Looking Backward

Edward Bellamy, American social reformer, who sprang into fame in

the last decade of the nineteenth century by his book, "Looking

Backward," was born in Massachusetts, on March 25, 1850. Trained

for the Bar, he became a journalist, and devoted his pen to the

propaganda of socialism. After the unprecedented success of his

socialist novel, in which he describes a suppositious twentieth

century revolution from the standpoint of a hypnotised sleeper

awakened in 2000 A.D., his modest home at Chicopee Falls became a

recognised centre of the socialist movement in the United States.

"Looking Backward" was published in 1888, and was followed by

"Equality," in which he expounded his political doctrines in

dialogue form, the story being treated merely as a sequel to the

earlier book, and entirely subordinated to the more serious aim. We

have here preferred to classify "Looking Backward" as a work of

philosophy, and not as fiction. Bellamy's championship of the

rights of the disinherited, and his enlightened ideas, conveyed in

a by no means unimaginative style, gained him many friends and

sympathisers. Bellamy died on May 22, 1898.

_I.--The Great Change_

I first saw the light in the city of Boston, in the year 1857. "What!"

you say, "eighteen-fifty-seven? That is an odd slip. He means

nineteen-fifty-seven, of course." I beg pardon, but there is no mistake.

It was about four in the afternoon of December 26, one day after

Christmas, in the year 1857, not 1957, that I, Julian West, first

breathed the east wind of Boston, which, I assure the reader, was at

that remote period marked by the same penetrating quality characterising

it in the present year of grace, 2000.

Living in luxury, and occupied only with the pursuit of the pleasures

and refinements of life, I derived the means of my support from the

labour of others, rendering no sort of service in return. Why, you ask,

should the world have supported in utter idleness one who was able to

render service? The answer is, that my great-grandfather had accumulated

a sum of money, on the yield of which his descendants had ever since

lived. "Interest on investments" was a species of tax on industry which

a person possessing or inheriting money was then able to levy, in spite

of all the efforts to put down usury.

I cannot do better than compare society as it then was to a prodigious

coach to which the masses were harnessed and dragged toilsomely along a

very hilly and sandy road, with Hunger for driver. The passengers

comfortably seated on the top would call down encouragingly to the

toilers at the rope, exhorting them to patience; but always expected to

be drawn and not to pull, because, as they thought, they were not like

their brothers who pulled at the rope, but of finer clay, in some way

belonging to a higher order of beings.

In 1887, I was engaged to wed Edith Bartlett. She, like myself, rode on

the top of the coach. Our marriage only awaited the completion of a

house, which, however, was delayed by a series of strikes. I remember

Mr. Bartlett saying: "The working classes all over the world seem to be

going crazy at once. In Europe it is far worse even than here."

The family mansion, in which I lived alone with a faithful coloured

servant by the name of Sawyer, was not a house to which I could think of

bringing a bride, much less so dainty a one as Edith Bartlett. Being a

sufferer from insomnia, I had caused a secret sleeping chamber to be

built of stone beneath the foundation, and when even the silence of this

retreat failed to bring slumber, I sometimes called in a professional

mesmeriser to put me into a hypnotic sleep, from which Sawyer knew how

to arouse me at a given time.

On the night of May 30, 1887, I was put to sleep as usual. That night

the house was wholly destroyed by fire; and it was not until a hundred

and thirteen years later, in September 2000 A.D., that the subterranean

chamber was discovered, and myself, the sleeper, aroused by Dr. Leete, a

physician of Boston on the retired list. My companion, Dr. Leete, led

the way to a belvedere on the house-top. "Be pleased to look around

you," he said, "and tell me whether this is the Boston of the nineteenth

century."

At my feet lay a great city. Miles of broad streets, shaded by trees,

and lined with fine buildings, for the most part not in continuous

blocks, but set in larger or smaller enclosures, stretched in every

direction. Every quarter contained large open squares filled with trees,

among which statues glistened and fountains flashed in the late

afternoon sun. Public buildings of a colossal size and an architectural

grandeur unparalleled in my day raised their stately piles on every

side. Surely, I had never before seen this city, nor one comparable to

it. Raising my eyes at last towards the horizon, I looked westward. That

blue ribbon winding away to the sunset, was it not the sinuous Charles?

I looked east: Boston harbour stretched before me with its headlands,

not one of its green islets missing.

"If you had told me," I said, profoundly awed, "that a thousand years

instead of a hundred had elapsed since I last looked on this city, I

should now believe you."

"Only a century has passed," he answered; "but many a millennium in the

world's history has seen changes less extraordinary."

