Paulet and the Queen discuss the situation—Arrival of Lord
Buckhurst—Buckhurst, Paulet, Drury, and Beale have an audience
of the Queen—Elizabeth's insolent message—Mary's vigorous
reply—Debate between the Queen and Beale—Text of Mary's
famous letter to Elizabeth, 19th December 1586—The Drury and
Melville interview—Mary demands delivery of her papers—Paulet's
duplicity—Mary's opinion of Nau—Melville, Bourgoyne, and Prean
separated finally from her in spite of remonstrance.
“After the departure of the commissioners, Paulet treated the Queen
courteously, provided her with what was necessary to make her
comfortable, and gave her in addition the use of the great hall which
had served for the examination. Her Majesty all this time, so far from
being troubled with what had passed, I had not seen her so joyful nor
so much at her ease for seven years; only speaking of things for the
purpose of recreation, especially giving her opinion on the chronicles
of England, which she read daily; and afterwards in chatting with her
people without any appearance of sadness, looking well and appearing
better than before her trouble. Her resolution was that she did not
fear to die for such a good cause, and if anyone said they would not
put her to death, she knew quite well they would. She saw well that
they were proceeding in order to come to that point, for she knew their
ways of doing.
“In reply to Paulet, she said she had no occasion to be indisposed
or troubled; that she knew in her conscience what she had done, and
she had already responded to everything; that God knew she had never
attempted nor consented to conspire against the Queen of England;
that her conscience was free from all connivance in that respect, and
being innocent, she had occasion rather to rejoice than be sad, having
confidence in God, the protector of the good and the innocent. She was
quite ready to suffer death if it pleased Him. She had been born in
trouble, and the Queen her mother had brought her up in trouble and
had had much pain in doing so; and at last was obliged to send her to
France, where she did not long enjoy the good that came to her, the
King her husband having prematurely died. When she returned to Scotland
she was almost always troubled, and had not been without trouble ever
since. It would be no profit to her to be afflicted any longer. It was
a great satisfaction to have a clear conscience. Paulet said her cause
was not a question of religion, it was a question of murder, rebellion,
and invasion, and being guilty, she ought not to deny it. If she had
committed so horrible a crime neither she nor a great part of the
kingdom could be excused, not even all the Catholics of the kingdom.
If they consented to this, they deserved to be punished. She said they
must find some other cloak or pretext to enable them to come to the
point. She could see well what they had in view, but she would have
no worse cheer for all that; they were not going to spare her. Paulet
said it was not for her religion; no one had been punished for that. He
knew nothing of what the Lords had done, but they had found the charge
clear and evident. It was said they had given sentence, that he knew
not; some supposed he had done it, but he knew nothing: had only heard
by hearsay. Her Majesty said she knew they had condemned her _before
they came here_. What they had done here was only to go through the
formalities to make their resolution feasible. She was not obliged to
acquiesce or submit, and she did not care in the least what they had
done. Having her a prisoner, they could very easily afflict her and
kill her and dispose of her at their own will and pleasure, for she was
all along feeble and careworn, and she desired that everyone should
know how her affairs were handled. Paulet said spitefully that he was
very sorry everybody knew it, that such an enterprise was not secret,
but he had passed no judgment on it before the arrival of the Lords.
He said that Elizabeth should not take the title of supreme head of
the Church, and that there was no head but Jesus Christ. She replied
that this was the only point on which the exclusion of the Catholics
had been founded; that she thought this thing was so common and so
true that to Henry VIII. the title had been given; that he might think
the Calvinists, who are the most reformed, did not approve of this;
but those who followed the religion of the Queen, who are Lutherans
and inventors of this idea, hold everyone guilty of treason or _lèse
majesté_ all who hold the contrary. Not only have they judged guilty
those who would not recognise it or disavow it by words, but they
have obliged them to say what they thought in their conscience, and
upon their answers condemned them to death. If Elizabeth did not wish
to accept this title she knew well it was given to her and that they
were guilty who did not recognise it. Paulet answered that Elizabeth
could not do so, and they did not give it to her but others, and those
who were called Puritans considered her governor under God of things
ecclesiastical and temporal in England, but not supreme head of the
Church. There was no one that but Jesus Christ.
