerning the said office were
at length expressed and amplified in these our letters; promising to
hold firm and stable on the word and faith of a prince to whatever
things our said dearest brother in the premises happens to do; charging
therefor all and sundry our judges and ministers of law, lieges, and
others foresaid, to answer and obey our said brother in all and sundry
things concerning the said office of regent as you and each of you will
declare your loving subjects to our dear son, and under all pains,
charge, and offence that ye may commit against His Majesty in that part.
“Subscribed with our hand and given under our Privy Seal at Lochleven
the 24th day of July 1567, and of our reign the 25th year.”
[This abdication was a forgery. The text of the document the Queen
never saw.]
PROCURATORY APPOINTING A COMMISSION TO MAKE ARRANGEMENTS IN
MORAY'S ABSENCE AND PROVIDING FOR THE CONTINGENCY OF HIS REFUSING
THE REGENCY
“Mary, by the grace of God, Queen of Scots, to all and sundry our
judges and ministers of law, lieges and others whom it effeirs, to
whose knowledge these our letters shall come, greeting:—Forasmuch
as by long, irksome, and tedious travel taken by us in the
government of the realm and lieges thereof, we are so vexed and
worried that our body, spirit, and senses are become unable
longer to travel in that room; and therefore we have demitted
and renounce the office of government of the realm in favour of
our most only dear son, native prince of this realm; and because
of his tender youth and inability to use the government in his
own person during his minority, we have constituted our dearest
brother James, Earl of Moray, regent to our said son, realm, and
lieges foresaid; and in respect that our said dearest brother is
actually furth of our realm and cannot instantly be present to
accept the said office of regent, and use and exercise the same
during our dearest son's minority. We, until his returning within
our realm, or in case of his decease, have made, constituted,
named, appointed, and ordained, and by these our letters make,
constitute, name, appoint, and ordain, our trusty cousin and
counsellor James, Duke of Chatelherault, Earl of Arran, Lord
Hamilton; Mathew, Earl of Lennox, Lord Darnley, etc.; Archibald,
Earl of Argyll; John, Earl of Atholl; James, Earl of Morton;
Alexander, Earl of Glencairn; John, Earl of Mar,—regents to our
dearest son, realm, and lieges; and in case our said brother
James, Earl of Moray, come within our realm and refuse to accept
the office of regent upon his own person, we make, constitute,
name, appoint, and ordain our trusty cousins and counsellors
foresaid, and our said brothers, regents of our dear son, giving,
granting, and committing to them, or any five of them conjointly,
full power for our son, and in his name to receive surrenders of
lands, make disposition of wards, marriage of benefices, escheats,
offices, and other casualties and privileges whatsoever concerning
the said office, signatories thereupon to make, subscribe, and
cause to be passed by Seals; and to use and exercise the office
of regent in all things as freely and with as great liberty as
any regent or governor to us or our predecessors used in times
past; promising to hold firm and stable, on the word and faith of
a prince, to whatever things our said dearest cousins do in the
circumstances; charging all and sundry foresaid to answer and obey
our said cousins and regents in all and sundry things concerning
the office of regent during our son's minority and until he be of
the age of seventeen years complete, as you and each of you will
declare yourselves loving subjects to our said most dear son, your
native prince, and under all pain, charge, and offence that you
and each of you may commit against His Majesty in that part.
“Subscribed with our own hand and given under our Privy Seal at
Lochleven, 24th July 1565, and of our reign the 25th year.”
[The Queen signed this by compulsion. The text of the document is
a fabrication.]
THE FOLLOWING WERE SOME OF THE SCHEMES FOR QUEEN MARY'S LIBERATION
FROM THE GRASP OF ELIZABETH, WITH A PORTION OF THE CORRESPONDENCE
WHICH FOLLOWED THEREON
In May, June, and July 1586, no less than three plots for Mary's
liberation were proposed by the Catholics—one by John Savage for the
assassination of Elizabeth and release of Mary; one by Ballard for an
invasion of England and release of Mary; and one by Babington for her
release by force of arms. These plots eventually culminated in one
scheme, and Walsingham, by the aid of his spies, was able to intercept
letters, decipher and copy them, introduce matter of his own into the
copies, and by this means brought about the ruin of all concerned,
including Mary herself. The Babington plot[20] we have fully recited,
but we now reproduce the following letters translated from the French,
not hitherto published by us, excepting Nos. 3 and 4. They throw a very
curious light over the startling events of these three months. The
letters are No. 1, Queen Mary to Charles Paget; No. 2, Charles Paget to
Queen Mary; No. 3, Babington to Queen Mary; No. 4, Mary to Babington;
No. 5, Mary to Paget; No. 6, Mary to Mendoza, the Spanish Ambassador.
These letters are preserved in the State Paper Office in the
handwriting of Phillips, one of the spies, and this throws suspicion on
the whole. We cannot guarantee that any one of them is genuine, and it
will be well for the reader to attach little importance to them; but as
an illustration of the voluminous literature of that period, they will
be read with interest. It was very probably these interpolated letters
that gave rise to the kidnapping plot of 16th August. A writer in our
own day (Strickland) says: “The tone in which Queen Mary writes on 13th
July to Archbishop Beton shows that she was perfectly unconscious that
any projects against Elizabeth's life were in contemplation; in the
mass of papers seized at Chartley it is a striking fact that not one
was produced in evidence against her.”
[Illustration: MARY BETON, One of the Queen's Maries.