_II.--How the Great Change Came About_

After Dr. Leete had responded to numerous questions on my part, he asked

in what point the contrast between the new and the old city struck me

most forcibly.

"To speak of small things before great," I replied, "I really think

that the complete absence of chimneys and their smoke is the detail that

first impressed me."

"Ah!" ejaculated my companion. "I had forgotten the chimneys, it is so

long since they went out of use. It is nearly a century since the crude

method of combustion, on which you depended for heat, became obsolete."

"In general," I said, "what impresses me most about the city is the

material prosperity on the part of the people which its magnificence

implies."

"I would give a great deal for just one glimpse of the Boston of your

day," replied Dr. Leete. "No doubt the cities of that period were rather

shabby affairs. If you had the taste to make them splendid, which I

would not be so rude as to question, the general poverty resulting from

your extraordinary industrial system would not have given you the means.

Moreover, the excessive individualism was inconsistent with much public

spirit. Nowadays, there is no destination of the surplus wealth so

popular as the adornment of the city, which all enjoy in equal degree.

It is growing dark," he added. "Let us descend into the house; I want to

introduce my wife and daughter to you."

The apartment in which we found the ladies, as well as the entire

interior of the house, was filled with a mellow light, which I knew must

be artificial, although I could not discover the source from which it

was diffused. Mrs. Leete was an exceptionally fine-looking and

well-preserved woman, while her daughter, in the first blush of

womanhood, was the most beautiful girl I had ever seen. In this lovely

creature feminine softness and delicacy were deliciously combined with

an appearance of health and abounding physical vitality too often

lacking in the maidens with whom alone I could compare her. The evening

which followed was certainly unique in the history of social

intercourse.

When the ladies retired, Dr. Leete sounded me as to my disposition for

sleep, but gladly bore me company when I confessed I was afraid of it. I

was curious, too, as to the changes.

"To make a beginning somewhere," said I, "what solution, if any, have

you found for the labour question? It was the Sphinx's riddle of the

nineteenth century, and when I dropped out the Sphinx was threatening to

devour society because the answer was not forthcoming."

"The riddle may be said to have solved itself," replied Dr. Leete. "The

solution came as the result of a process of industrial evolution which

could not have terminated otherwise. The movement toward the conduct of

business by larger and larger aggregations of capital--the tendency

toward monopolies, which had been desperately and vainly resisted--was

recognised at last as a process to a golden future.

"Early in the last century the evolution was completed by the final

consolidation of the entire capital of the nation. The industry and

commerce of the country, ceasing to be conducted by a set of

irresponsible corporations and syndicates of private persons at their

caprice and for their profit, were entrusted to a single syndicate

representing the people, to be conducted for the common profit. That is

to say, the nation organised itself as one great business corporation in

which all other corporations were absorbed. It became the one

capitalist, the sole employer, the final monopoly, in the profits and

economies of which all citizens shared. The epoch of trusts ended in the

Great Trust. In a word, the people of the United States concluded to

assume the conduct of their own business, just as a hundred odd years

earlier they had assumed the conduct of their own government. Strangely

late in the world's history, the obvious fact was perceived that no

business is so essentially the public business as the industry and

commerce on which the people's livelihood depends, and that to entrust

it to private persons to be managed for private profit is a folly

similar in kind, though vastly greater in magnitude, to that of

surrendering the functions of political government to kings and nobles

to be conducted for their personal glorification."

"So stupendous a change," said I, "did not, of course, take place

without bloodshed and terrible convulsions?"

"On the contrary, there was absolutely no violence. The great

corporations had taught an entirely new set of ideas. The people had

seen syndicates handling revenues; greater than those of states, and

directing the labours of hundreds of thousands of men with an efficiency

unattainable in smaller operations. It had come to be recognised as an

axiom that the larger the business the simpler the principles that can

be applied to it; that, as the machine is truer than the hand, so the

system, which in a great concern does the work of the master's eye, in a

small business turns out more accurate results. Thus, thanks to the

corporations themselves, when it was proposed that the nation should

assume their functions, the suggestion implied nothing that seemed

impracticable."

"In my day," said I, "it was considered that the proper functions of

government, strictly speaking, were limited to keeping the peace and

defending the people against the public enemy."

"And, in heaven's name, who are the public enemies?" exclaimed Dr.

Leete. "Are they France, England, Germany? or Hunger, Cold, Nakedness?

In your day governments were accustomed, on the slightest international

misunderstanding, to seize upon the bodies of citizens and deliver them

over by hundreds of thousands to death and mutilation, wasting their

treasures the while like water; and all this oftenest for no imaginable

profit to the victims. We have no wars now, and our governments no war

powers; but in order to protect every citizen against hunger, cold, and

nakedness, and provide for all his physical and mental needs, the

function is assumed of directing his industry for a term of years. Not

even for the best ends would men now allow their governments such

powers as were then used for the most maleficent."