“At the conclusion we were of opinion that he would write Her Majesty's
answer to the court. Her countenance was not in the least changed,
neither her conversation nor her actions, and we said she could bear
a thousand torments sooner than ask pardon. She said they would be
instructed by Elizabeth, who wished to reserve this authority in order
to keep her under subjection as incapable of the right to reign. She
repeated what she had been told several times, that there were many
others in England whom they had put to death, princes, kings, and great
lords; as she said to Paulet some days before, that England was the
bloodiest of all nations, and that they were in the habit from time
immemorial of putting their kings to death or deposing them according
to their will. Paulet said it was of all nations the least addicted to
that; and she replied their chronicles were full of it.”
The next entry in the _Journal_ is Sunday, 13th November. Drury, the
Ambassador of Elizabeth, came in the place of Stallenge, who left next
day.
“_Friday, 18th November._—Lord Buckhurst arrived in order to consult
with Her Majesty. He came with the governor of the castle to speak to
Paulet, then went back to sleep in the town.
“_Sunday, 20th November._—After having asked permission to speak to Her
Majesty they came after dinner with Paulet and Drury into her chamber.
Lord Buckhurst had a message from Elizabeth, if it would please her
to listen: that she, considering what had passed, had sent Beale and
him to tell her that after she had been informed of rebellions in her
kingdom against her person and Estates, of which Her Majesty was
accused, knowing her rank and having great regret in her heart that
such a thing should have happened, she had been careful to order that
the facts should be looked into, and for that purpose had sent the
greatest and most honourable lords of her kingdom to inquire into the
same. They had reported to Parliament that Her Majesty not only was
consenting to a thing so horrible, but was also author and inventor
of the same, and that she, being in this country under the protection
of the Queen of England and the laws, was subject to the same. After
having deliberated with Parliament, Elizabeth had given sentence of
death against her, and he had left his mistress irresolute, but in
order that she might not be taken by surprise, there being such a
ferment in Parliament, and she was so importuned by her Estates, that
it was almost impossible for her not to consent. For since the Queen
of Scots had been in this country there had been continual trouble in
the kingdom, so that neither the Queen's person, nor the State, nor
religion were secure. They all said for the safety of these it was
necessary that one or the other should die, for it was impossible for
both to live at the same time.
“Beale and he had been sent to warn her of her death, that she
might not be taken unawares, and they would send her the Bishop of
Peterboro' or a Dean to console her—these were men of knowledge and
reading; however, if she would reflect, and recognise her fault, and
make repentance and satisfaction before God and man, and if she knew
something more of this plot besides what had already been proved,
she would unload her conscience, as she was bound to do in Christian
charity, being a near relation of the Queen of England, to whom she was
indebted for the benefits she had received. If she knew any who were
guilty in this matter, she should declare it before her death, for such
was her duty. Her Majesty said she expected nothing else; they were in
the habit of proceeding thus to those of her rank or those who were
related or near the Throne. They never allowed those to live who could
aspire to it, and that for a long time she knew the end would be that
they would lead her there. She respected the Queen and the country,
and had done all she could for the preservation of both. She did not
fear death and was quite resolute, and with a good heart would endure
it. She had in no way conspired to the hurt of the Queen's person; her
friends had several times offered her deliverance, to which for not
having consented she had been blamed, and they threatened to leave her
and mix themselves up no more in her affairs. In these circumstances
she had striven for deliverance out of amiability, but to her great
disadvantage; in short, on being refused on the one side and pressed
on the other she had thrown herself into the arms of her friends
and had taken part with the Christian princes and Catholics, not for
ambition or aspiring to great estate, but for the honour of God and
his Church, and to be delivered from the misery and captivity in which
she was placed. She was not ignorant that for a long time there were
individuals who had got up all these accusations against her; and to
speak plainly, it was Walsingham who had confessed to being her enemy,
which he would never cease to be till he had accomplished his purpose;
of all which she had spoken before the commissioners. Beale said that
Walsingham did not meddle more than the others, that he was esteemed a
good and faithful servant, and that he believed that neither he nor any
of the lords had any special power to do anything for or against her
unless in the Council and Assembly. Beale said that he had to tell Her
Majesty something about the treaties and affairs which had been in the
past in this kingdom, and with these she had been connected and caused
trouble. He criticised her coming into the kingdom, and said that the
Queen had cared for her and received and appeased her subjects who were
against her; that seeing her in danger, she had helped her to retire to
Carlisle in order to be more secure. Her Majesty answered that she had
been led there compulsorily and against her will. Beale said it was for
her good, and put her in mind that there had been affairs over which
the subjects of Her Majesty and her friends had taken arms. She said
that formerly when she desired to write she could; and when it could
profit the Queen and her it was no longer permitted, but since her
enemies had procured her sentence she had not thought it would profit
or serve her in any way; besides, being deprived of all dignity and
title, she did not see in what rank she could write for the present.