_From the Collection of_ MAJOR BETHUNE, _of Balfour_]
Queen Mary to Charles Paget, 20th May 1586:—
“I have thought it good that you enter with the ambassador of Spain
into the following overtures:—That I endeavour by all means to make my
son enter into the enterprise (invasion of England), and if he does
not, that I arrange a secret league among the Catholic nobility and
adherents to be joined with the King of Spain, to do what shall be
thought meet for advancing the scheme, so being that they have plenty
of men and money. Moreover, I shall arrange to have my son delivered
into the hands of the King of Spain or the Pope, as shall be thought
best, stipulating to set him at liberty when I shall desire, or that
after my death, being Catholic, he shall desire to return to Scotland;
and that the King of Spain shall never attempt anything to my prejudice
or my son's (if he be Catholic) in the succession to the Crown. This is
the best hostage that I and the Lords of Scotland can give to the
said king for the performance of that which depends on them in this
enterprise, but withal there must be a regent appointed in Scotland
having commission from me and my son to govern the country in his
absence, and I find no man so capable as Lord Claud Hamilton. He shall
have a Privy Council, without which he shall not ordain anything of
importance. I shall be obliged to the King of Spain if he will receive
my son and instruct him in the Catholic religion, which is the thing of
all things in this world I most desire, affecting rather the salvation
of his soul, than to see him monarch of all Europe. And I fear much
that so long as he remains where he is it will never be in my power to
bring him again into the right ways, whereby there shall remain in my
heart a thousand regrets if I should die and leave behind me a tyrant
and persecutor of the Catholic Church. If you get a good answer from
the ambassador, I would desire you to write Lord Claud informing him
that the King of Spain is to set on this country (invasion of England),
and desires to have the assistance of the Catholics of Scotland to stop
any assistance that may come from there to the Queen of England. You
will also inquire what help in men and money would be required from the
said king to hold Scotland. If you get a favourable answer, you may
inform Lord Claud that to assure himself of my son, if all things be
done under his name and authority, it shall be necessary to seize his
person if he cannot be willingly brought into this enterprise, and that
the surest way would be to deliver him to the said king or the Pope, as
shall be deemed best, Lord Claud to be regent in his absence.
“All this I will confirm and approve. For various reasons my name
not to be named in this until the very last. You will say to Lord
Claud, that indirectly you put him in hope that I shall make him be
declared lawful heir to the Crown of Scotland should my son die without
children, and that I shall make the Catholic princes of Christendom
recognise and maintain him. I have written to the Spanish Ambassador in
favour of your brother Lord Paget and yourself.[21]
“CHARTLEY, _20th May_.”
Charles Paget to Queen Mary, 29th May 1586:—
“Since my last letter to your Majesty, a priest named Ballard, capable
and discreet, has arrived who knows the most important Catholics
in England and Scotland. He has been sent by them to announce this
resolution to take up arms, provided they are assured of foreign
assistance. I sent him to the Spanish Ambassador that he might report
what he knew, and to state how many of the chief nobles and knights
in the North and West country were ready to take up arms; what number
of men, armed and unarmed, and how many of them had promised and
therefore received the sacrament in order to make their obligation
stronger; as now the Earl of Leicester has with him the best and most
valiant captains and Protestant soldiers; and the people are annoyed
and discontented at the oppression they have endured on account of the
wars in the Netherlands. These times are more suitable than ever to
accomplish with little trouble the deliverance of the Queen.
“The ambassador listened attentively, and requested Ballard to write
down full details of the numbers from these provinces who would take
up arms on Mary's behalf. Ballard said he could not name the persons,
as he had pledged his word to the priest not to do so. The ambassador
gave notice of the ports for landing and several other things which he
thought the knowledge of would be necessary. Nevertheless he (Ballard)
came with a resolution so general that the ambassador gave him other
instructions to show him how to proceed, more particularly and by
secret means assuring him that the King of Spain, after being fully
satisfied, would give them prompt assistance. The principal thing with
which he is charged is to assure and guarantee your person, and if
strong enough to try by every possible means to carry off your Majesty
from the hands of those who restrain you. After this we consulted
about the best port for landing troops. I think Newcastle, Hartlepool,
or Scarborough, or some other port in the north; our help will be by
the Prince of Parma. Our design will not be suspected by the Queen of
England, as she would never dream of enemies this way (the East coast);
she believing that all designs would come by way of Spain. Ballard will
be here again immediately after my return from the baths, and you will
be promptly informed of everything that happens.”
Queen Mary to Charles Paget, 27th July 1586:—
“Upon the return of Ballard to this country, one of the principal
Catholics who sent him (to the Queen) communicated their intentions
according to what you had written before, more particularly asking
directions for the execution of the design. I have written them a
full despatch, giving my advice concerning all requirements; as much
for those on this side as for those outside the kingdom, in order to
bring their enterprise to a successful issue. I have shown them that
they must not lose time, having undertaken to carry out the resolution
contained in the despatch, they must hasten to communicate this to
Mendoza, the Spanish Ambassador, sending for the purpose either Ballard
or some other of the most faithful and secret that can be found, and
who will be sufficiently instructed by them, having promised them
that I would write to Mendoza as I do now, to give credit to these
messengers, the Stewards: so that I hope if ever the Pope or the King
of Spain have had intentions to provide aid to this state, the occasion
is now offered them very advantageously. Finding that the Catholics
are so well prepared there will be more to do to keep them back than
to urge them forward. As to the other difficulties that the ambassador
refers to, such as my escape from here and other things, he will be
sufficiently satisfied. It only remains now to go on as quickly as
possible, both in Rome and Spain, to procure the required support in
horses, foot-soldiers, arms, ammunition, and money.”