"Leaving comparisons aside," I said, "the demagoguery and corruption of

our public men would have been considered, in my day, insuperable

objections to government assuming charge of the national industries."

"No doubt you were right," rejoined Dr. Leete; "but all that is changed.

We have no parties or politicians."

"Human nature itself must have changed very much."

"Not at all; but the conditions of human life have changed, and with

them the motives of human action. The organisation of society with you

was such that officials were under a constant temptation to misuse their

power for the private profit of themselves or others. Now society is so

constituted that there is absolutely no way in which an official could

possibly make any profit for himself or anyone else by a misuse of his

power."

_III.--Labour's New Regime_

"But you have not yet told me how you have settled the labour problem."

"When the nation became the sole employer," said Dr. Leete, "all the

citizens became employees, to be distributed according to the needs of

industry."

"That is, you have simply applied the principle of universal military

service, as understood in our day, to the labour question."

"Yes. Nevertheless, to speak of service being compulsory would be a weak

way to state its absolute inevitableness. If it were conceivable that a

man could escape it, he would be left with no possible way to provide

for his existence. The period of industrial service is twenty-four

years, beginning at the close of the course of education at twenty-one,

and terminating at forty-five. After forty-five, the citizen is liable

to special calls for labour emergencies till fifty-five."

"But what administrative talent can be equal to determining wisely what

trade or business every individual in a great nation shall pursue?"

"The administration has nothing to do with determining that point. Every

man determines it for himself in accordance with his natural aptitude,

the utmost pains being taken to enable him to find out what his natural

aptitude really is. Usually, long before he is mustered into service, a

young man has found out the pursuit he wants to follow, has acquired a

great deal of knowledge about it, and is awaiting impatiently the time

when he can enlist in its ranks."

"Surely, it can hardly be that the number of volunteers for any trade is

exactly the number needed?"

"The supply is always expected to equal fully the demand. The rate of

volunteering is closely watched. It is the business of the

administration to equalise the attractions of the trades, so that the

lightest trades have the longest hours, while an arduous trade, such as

mining, has very short hours."

"How is the class of common labourers recruited?"

"It is the grade to which all new recruits belong for the first three

years. If a man were so stupid as to have no choice as to occupation, he

would simply remain a common labourer."

"Having once elected and entered on a trade or occupation, I suppose he

has to stick to it the rest of his life?"

"Not necessarily," replied Dr. Leete; "while frequent and merely

capricious changes of occupation are net permitted, every worker is

allowed, of course under regulations and in accordance with the

exigencies of the service, to volunteer for another industry which he

thinks would suit him better than his first choice. It is only the

poorer sort of workmen who desire to change. Of course, transfers or

discharges are always given when health demands them."

"How are the brain-workers selected? That must require a very delicate

sort of sifting process?"

"So it does, the most delicate possible test; so we leave the question

whether a man shall be a brain or handworker entirely to him to settle.

At the end of the three years of common labour, if a man feels he can do

better work with his brain than his muscles, the schools of technology,

medicine, art, music, histrionics, and higher liberal learning are open

to him without condition. But anyone without the special aptitude would

find it easier to do double hours at his trade than try to keep up with

the classes. This opportunity for a professional training remains open

to every man till the age of thirty."

_IV.--The New Plan_

Dr. and Mrs. Leete were startled to learn I had been all over the city

alone. "You must have seen a good many new things," said Mrs. Leete, as

we sat down to table.

"I think what surprised me as much as anything was not to find any

stores in Washington Street, or any banks of State. What have you done

with the merchants and bankers?"

"Their functions are obsolete in the modern world. There is neither

selling nor buying, and we have no money. As soon as the nation became

the producer of all sorts of commodities, there was no need of exchanges

between individuals. Everything was procurable from one source, and that

only. A system of direct distribution from the national storehouses took

the place of trade, and for this money was unnecessary."

"How is this distribution managed?"

"A credit, corresponding to his share of the annual product of the

nation, is given to every citizen on the public books at the beginning

of each year, and a credit-card issued him, with which he procures at

the public stores, found in every community, whatever he desires,

whenever he desires it.

"You observe," he pursued, as I was curiously examining the piece of

pasteboard he gave me, "that this credit-card is issued for a certain

number of dollars. We keep the old term dollars as an algebraical symbol

for comparing the values of products with one another. All are priced in

dollars and cents, just as in your day. The value of what I procure on

this card is checked off by the clerk, who pricks out of these tiers of

squares the price of what I order."