What she did was not to save her life, nor to get pardon and escape,
but only for peace of mind and for a last adieu.
“Next day after dinner, Paulet and Drury having been sent for, they
came into her chamber, when she made the same speech, adding that
she would make a rough draft of a letter before them. And while they
were talking Paulet said he wished to read this letter before it was
sealed, as she might put something within of which he wished to be
assured because of his duty to his mistress. On this they had some
conversation, Her Majesty being surprised that he should require such
a thing. At the same time she said ironically that she thanked him for
the good opinion he had of her, to suspect her of putting something
into the letter that would hurt the English Queen. Paulet apologising
for his behaviour, assured her that Elizabeth wished to write her the
same day (16th December). Her Majesty's chaplain arrived.
“_Tuesday, 19th December_ (the Vigil of St. Thomas).—Paulet and Drury
were sent for to receive her letter. She showed it to them quite open,
and took a copy of it, rubbing it against her forehead, then shut it
with white silk and sealed it with Spanish wax.”
This letter has very fortunately been preserved, though it is not in
Bourgoyne's _Journal_, and is in the following terms:—
“MADAM,—Having with difficulty obtained leave from those to whom you
have committed me to open to you all I have on my heart, as much for
exonerating myself from any ill will or desire of committing cruelty,
or any act of enmity against those with whom I am connected in blood;
as also kindly to communicate to you what I thought would serve you as
much for your weal and preservation as for the maintenance of the peace
and repose of this isle, which can only be injured if you reject my
advice. You will credit or disbelieve my discourse as it seems best to
you.
“I am resolved to strengthen myself in Christ Jesus alone, who to
those invoking him with a true heart never fails in his justice and
consolation, especially to those who are bereft of all human aid; such
are under his holy protection; to him be the glory. He has equalled my
expectation, having given me heart and strength _in spe contra spem_
(in hope against hope) to endure the unjust calumnies, accusations, and
condemnations (of those who have no such jurisdiction over me) with
a constant resolution to suffer death for upholding the obedience and
authority of the Apostolical Roman Catholic Church.
“Now since I have been on your part informed of the sentence of your
last meeting of Parliament, Lord Buckhurst and Beale have admonished me
to prepare for the end of my long and weary pilgrimage, I beg to return
you thanks on my part for these happy tidings, and to entreat you to
vouchsafe to me certain points for the discharge of my conscience. But
since Sir Amias Paulet has informed me (though falsely) that you had
indulged me by having restored to me my almoner and the money that they
had taken from me, and that the remainder would follow; for all this I
would willingly return you thanks, and supplicate still further as a
last request, which I have thought for many reasons I ought to ask of
you alone, that you will accord this ultimate grace for which I should
not like to be indebted to any other, since I have no hope of finding
aught but cruelty from the Puritans, who are at this time, God knows
wherefore, the first in authority and the most bitter against me.
“I will accuse no one: nay, I pardon with a sincere heart everyone
even as I desire everyone may grant forgiveness to me, God the first.
But I know that you more than anyone ought to feel at heart the honour
or dishonour of your own blood, and that moreover of a Queen and the
daughter of a King.
“Thus, madam, for the sake of that Jesus to whose name all powers bow,
I require you to ordain that when my enemies have slaked their black
thirst for my innocent blood, you will permit my poor desolate servants
altogether to carry away my body to bury it in holy ground with the
other queens of France my predecessors, especially near the late Queen
my mother; having this in recollection, that in Scotland the bodies of
the kings my predecessors have been outraged and the churches profaned
and abolished; and that as I shall suffer in this country I shall
not be given place near the kings your predecessors, who are mine as
well as yours; for, according to our religion, we think much of being
interred in holy ground. As they tell me that you will in nothing
force my conscience nor my religion, and have even conceded me a
priest, refuse me not this, my last request, that you will permit free
sepulture to this body when the soul is separated, which when united
could never obtain liberty to live in repose such as you would procure
for yourself—against which repose, before God I speak, _I never aimed a
blow_: but God will let you see the truth of all after my death.