Queen Mary to Mendoza, the Spanish Ambassador, Chartley, 27th July
1586:—
“Since yours of the 29th May I have been pleased to see that my
good brother the King of Spain begins to retaliate the injuries and
practices of this queen (Elizabeth); against him not only for the good
of this island, but principally for the maintenance of the greatness
and reputation of Christendom. You cannot conceive how the exploit of
Leicester and Drake has raised the hearts of the enemies of the king,
and how his long patience with this queen has tried the confidence the
Catholics have always had in him. As to myself, I frankly confess I was
very much discouraged to enter into new proposals, seeing how little
effect those of the past have had. I shut my ears to the different
overtures and propositions that have been made to me for the last six
months by Catholics, not being able to give them any answer. Now,
having heard of the good intentions of the king, I have written very
fully to some Catholics, with my opinion on each point, that they may
resolve together on the execution of these. In order to gain time I
have asked them to send you, with all diligence, one of themselves
sufficiently instructed to treat with you concerning the general
offer which has been made to you. On every point they will show you
and the king that upon their faith they have given me assurance that,
faithfully and sincerely, they will accomplish at the hazard of their
lives what they promise by their deputy. You will credit them as if
I myself had sent them. He will inform you of the means of my escape
from here, which I undertake to effect provided that I can be assured
of sufficient strength to receive and preserve me while waiting on the
assembling of troops. Thank God, my health at present is better than
it has been for three months. I thank you very fully for your good
offers on the part of the king, your master, for the 12,000 crowns
he is pleased to bestow for my deliverance; in which they will be
employed and in nothing else, for it is to my great regret that the
other 12,000 have been of so little profit to Scotland. I have notice
from London which tells me ... but without urgent necessity I shall
be very unwilling to be importuned for these things, which I resist
owing to the tax required for this sum. You will help me if you please
to testify to the king the obligation which I have to him and how
willingly I should repay it if ever I have the means; and to you in
particular I hope not to remain ungrateful. I have given charge to my
ambassador to receive what you will deliver to him, and to send it to
me with all diligence by the secret means that I have made known to
him.”
“_P.S._—As I was sending you enclosed, yours of 5th July reached me.
Thank God, this way of communication is so well established that from
henceforth you can write to me when you please. May God give help to
the king my good brother, preserve his children, and give him all
the honour, contentment, and prosperity that his piety and care for
the good of Christianity merit; in respect of which he will have my
daily prayers, since I cannot serve him otherwise. I thank you for
your diligence in having imparted to him what I committed to you in
my letter of May as much for what concerns myself as for those poor
English gentlemen whom I cannot abstain from recommending to you,
especially the liberty of Morgan, and some pension, if by any means
you can help him. I have already answered you about the money that
you obtained for me, and I shall put myself in communication with my
ambassador concerning what more has to come.”
QUEEN MARY'S DEVICES AND MOTTOES
In Queen Mary's apartments the following devices and mottoes were
discovered,—in Latin and French,[22]—and have fortunately been
preserved.
QUEEN MARY'S DEVICES
_Adorning the walls of her bedchamber_
1. A vine root, to the east a hand pouring out a flagon of wine upon
the root. Motto—
“Mea sic mihi prosunt.”
“Thus do mine help me.”
2. A lion snared and held in nets (pris et tenu), five or six beasts
more like hares than rabbits (cinq ou six bêtes plutôt lievres, etc.):
beneath is written this saying—
“Et lepores devicto insultant leoni.”
“Even hares mock a captive lion.”
3. A lioness and cub by her side.
“Unum quidem sed leone.”
“It is indeed but one, but by a lion.”
4. A leopard holding in mouth a hedgehog.
“Premit et heret.”
“It grips, and holds.”
5. Two globes, and a naked sword between them (une espée decouverte),
at whose point there is a moon.
“Luna non subjacet orbi.”
“The moon is not subject to the earth” (or “world”).
(_N.B._—I prefer to read “subj_a_cet,” not “subj_i_cit,” for this
latter would require _orbem_.)
6. A lofty pyramid surmounted by a branch of laurel. (“Lubie” I can't
find, but conjecture it to be laurel or some branch of victory.)
“Te stante florebo.”
“While thou standest I shall flourish.”
7. A crescent beneath a sword.
“Donec totum impleat orbem.”
“Until it fill the whole world.”
(The French is “au bout de l'espée il y a.”)
8. Un port de mer et une (main) a (droite) fectant une pierre dedans. A
seaport and a (hand) (feminine to agree with “une”), whereas “navire”
in the original is masculine. A seaport, and a hand to the right
casting in a stone.
“Donec emerserit undis.”
“Until it come forth (emerge) from the waves.”
9. A hedgehog in a half-stormy sea, the hedgehog fairly laden (or
covered) with pebbles.
“Ne volutetur.”
“Let it be tossed about.”
9A. Une roue de moulin dans l'eau. A mill-wheel in water. Spanish motto—
“Llena de dolore non da de speranza.”
“It soothes sorrow, but does not supply hope.”
10. A dove in a cage, and, above, an eagle ready to devour it—from
which (bird) this device escapes—in Italian—
“Male pareo, ma peggiora temeo.”
“I seem in evil plight, but I fear worse.”