"If you wanted to buy something of your neighbour, could you transfer

part of your credit to him?"

"Our neighbours have nothing to sell us; but, in any event, one's credit

would not be transferable, being strictly personal. Before the nation

could even think of honouring any such transfer, it would be bound to

inquire into its equity. It would have been reason enough, had there

been no other, for abolishing money, that its possession was no

indication of rightful title to it. In the hands of the man who had

stolen it, it was as good as if earned by industry.

"People nowadays interchange gifts, but buying and selling is considered

absolutely inconsistent with the mutual benevolence and

disinterestedness which should prevail between citizens. According to

our ideas, the practice of buying and selling is essentially anti-social

in all its tendencies. It is an education in self-seeking at the expense

of others, and no society whose citizens are trained in such a school

can possibly rise above a very low grade of civilisation."

"What if you have to spend more than your card allows in any one year?"

"If extraordinary expenses should exhaust it we can obtain a limited

advance on next year's credit at a heavy discount. If a man showed

himself a reckless spendthrift he would receive his allowance monthly or

weekly instead of yearly, or, if necessary, not be permitted to handle

it at all."

"If you don't spend your allowance, I suppose it accumulates?"

"That is also permitted to a certain extent when a special outlay is

anticipated. But unless notice is given, it is presumed that the citizen

who does not fully expend his credit did not have occasion to do so, and

the balance is turned into the general surplus."

"Such a system does not encourage saving habits."

"It is not intended to. No man has care for the morrow, either for

himself or his children, for the nation guarantees the nurture,

education, and maintenance of every citizen from the cradle to the

grave."

"But what inducement can a man have to put forth his best endeavours

when, however much or little he accomplishes, his income remains the

same?"

"Does it then really seem to you that human nature is insensible to any

motives save fear of want and love of luxury, that you expect security

and equality of livelihood to leave men without incentives to effort?

Your contemporaries did not really think so. When it was a question of

the grandest class of efforts, the most absolute self-devotion, they

depended on quite other motives. Not higher wages, but honour and the

hope of men's gratitude, patriotism, and the inspiration of duty were

the motives they set before their soldiers. Now that industry of

whatever sort is no longer self-service, but service of the nation,

patriotism--passion for humanity--impels the worker as in your day it

did the soldier."

During the next few days I investigated many other of the social and

domestic arrangements of Bostonians of the twenty-first century, and

from what I saw myself and heard from my hosts, I gained some tolerably

clear ideas of modern organisation, and the system of distribution. But

it seemed to me that the system of production and the direction of the

industrial army must be wonderfully complex and difficult.

"I assure you that it is nothing of the kind," said Dr. Leete. "The

entire field of production and constructive industry is divided into ten

great departments, each representing a group of allied industries, each

industry being in turn represented by a subordinate bureau, which has a

complete record of the plant and force under its control, of the present

output, and means of increasing it. The estimates of the distributive

department, after adoption by the administration, are sent as mandates

to the ten great departments, which allot them to the subordinate

bureaus representing the particular industries, and these set the men at

work. Each bureau is responsible for the task given it. Even if in the

hands of the consumer an article turns out unfit, the system enables the

fault to be traced back to the original workman. After the necessary

contingents of labour have been detailed for the various industries, the

amount of labour left for other employment is expended in creating fixed

capital, such as buildings, machinery, engineering works, and so forth."

That evening and the next following I sat up late talking with Dr. Leete

of the changes of the last hundred and thirteen years; but on the

Sunday, my first in the twenty-first century, I fell into a state of

profound depression, accentuated by consideration of the vast moral gap

between the century to which I belonged and that in which I found

myself. There was no place anywhere for me. I was neither dead nor

properly alive. Now I realised the mingled pity, curiosity, and aversion

which I, as a representative of an abhorred epoch, must excite in all

around me; but that Edith Leete must share their feelings was more than

I could bear.

Towards nightfall I entered the subterranean chamber and sat down there,

feeling utterly alone. Presently Edith stood in the door.

"Has it never occurred to you," I said, "that my position is more

utterly alone than any human being's ever was before?"

"Oh, you must not talk in that way. You don't know how it makes me feel

to see you so forlorn," she exclaimed.

I caught her hands in my own. "Are you so blind as not to see why such

kindness as you have all shown me is not enough to make me happy?"

"Are you sure it is not you who are blind?" she said.

That was all; but it was enough, for it told me that this radiant

daughter of a golden age had bestowed upon me not alone her pity, but

her love. And now I first knew what was perhaps the strangest feature of

my strange experience: Edith was the great grand-daughter of no other

than my lost love Edith Bartlett.

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