“And because I dread the tyranny of those to whose power you have
abandoned me, I entreat you not to permit execution to be done on me
without your own knowledge, not for fear of the torments which I am
most ready to suffer, but on account of the reports which will be
raised concerning my death unsuspected, and without other witnesses
than those who would inflict it, who I am persuaded would be of very
different qualities from those parties whom I require (being my
servants) to stay spectators and with witnesses of my end in the faith
of our Sacrament of my Saviour and in obedience to his Church. And
after all is over that they together may carry away my poor body (as
secretly as you please) and speedily withdraw without taking with them
any of my goods except those which in dying I may leave to them ...
which are little enough for their long and faithful services. One jewel
that I received of you I shall return to you with my last words, or
sooner if you please.
“Once more I supplicate you to permit me to send a jewel and a last
adieu to my son with my dying benediction, for of my blessing he has
been deprived since you sent me his refusal to enter into the treaty
whence I was excluded by his wicked Council; this last point I refer to
your favourable consideration and conscience as the others; but I ask
them in the name of Jesus Christ, and in respect of our consanguinity,
and for the sake of King Henry VII. your grandfather and mine, and by
the honour of the dignity we both held and of our sex in common do I
implore you to grant these requests.
“As to the rest, I think you know that in your name they have taken
down my daïs (canopy and raised seat) but afterwards they owned to me
that it was not by your command but by the intimation of some of your
Privy Council. I thank God that this wickedness came not from you, and
that it serves rather to vent their malice than to afflict me, having
made up my mind to die. It is on account of this and some other things
that they debarred me from writing to you, and after they had done all
in their power to degrade me from my rank they told me 'that I was but
a mere dead woman, incapable of dignity'—God be praised for all.
“I would wish that all my papers were brought to you without reserve,
that at last it may be manifest to you that the sole care of your
safety was not confined to those who are so prompt to persecute me. If
you will accord this my last request, I would wish that you would write
for them, otherwise they do with them as they choose. And, moreover,
I wish that to this my last request you will let me know your last
reply. To conclude, I pray God the just judge of his mercy that He will
enlighten you with His Holy Spirit, and that He will give me His grace
to die in the perfect charity I am disposed to do and to pardon all
those who have caused or who have co-operated in my death. Such will be
my last prayer to my end, which I esteem myself happy will precede the
persecution which I foresee menaces this isle, where God is no longer
seriously feared and revered, but vanity and worldly policy rule and
govern all—yet will I accuse no one nor give way to presumption—yet
while abandoning this world and preparing myself for a better, I must
remind you that one day you will have to answer for your charge, and
for all those whom you condemn, and that I desire that my blood and my
country may be remembered in that time. For why? From the first days
of our capacity to comprehend our duties we ought to bend our minds to
make the things of this world yield to those of eternity.
“From Fotheringay this 19th December 1586.—Your sister and cousin,
prisoner wrongfully,
“MARIE (_Royne_).
“Paulet afterwards troubled Her Majesty with a rather violent speech,
warning her to thank the Queen and recognise the favour she had done
her not only since her arrival in England but since, and in this last
she was much indebted. Her Majesty said if she had received any benefit
or favour from Elizabeth she thanked her for it, but she did not see
it, having kept her a prisoner for eighteen years and then condemned
her to death. It was the worst that she could do. Paulet said she had
kept her from her enemies and saved her life; that she had come into
this country fleeing from another place, and it was the inconvenience
of the sea that sent her into England. Her Majesty said there was
nobody in England who held this view but himself, and that she had come
into this country in a simple fishing boat, which was not intended to
carry her farther, against the opinion of the lords who were with her,
of whom there were some still living, who had tried to dissuade her
from coming because she would put herself into the hands of the enemy
and would only leave it at her death. They would not cross with her
unless she gave them an attestation and certificate by her own hand
that it was against their will that she came to England. Paulet, she
said, showed himself very ignorant of her affairs. If Elizabeth did
not wish to keep her promise she ought to have sent her away and not
detained her against her undertaking. Paulet repeated it was for her
good and to save her from her enemies, therefore she ought to have a
good opinion of Elizabeth. Since she came into the country and was
under her protection, Elizabeth had guarded her and done her no harm,
although she might have had suspicion of her as a rival in the kingdom.
She was quite sure the enemies of the Queen of Scots would have taken
her life had she been sent back to Scotland. Her Majesty replied that
her subjects had taken arms on the frontiers. Paulet reminded her that
when her party was the feeblest in her country Elizabeth had kept her
in her rank and dignity, and her gratitude was to attempt Elizabeth's
life. The which was so undoubted that Elizabeth had a right to proceed
against her according to the laws of the country.