10A. An upright ship in a stormy sea, sails, masts, and ropes broken,
ready to founder.
“Nunquam mei vector.”
“Never the bearer of me.”
11. Un bouclier comme fiche en haut, au dessus une espée. A shield as
support above, a sword underneath.
“Aut hoc aut super hoc.”
“Either with this shield or upon it.”
(The Greek warrior brought home dead on his shield.)
12. A tree called Picea (dwarf-pine) and a fallen cedar, like this
sketch—
“Floret picea quod cedrus cecidit.”
“The dwarf-pine flourishes now that the cedar has fallen.”
(The allusion is to Elizabeth.)
13. An eagle's wing among many small feathers partly tinted red (or
tinged with red) and tattered.
“Magnatum vicinitas.”
“The semblance of the nobles.”
(The great ones of Mary's time were bloodstained and petty: the eagle's
wing indicates the Queen.)
14. A vine root and hand grasping another branch or root, above them
the legend—
“Virescit volucri virtus.”
“Strength grows to the bird.”
“The bird gains strength”: not “volucr_e_” but “volucr_i_.”
15. At the end of a valley a large oak broken and dismantled by the
wind, also a sapling (or shrub) (qui d'en saut), which springs out of
it.
“Ut superis visum.”
“As seen by those above” (_i.e._ by Heaven).
16. Une colonne d'or demye: a split golden column.
“Idem intus et extra.”
“The same within and without.”
17. Deux corones en tronc (two crowns on a tree-trunk), et une au
ciel (and one in the sky), this one made of stars and flames flowing
(flammes de feu decoulantes).
“Manet ultima cœlo.”
“The last (crown) awaits in heaven.”
18. Another crown like the preceding, but that it resembles the two on
earth.
“Aliaque moratur.”
“The other tarries.”
Not “alia_m_” but “ali_a_”: the other crown tarries.
19. A queen at the foot of a cross, crown and sceptre beneath on the
sward, many double “Rã” (for “Regina.”)
“Undique Rã, Rã” (Regina, Regina).
“Everywhere a queen, a queen.”
20. Three seals pierced by an arrow.
“Dederit fortunam Deus ne.”
“Has God given (or sent) this fortune.”
21. A tree laden with crowns and sceptres mixed together, with
croziers, cardinals' hats, chains of precious stones, wallets for
bread, beneath it is a woman with her eyes bandaged, having in her hand
a book.... (I suggest “elle va prendre de l'arbre,” she advances to
take from the tree.)
“Ut casus dederit.”
“As luck shall have bestowed,”
_or_, “As chance shall bestow.”
22. The order of the Annunciation, with these four capital letters
(lettres maiscules) F. E. R. I.
The rising sun. Motto—
“Quae cecidere resurgunt.”
“Things fallen rise again.”
23. A circle with triangle within.
“Trino non convenit orbis.”
“The circle does not suit the triangle.”
24. A great oak in wind storm: around the oak, the legend—
“Basta chio _venti_?”
“Hold, enough, ye winds!”
but this is conjecture of the third word.
25. The polar star and mariner's compass, misfortune turning it
straight for the Pole.
“Se virtute mactare” (not “mact_i_re”).
“To sacrifice self by virtue.”
Or it may mean not “virtue” but “strength”—hence, “Bravely to sacrifice
self.”
26. A salamander in the fire.
“Nutrisco et extinguor.”
“I nourish and am quenched” (or “extinguished”).
27. Lunar eclipse.
“Ipsa sibi lumen, quod invidet aufert.”
“She is a light to herself, what she envies she withdraws.”
28. Some tall saffron plants.
“Fructus calca, dat amplos.”
“Tread down the fruits, it yields plenty.”
29. A furnace in which gold and quicksilver are set side by side.
“In fide societas.”
“Companionship comes of trust.”
30. A mill-wheel turning in water.
“Movere nec capere.”
“To stir yet not entrap” (or take, “arrest”).
31. La lune peu chaude (so I read it). The moon slightly warmed,
observing the sun by her side, having the earth on her other side.
(Lunar eclipse.)
“Terrena obcœcavi.”
“I have darkened the things of earth.”
32. Hopeless.
“Sic dulcia in amarum.”
“So do things sweet turn to bitterness.”
33. A little (captive) bird, above it an eagle ready to swallow it.
“Il mal ini preune ma spendato? il peggio.”
“Evil seizes me, but I look for worse.”
34. A hare in labour bringing forth....
“Dabit (tempus) his quoque finem.”
“Time will put an end to these things likewise.”
QUEEN MARY'S WILL
The night before her death Queen Mary was composed enough, and had
the wonderful presence of mind to write her will in the following
businesslike terms:—
In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, I, Mary, by the grace
of God, Queen of Scotland and Dowager of France, being on the point of
death and not having any means of making my will, have myself committed
these articles in writing, and I will and desire that they have the
same force as if they were made in due form:—
In the first place, I declare that I die in the Catholic Apostolic and
Romish faith. First, I desire that a complete service be performed
for my soul in the Church of St. Denis in France, and another in St.