“Drury began to speak to Melville, and said that many great lords had
told him that the King of Scotland had good reason to know and respect
the Queen of England, who had been to him a good mother: that it was
not the English who had separated him from his mother, but it was
because he would not make a league in which she (Mary) was included;
thus they had treated with him as King of Scotland, as one who was
recognised in England and in all foreign countries. There was no other
with whom to treat but he who was recognised by the Parliaments of
England and Scotland. Her Majesty answered on the first point that it
must be allowed to pass as above, she not having been allowed by the
Queen of England to arm her people. The English not having laid down
their arms they burned and wasted the country, and she, being kept by
force, had not been able to make good conditions for getting away. Her
party would not have been the weakest if the English had not mixed
themselves up in it. She was obliged to tell them that one well-known
man in England (John Wood) had written to Moray that 'they had not been
able to keep the devil when they had him in their possession.' Better
to have kept him tied and chained than to let her go. She desired to
be judged by her peers or by twelve subjects not kings or primates,
by whom England had no right to make laws. It was no great honour to
praise such a wicked man as Morton, who was known for a tyrant and
usurper, who pillaged and ravaged all the wealth of the poor subjects
of Scotland, took her son prisoner, and extorted money tyrannically
from everyone. He was a false man and a traitor, his life debauched and
vicious, coming to a climax in luxury and adultery. Melville said he
could corroborate this statement. She wondered at Elizabeth thinking
herself a good mother to her son in having kept him separate from her
and hindered friendship with his mother, having intercourse with those
who kept her prisoner, receiving her rebels and favouring them. They
ought not to have taken the counsel of young Gray to treat with the
son rather than with the mother to whom the kingdom belonged, and that
as soon as he became King she declared she had submitted by force,
that she permitted him to take the title of King provided he took her
counsel in affairs of importance and that he would do nothing without
her. Otherwise she would disavow all that he did. The foreign kings
recognised him only on this condition. (Paulet was evidently unable to
reply.)
“_Thursday, 22nd December._—Paulet sent to fetch Melville and Bourgoyne
both together, contrary to his custom, inasmuch as Melville since his
return had always alone carried messages to and from the Queen. Paulet
declared he had something to send to the Queen. This was two bags of
papers according to what Her Majesty had asked in order to arrange
her accounts, saying that he did not know what they were, but he gave
them as he got them, delivering to us aside a letter from Curle to his
sister saying that he had been allowed to write to ask Her Majesty
that as she had promised for his bargain £4000 by testament and £1000
in prison, it would be better to leave him the 2000 crowns that he had
had by deposit, that the said sum might be put to interest in France,
as otherwise it might fall into the hands of his enemies. As the bags
were unsealed we showed them to him. He said that because of his duty
and charge he had unsealed them in order to know their contents. Her
Majesty read Nau's letter, which was in one of the bags in a very short
memorandum.
“_Friday, 23rd December._—Her Majesty sent to Melville and Bourgoyne
to beg of Paulet to tell the court that she could do nothing without
her papers which were awanting, and being those that were principally
required, namely, the conclusion and clearing up of the past, and that
he would know what had become of them, as they had been carried away
by Wade. Desiring to speak to him particularly of other points that
she wished him to write down, Paulet, who was ill, promised to come to
her when he was better, but he would write to her upon this and other
subjects.
“_Saturday, 7th January 1587._—Paulet sent by his secretary the papers
which he said he had received the day before from his servants, who
had returned from London with money for the expenses of the house, as
he thought. These papers were memorandums made by Nau of the accounts
of the Queen for the years 1583-4-5, what the treasurer had received
and what he had paid out, showing that they owed her more than he had
received because of the past troubles.
“Her Majesty complained that they were not what she had asked, and were
of no use to her; that she must have her books and original papers
concerning her estate and private affairs, the which neither affected
the Queen nor England, and were of no interest to anyone but herself.
She wished no writings to be in the hands of Nau. She desired to know
what she had to dispose of in her will, without which she could do
nothing, and she wanted from Nau a memorandum of the money he owed her
in his own private name. This money he had received from her and her
servants, including Pasquier, for the services he had given her in
furnishing stuffs and distributing them, which stuffs he had paid with
her money when he was in London; while he also received it from those
to whom he had delivered the said stuffs (paid twice).