Peter's at Rheims, where all my servants are to attend in such manner
as they may be ordered to do by those to whom I have given directions
and who are named therein. Further, that an annual obit be founded for
prayers for my soul in perpetuity in such place and after such manner
as shall be deemed most convenient. To furnish funds for this I will
that my houses at Fontainebleau be sold, hoping that the King will
render me assistance, as I have requested him to do in my memorandum. I
will that my estate of Trespagny be kept by my cousin de Guise for one
of his daughters, if she should come to be married. In these quarters
I relinquish half of the arrears due to me, or a part, on condition
that the others be paid, in order to be expended by my executors in
perpetual alms. To carry this into effect the better, the documents
shall be looked out and delivered according to the assignment for
accomplishing this. I will also that the money which may arise from
my lawsuit with Secondat, be distributed as follows:—First, in the
discharge of my debts and orders hereafter mentioned and which are not
yet paid: in the first place, the 2000 crowns to Curle, which I desire
to be paid without any hesitation, they being a marriage portion,
upon which neither Nau nor any other person has any claim, whatever
obligation he may hold, inasmuch as it is only fictitious, and the
money is mine, and not borrowed, which since I did but show him, and
afterwards withdrew it; and it was taken from me with the rest at
Chartley; the which I give him, provided he can recover it agreeably
to my promise in payment of the four thousand francs as promised at
my death, one thousand as a marriage portion for an own sister, and
he having asked me for the rest for his expenses in prison. As to the
payment of a similar sum to Nau it is not obligatory, and therefore
it has always been my intention that it should be paid last, and then
only in case he should make it appear that he has not acted contrary
to the conditions upon which I gave it him, and to which my servants
were witnesses. As regards the 1200 crowns which he has placed to my
account as having been borrowed by him for my use—600 of Beauregard,
300 from Jervis, and the remainder from I know not whom, he must repay
them out of his own money, and I must be quit and my order annulled,
as I have not received any part of it, consequently it must be still
in his possession, unless he has paid it away. Be this as it may, it
is necessary that this sum should revert to me, I having received
nothing; and in case it has not been paid away, I must have recourse
to his property. I further direct that Pasquier shall account for the
moneys that he has expended and received by order of Nau, from the
hands of the servants of Mons. de Chateauneuf, the French Ambassador.
Further, I will that my accounts be audited and my treasure paid.
Further, that the wages and sums due to my household, as well for the
last as for the present year, be paid them before all other things,
both wages and pensions, excepting the pensions of Nau and Curle,
until it be ascertained what there is remaining, or whether they
have merited any pensioning from me, unless the wife of Curle be in
necessity or be ill-treated on my account: the wages of Nau after the
same manner. I will that the 2400 francs which I have given to Jane
Kennedy (afterwards married to Sir Andrew Melville; and was drowned
by the upsetting of a boat, the year of the marriage of James VI.) be
paid to her in money, as it was stated in my first deed of gift, which
done, the pension of Willie Douglas shall revert to me, which I give
to Fontenay (Nau's brother) for services and expenses for which he
has had no compensation. I will that the 4000 francs of that banker's
be applied for and repaid: I have forgotten his name, but the Bishop
of Glasgow will readily recollect it; and if the first order be not
honoured, I desire that another may be given in the first money from
Secondat.
The 10,000 francs which the ambassador has received for me, I will
that they be distributed among my servants who are now going away,
viz.—First, 2000 francs to my physician; 2000 francs to Elizabeth
Curle; 2000 to Sebastian Page; 2000 to Mary Page, my goddaughter; 1000
to Beauregard; 1000 to Gourgon; 1000 to Jervis. Further, that out of
the rest of my revenue, with the remainder of Secondats and all other
casualties, I will that 5000 francs be given to the Foundling Hospital
at Rheims; to my scholars, 2000 francs. To four mendicants such sum as
my executors may think fit, according to the means in their hands; 500
francs to the hospitals; to Martin _escuyer de cuisine_, 1000 francs;
1000 francs to Annibal, whom I recommend to my cousin de Guise, his
godfather, to place in some situation for his life, in his service.
I leave 500 francs to Nicholas, and 500 for his daughters when they
marry. I leave 500 francs to Robert Hamilton, and beg my son to take
him and Monsieur de Glasgow, or the Bishop of Ross. I leave to Didier
his registership, subject to the approbation of the King. I give 5000
francs to Jean Lauder, and beg my cousin of Guise, or of Mayne, to
take him into their service, and Messieurs de Glasgow and de Ross to
see him provided for. I will that his father be paid his wages, and
leave him 500 francs; 1000 francs to be paid to Gourgon for money and
other things with which he supplied me in my necessity. I will that
if Bourgoyne should perform the journey agreeably to the vow which he
made for me to St. Nicholas, that 1500 francs be paid to him for this
purpose. I leave, according to my slender means, 6000 francs to the
Bishop of Glasgow, and 3000 to the Bishop of Ross. And I leave the
gift of casualties and reserved seigneurial rights to my godson the
son of Monsieur de Ruissieu. I give 300 francs to Laurenz, and 300 to
Suzanne; and I leave 10,000 francs among the four persons who have been
my sureties and to Varmy the solicitor. I will that the money arising
from the furniture which I have ordered to be sold in London shall go
to defray the travelling expenses of my servants to France. My coach
I leave to carry my ladies, and the horses, which they can sell or do
what they like with. There remain about 300 crowns due to Bourgoyne
for the wages of past years, which I desire may be paid him. I leave
2000 francs to Sir Andrew Melville, my steward. I appoint my cousin,
the Duke of Guise, principal executor of my will; after him, the
Archbishop of Glasgow, the Bishop of Ross, and Monsieur de Ruissieu, my
chancellor. I desire that Le Prean may without obstacle hold his two
prebends. I recommend Mary Page, my goddaughter, to my cousin Madame de
Guise, and beg her to take her into her service, and my aunt de Saint
Pierre to get Mowbray some good situation or retain her in her service
for the honour of God.
Done this day 7th February 1587.
MARIE (Queen).
MEMORANDUM OF THE LAST REQUESTS WHICH I MAKE TO THE KING
To cause to be paid to me all that is due to me, of my pensions, as
also of money advanced by the late Queen, my mother, in Scotland, for
the service of the King, my father-in-law, in those parts, that at
least an annual obit may be founded for my soul, and that the alms and
little endowments promised by me may be carried into effect. Further,
that he may be pleased to grant me the benefit of my dowry for one
year after my death to recompense my servants. Further, that he may
be pleased to allow them their wages and pensions during their lives
as was done to the officers of Queen Aliener (of Austria, sister of
Charles V.). Further, I entreat him to take my physician into his
service, according to his promise to consider him as recommended.
Further, that my almoner Prean may be replaced in his profession, and
for my sake have some trifling benefice conferred upon him so that he
may pray to God for my soul during the rest of his life. Further, that
Didier, an old officer of my household, whom I have recompensed with a
registership, may be permitted to enjoy it for his life, being already
far advanced in years.
Written on the morning of my death this 8th February 1587.
MARIE (Queen).
LETTER OF POPE PIUS V. TO MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS
The custodier of the following important letter has authorised its
inclusion in this volume:—
“MOST DEAR DAUGHTER IN CHRIST,—Health and Apostolic Blessing.
“Having read your Majesty's letter of October 15th wherein you have
fully acquainted Us of your state and calamity, and being moved thereat
in spirit not otherwise than We ought, We have grieved bitterly over
your misfortunes and woes; but having learnt that your Majesty has
fallen into these mishaps in the defence of Catholic Faith, this
comfort has somewhat eased our sorrow, so that We can neither call nor
deem you unhappy whom our Saviour calls 'blessed.' For how can you be
unhappy, having borne so many persecutions for justice sake? You, who
for the maintaining of Almighty God's true worship, have not hesitated
to undergo such toils, and to encounter so many dangers: you, in fine,
who out of your rare zeal for the Catholic Faith, have feared neither
bands nor prisons, a fugitive from your own kingdom: all of which
things, although to our human spirit seemingly hard and painful and
grievous to be endured, can nevertheless be sweetened by the love of
the divine goodness that is sweeter than all things.
“Dearest Daughter, although grief for all that you have lost, and care
for your kingdom, may vex your Majesty, still, as neither honour, nor
kingdoms, nor fleeting riches are to be sought after since we must
leave them behind us: if we seek after good things, let us covet such
as we may possess everlastingly: while if we fear evil things, let us
rather dread those evils which are borne by the reprobate without
end of their woes. Therefore we ought neither to be wearied out with
evil, nor despair of what is good, for God Who rescued David from out
the hand of Saul, and Who brought the Apostle Paul from out the lion's
mouth, can likewise free you from many mishaps, and restore you to your
own kingdom.
“That this may come to pass, We on our part are ready to aid you with
all the helps that lie in our power, as We have hitherto done. For this
end We shall treat in our own name with each of the Kings whom you
mention, and strongly commend to them your safety and your kingdom's
welfare, as We ought to, being ready at all times to pay you all such
good offices of our fatherly goodwill as are deserved by your brave and
unconquered spirit, and most manifest care of the Catholic Faith. We
shall furthermore, in the lowliness of our heart, beseech Almighty God
in our prayers to help you, now that you are labouring under so many
misfortunes, that He may vouchsafe mercifully to give you fortitude and
perseverance in adversity.
“Given at Saint Peter's, Rome, under Fisherman's ring, January 9th,
1570, in the fourth year of our pontificate.”
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Petit.
[2] M. M. Shoemaker.
[3] Petit.
[4] For a narrative of it see Author's work on _Mary Queen of Scots,
and who wrote the Casket Letters?_
[5] Strickland.
[6] State Paper Office.
[7] Hosack.
[8] Hosack.
[9] Hosack.
[10] Tytler.
[11] For details, see the Author's _Queen of Scots_, vol. ii. pp.
222-52.
[12] Petit.
[13] Before James I. had ascended the English throne Pope Clément VIII.
caused it to be intimated to him that he prayed for him as the son of
a virtuous mother; that he desired for him all kinds of prosperity,
temporal and spiritual, and trusted yet to see him a Catholic (Ranke's
_History of the Popes_, vol. ii. pp. 222).
[14] Petit.
[15] Labanoff.
[16] See _Mary Queen of Scots_, by the Author, vol. ii. p. 224.
[17] Petit.
[18] Strickland.
[19] _Life of Egerton._
[20] _Mary Queen of Scots, and who wrote the Casket Letters?_
[21] Labanoff, vol. vi. p. 343.
[22] Translated by the Hon. Mrs. Maxwell Scott, of Abbotsford, and the
Rev. Dr. Conway, Manchester.
INDEX
Argyle, Earl of, 287.
Arundel, Earl of, 6.
Aston, Sir Walter, 19, 21, 25, 161, 169, 172.
Babington, Anthony, 32, 52, 55, 57.
Babington conspiracy, 43, 50, 57, 64, 69.
Babington plot, 43, 55, 73.
Bagott, Richard, 22, 44, 174.
Ballard, 8, 32, 54.
Barker, Edward, 66, 191, 197, 206.
Beale, Robert, Clerk of the Council, 83, 246.