“Paulet took a memorandum of this, to write about it and about what Her
Majesty wanted to know more particularly. He said he would do it when
he could—he understood it well.
“_Next day, 8th January_, Her Majesty desired him to come and speak to
her, as he had made her understand, by his wife and Melville, because
of his malady he was unable. She knew he had been out the day before,
when she hoped to have seen him, having also been able to walk out.
Paulet answered that he would come, when his health would allow it—that
he had a cold, and could not stir. We were charged to tell him that Her
Majesty, not being able to communicate with him, and having no answer
to her letter written nearly three weeks ago, thought of writing again.
Then when he was getting better, she would prepare her letters, so that
when he was cured he might find them all ready. He, a little angry,
said she could write and prepare what she wished.
“_Saturday, 14th January._—Her Majesty sent to Paulet to tell him that,
according to what she had sent on Sunday last, she was surprised that
she had received no answer, nor to that which she had begged him to
write. She wished to be kept no longer in suspense, so as to arrange
the matters of her last will and prepare herself for everything. Her
letter was ready, and she desired him to come and speak to her, and
see the letter, and seal it, as he had done the last. He being in bed,
with one of his arms bandaged, said it was not possible for him to move
or walk at present. He was very sorry, but as soon as he was able he
would go to her. She gave orders to tell him if he could not come,
to send Drury or his wife, or both, in order to receive it and seal
it. Paulet said he would communicate with Drury, and next day we would
have the answer. Which day, _15th January_, after dinner, Paulet sent
to tell us he had spoken with Drury, and that he could send nothing
to the court without being authorised to do so. It was not for him to
hinder her writing, but he was a servant, and not such an infant as
to send anything without leave; but he would write about it, and the
distance not being great, she would soon receive an answer. Her Majesty
sent to tell him she thought it very strange he should act in this
fashion, seeing she had had permission to write; that they even found
it strange she had not done it, and that the Queen of England expected
it, and one single letter from her might have kept them back, and if
she had received it they might not have come here—that he himself,
after the return of Lord Buckhurst, had offered to do this, and had
even sent her letter. Paulet answered that he had a commission, and
that he had executed it, but she might be content, she would soon have
an answer. Upon this he was told that Her Majesty wished to know if
he had instructions prohibiting him from sending her letters. Paulet
said he could not answer particular questions: he promised to send
Elizabeth Curle's letter, in answer to that of her brother, which she
had received some days before, provided he saw and read it first.
“_Friday, 20th January 1587._—Melville spoke to Paulet about the diet
and the ordinary pension, if to have a servant, also our wages, to
which he received a courteous answer refusing a servant but hoping he
might be able to send the wages. Upon which we founded our hopes that
all was not at the last extremity.
“_Saturday, 21st January._—Paulet sent to fetch Melville, Bourgoyne
and Prean, upon which we wondered much what it could be for, and the
latter not wishing to go because he had not suitable dress, remained
behind until Melville and Bourgoyne spoke to him; when he refused,
saying he could do nothing without Prean. We concluded that he sent
for us in private suspecting that they wished to separate him from the
Queen. Prean, dressed as he was, borrowed a cloak. All the three having
come to Paulet, he addressed Bourgoyne, whom he requested wishing
him to tell the Queen that Melville and Prean were to have no more
communication with Her Majesty, and he (Paulet) could not tell her
himself. Then Paulet said he had something to tell them that he knew
would not be agreeable to Her Majesty nor to Melville, who was always
known as a faithful servant to his mistress, but there was no help for
it; that he must take it in good part, and know there were good reasons
for it; that they must leave their mistress for the present, and they
must appear no more before her; therefore they must retire to their
rooms; that Prean, being lodged so near Her Majesty, they could not
hinder him from going to her. It would be better for him to live in one
of Melville's chambers; they were not to be made prisoners nor lose
anything they had before, excepting in the presence of their mistress.
They could walk in the court, dine in the office if they wished,
communicate with the servants who came to them, but not to enter into
the hall. Upon this Melville protested with regret, saying that all his
consolation was to be near his mistress—would he permit him to see her
and take leave of her? Paulet answered that he could not, and it was
of no use; he said nothing to hinder him from thinking that he might
return to her as before, but he must have patience for the present.
Prean, protesting his regret, said the same. Bourgoyne, returning to
Her Majesty, astonished her and the others very much; they imagined all
kinds of things, but could not find a good reason.