Beauregard, Renee, Maid of Honour, 178.
Bellievre, P. de, French ambassador—
Interview with Elizabeth, 122, 126.
Letter to Henry III., 126-28.
Letter to Queen Mary, 129-31.
Bourgoyne, D., physician to the Queen—
Opinion of Burghley, 5.
His devotion to the Queen, 29.
Interview with the Queen, 73.
His Journal, 159 _et seq._
Bromley, Lord Chancellor—
Tries to get secret information from Pasquier, 47.
His cunning interrogatories, 48.
Fotheringay Commissioners, 60.
His interviews with Mary, 67, 197.
Addresses Mary at the trial, 207.
Buckhurst, Lord—
Elizabeth's final instructions, 82.
Sent to announce death sentence, 98.
His message from Elizabeth, 245.
Burghley, Lord (Wm. Cecil)—
His ability, 5.
Endorses Nau's declaration, 32.
Appointed to conduct trial, 60.
Letter from Elizabeth, 65.
Interview with Mary, 67.
His letter to Davison, 75.
Connection with the death proclamation of Elizabeth, 132.
Alleged paper on Mary, 144-46.
Interview with Mary, and debate, 199.
Continuation of debate, 201.
His prosecution at the trial, 217.
His speech, second day, 219.
Charles IX., 6.
Chancellor, Lord, 47.
Chartley, 18, 19, 24, 43, 171.
Chateauneuf, French ambassador—
Letters from Queen Mary, 11-16.
Second letter from Queen Mary, 16, 17.
Interview with Elizabeth, 122-126.
Commission for Queen Mary's trial, 60.
Courcelles, French ambassador in Scotland—
Forces being levied for Elizabeth, 58.
Curle, Elizabeth, 29, 165.
Curle, Elspeth, 178, 279.
Curle, Mrs., 41, 44, 171 (Barbara Mowbray).
Darnley murder, 49.
Drury, Elizabeth's ambassador, 245, 257.
Devices and mottoes of Mary, 307-12.
Elizabeth, Queen of England—
Her character and policy, 4.
Orders kidnapping plot, 19-22.
Insolent message to Mary, 28.
Nau's letter, 32.
Letters to Paulet, 26, 27, 36.
Instructs Mary's treatment, 58.
Characteristic message to Mary, 59.
Commission to Burghley and Walsingham, 61, 62.
Letter to Burghley and Walsingham, 63.
Letters to Burghley, 64, 68.
Instructions to Buckhurst and Beale, 83, 88.
Letter to Paulet, 92, 93.
The Bellievre interview, 122-26
Sends Buckhurst to Fotheringay, 127.
Proclamation death sentence, 134-39.
Letter to Paulet, 140.
Orders Hue and Cry, 143.
Interview with Melville and Gray, 150.
Royal Commission to execute Mary, 151-54.
Stag hunt, 162.
The conspirators, 178.
Sends Gorges to escort Mary, 182.
Insolent message to Mary, 189.
Letters to Mary, 192, 196.
Sends her priest to Mary, 267.
Despatches Shrewsbury and Kent, 273.
Englefield, Sir Francis, 52.
Fotheringay, 34, 38, 50, 59, 64, 142.
French embassy, 125.
Glasgow, Archbishop of, 56.
Glasgow, Bishop of, 52.
Gorges, T., English ambassador, 24, 28-30, 162, 182, 183, 185.
Gray, Master of, 150.
Greysley of Fotheringay, 22.
Guise, Duke of, 53, 56.
Hast, Sir Francis, 24.
Henry III. of France—
Letter to James VI., 95.
Wishes regarding Mary, 125.
Bellievre's despatch, 126, 127.
Henry VIII., 4.
Historical MSS. Commission, 141, 146.
Hue and Cry, 142.
James VI.—
Letter from Henry III., 95.
Letter to Elizabeth, 148-50.
Jervis, Surgeon, 178.
Kennedy, Jane, 171, 206, 279.
Kent, Earl of—
His speech, 141.
Commission to execute Mary, 151-4.
His arrival at Fotheringay, 272.
Labanoff, 126.
Lords' arrival Fotheringay, 191.
Manners, John, 25.
Mary, Queen of Scots—
Plots for her release, 7, 8.
Letters to Chateauneuf, 10-17.
Kidnapping Plot, 28.
Connection with Nau, 32.
Seizure of her money, 43.
Letter to Duke of Guise, 46.
Intercepted letters, 53.
Baptizes Curle's child, 41.
Interview with Paulet, 59.
Interview with Mildmay and others, 66.
Letter to Elizabeth, 67.
Negotiations with Bromley and Burghley, 67.
Rebukes Walsingham, 70.
Her opinion of Nau, 74.
Letter to the Pope, 98-102.
Letter to the Duke of Guise, 102-5.
Letter to Mendoza, 108-11.
Letter to the Archbishop of Glasgow, 112-20.
Letter to Prean, 154.
Letter to Henry III., 155-58.
The stag hunt, 161.
The Gorges interview, 163.
Paulet's behaviour, 164.
Bourgoyne remonstrates, 166.
Queen retires to pray, 167.
Carried to Tixall, 170.
Disallowed to write, 170.
Carried to Chartley, 173.
Paulet and Bagott interview, 174.
Debate with Paulet, 175.
Cabinet of Mary seized, 176.
Her violent speech to Paulet, 179.
Journey, Chartley to Burton, 183.
Indignant reply to Gorges, 186.
Arrival at Fotheringay, 188.
Another Paulet interview, 189.
Letter from Elizabeth, 191.
Elizabeth's letter with indictment, 192.
Ceremonious interview with the Lord Chancellor, 197.
Denounces indictment, 198.
Refuses to be examined, 202.
Trial day: arraignment speech; another address to the Lords,
204, 205.
Opening of the trial, and her defence, 206-17.
Second day of trial, 218.
Her defence and final speech, 220-28.
Letter to Babington, 232-40.
Her reply to Paulet, 242.
Buckhurst, Paulet, and Drury, 245.
She answers Beale, 248.
Paulet and Drury in her chamber, 249.
Remarkable letter to Elizabeth, 250-55.
Silences Paulet, 258.
Demands her books and papers, 260.
Bourgoyne, Melville, and Prean separated from her, 263.
Bourgoyne and Paulet messages, 270.
Delivery of death sentence, 273.
The Queen's reply, 273-78.
The execution and death, 280.
Mary's first parliament, 287.
Proclamations anent religion, 288-92.
Proclamations of Moray's rebellion, 292-94.
Fabricated abdication, 294-97.
Fabricated procuratory, 297-99.
Schemes for her release, 299.
Alleged forged letters (Paget), 300-4.
Letter to Mendoza, 304.
Queen Mary's devices and mottoes, 307-12.
Queen Mary's Will, 312-17.
Melville, Andrew, 22, 30, 38, 155, 164, 206, 258.
Melville, Robert, 150.
Memorial by Walsingham, 141.
Mendoza, Bernard de, 8, 52, 53.
Mildmay, Sir Walter, 39, 61, 66, 191.
Moray, Earl of, 287.
Morgan, 8, 53.
Morton, Earl of, his character, 258.
Mowbray, Gillies, Maid of Honour, 178.
Myles, Francis, 57.
Nau and Curle, 19, 20, 23, 24, 30, 47, 58, 74, 91, 162, 164, 171.
Nau and Pierrepoint, 173.
Norfolk, Duke of, 172.
Northumberland, Earl of, 6.
Page, Sebastian, 165, 171.
Paget, Charles, 8, 51, 53.
Paget, Lord, 52.
Pasquier, 38, 47.
Paulet, Sir Amias—
Conference with Wade, 18.
His replies to Elizabeth's questions, 19.
Removes Mary's servants, 30.
Letters to Walsingham, 33, 45, 46.
Letters to Walsingham, 79, 81, 94.
Instructions from Burghley and Walsingham, 39, 40.
Letters to Walsingham, 41, 42.
Seizes Mary's cabinet, 43.
Interview with Mary, 59.
Letter from Elizabeth, 140.
Stag hunt, 161-64.
His insolent behaviour, 164.
Seizes Mary's cabinet, 176.
His reply to Mary, 166.
Refuses permission to write, 170.
Interview in her bedroom, 174.
Insults the Queen, 175.
Kidnaps the Queen, 165.
Carries her to Tixall, 169.
His conduct there, 171.
Brings back the Queen, 173.
Forcibly seizes her money, 176.
Locks up the servants, 177.
Speech to the Queen, 178.
Proposes another removal, 180.
Escorts the Queen, 183.
Threatened destruction of his coach, 188.
Arrival at Fotheringay, 188.
Interview with Mary, 189.
Discharges Mary's servants, 196.
Interview with her, 197.
Violent speech to Mary, 255.
Melville and Bourgoyne, 258.
Returns two bags of papers, 259.
Resents secret murder, 268.
Refuses to see Melville, 271.
Peterborough, Fletcher, Dean of, 272, 279.
Petit—historian, 70, 94.
Philip II. of Spain, 6.
Phillips, Thomas, the spy, 32, 57.
Pierrepoint, Elizabeth, 38, 170, 172.
Pinart, 58.
Pittenweem, Commendator of, 120.
Prean, Queen Mary's almoner, 154.
Savage, John, 32, 54, 57.
Seton, Mary, 78.
Shrewsbury, Earl of, George Talbot, 6th earl—
His speech prepared, 141.
Commission to execute the Queen, 151-54.
Arrival at Fotheringay, 272.
In the Queen's chamber, 273.
Spain, King of, 53.
Stag hunt, 18, 29.
Stallenge, Usher of Parliament—
Escorts the Queen, 183.
Delivers letter from Elizabeth, 191.
Interview with Mary, 197.
Star Chamber, 77.
State Paper Office—
Official record of the Mildmay and Paulet interview with the
Queen, 194-96.
Stewart, Robert, 120.
Tixall, 18, 34, 43, 169.
Wade, William, English ambassador, 19, 30.
Walsingham, Sir Francis, Elizabeth's Secretary—
His character, 5, 6.
Kidnapping scheme, 19.
Letters to Paulet, 34-37.
His interpolations, 35.
Letter to Master of Gray, 48, 49.
Memorial—intercepted letters, 51-55.
Babington conspiracy, 57.
Letter to Phillips, 58.
Elizabeth's orders, 58.
Babington conspiracy fraud, 66.
Reply to Mary's rebuke, 69.
Implicated in death proclamation, 132.
His duplicity, 89.
Memorial, Mary's execution, 141.
Charged with forgery, 199.
Yetsweirt, Nicasino, 30.
Zouch, Lord, 77, 80.
_Printed by_ MORRISON & GIBB LIMITED, _Edinburgh_.
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End of Project Gutenberg's The Last Days of Mary Stuart, by Samuel Cowan