The Philosophy of History

Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel was born on August 27, 1770, at

Stuttgart, the capital of Wuertemburg, in which state his father

occupied a humble position in government service. He was educated

at Tuebingen for the ministry, and while there was, in private, a

diligent student of Kant and Rousseau. In 1805 he was Professor

Extraordinarius at the University of Jena, and in 1807 he gave the

world the first of his great works, the "Phenomenology." It was not

until 1816 that Hegel's growing fame as a writer secured for him a

professorship at Heidelberg, but, after two years, he exchanged it

for one at Berlin, where he remained until his death on November

14, 1831. On October 22, 1818, he began his famous lectures. "Our

business and vocation," he remarked to his listeners, "is to

cherish the philosophical development of the substantial foundation

which has renewed its youth and increased its strength." Although

the lectures on the "Philosophy of History" and on the "Philosophy

of Religion" (Vol. XIII) were delivered during this period, they

were not published until a year after his death, when his collected

works were issued.

_I.--In the East Began History_

Universal or world-history travels from east to west, for Europe is

absolutely the end of history, Asia the beginning. The history of the

world has an east in an absolute sense, for, although the earth forms a

sphere, history describes no orbit round it, but has, on the contrary, a

determinate orient--_viz._, Asia. Here rises the outward visible sun,

and in the west it sinks down; here also rises the sun of

self-consciousness. The history of the world is a discipline of the

uncontrolled natural will, bringing it into obedience to a universal

principle and conferring a subjective freedom. The East knew, and to

this day knows, freedom only for one; the Greek and Roman world knew

that some are free; the German world knows that all are free. The first

political form, therefore, that we see in history is despotism; the

second democracy and aristocracy; and the third monarchy.

The first phase--that with which we have to begin--is the East.

Unreflected consciousness--substantial, objective, spiritual

existence--forms the basis; to which the subjective will first sustains

a relation in the form of faith, confidence, obedience. In the political

life of the East we find realised national freedom, developing itself

without advancing to subjective freedom. It is the childhood of history.

In the gorgeous edifices of the Oriental empires we find all national

ordinances and arrangements, but in such a way that individuals remain

as mere accidents. These revolve round a centre, round the sovereign,

who as patriarch stands (not as despot, in the sense of the Roman

imperial constitution) at the head. For he has to enforce the moral and

substantial; he has to uphold those essential ordinances which are

already established; so that what among us belongs entirely to

subjective freedom, here proceeds from the entire and general body of

the state.

The glory of the Oriental conception is the one individual as the

substantial being to which all belongs, so that no other individual has

a separate existence, or mirrors himself in his subjective freedom. All

the riches of imagination and nature are appropriated to that dominant

existence in which subjective freedom is essentially merged; the latter

looks for its dignity not in itself but in the absolute object. All the

elements of a complete state--even subjectivity--may be found there, but

not yet harmonised with the grand substantial being. For outside the one

power--before which nothing can maintain an independent existence--there

is only revolting caprice, which, beyond the limits of the central

power, moves at will without purpose or result.

Accordingly we find the wild herds breaking out from the upland,

falling upon the countries in question and laying them waste, or

settling down in them and giving up their wild life; but in all cases

lost resultlessly in the central substance.

This phase of substantiality, since it has not taken up its antithesis

into itself and overcome it, directly divides itself into two elements.

On the one side we see duration, stability--empires belonging, as it

were, to mere Space (as distinguished from Time); unhistorical history,

as, for example, in China, the state based on the family relation. Yet

the states in question, without undergoing any change in themselves, or

in the principle of their existence, are constantly changing their

opinion towards each other. They are in ceaseless conflict, which brings

on rapid destruction. The opposing principle of individuality enters

into these conflicting relations; but it is itself as yet only

unconscious, merely natural universality--light which is not yet the

light of the personal soul. This history, too, is for the most part

really unhistorical, for it is only the repetition of the same majestic

ruin.

The new element which, in the shape of bravery, prowess, magnanimity,

occupies the place of the previous despotic pomp goes through the same

cycle of decline and subsidence. And this subsidence, therefore, is not

really such; for through all this restless change no advance has been

made. History passes at this point--and only outwardly, that is, without

connection with the previous phase--to Central Asia. To carry on the

comparison with the individual man, this would be the boyhood of

history, no longer manifesting the repose and trustfulness of the child,

but boisterous and turbulent.

_II.--Greece, Rome and Christianity_

The Greek world may, then, be compared to the season of adolescence, for

here we have individualities shaping themselves. This is the second

main principle in human history. Morality is, as in Asia, a principle,

but it is morality impressed on individuality, and consequently denoting

the free volition of individuals. Here, then, is the union of the moral

with the subjective will, or the kingdom of beautiful freedom, for the

idea is united with a plastic form. It is not yet regarded abstractly,

but intimately bound up with the real, as in a beautiful work of art;

the sensible bears the stamp and expression of the spiritual. The

kingdom is consequently true harmony; it is a world of the most charming

but perishable, or quickly passing, bloom; it is the natural,

unreflecting observance of what is becoming--not yet true morality. The

individual will of the subject adopts without reflection the conduct and

habit prescribed by justice and the laws. The individual is, therefore,

in unconscious unity with the idea--the social weal.

The third phase is the realm of abstract universality (in which the

social aim absorbs all individual aims); it is the Roman state, the

severe labours of the manhood of history. For true manhood acts neither

in accordance with the caprice of a despot nor in obedience to a

graceful caprice of its own. It works for a general aim, one in which

the individual perishes and realises his own private object only in that

general aim. The state begins to have an abstract existence and to

develop itself for a definite object, in accomplishing which its members

have indeed a share, but not a complete and concrete one (calling their

whole being into play). Free individuals are sacrificed to the severe

demands of the national ends, to which they must surrender themselves in

this service of abstract generalisation. The Roman state is not a

repetition of such a state of individuals as was the Athenian _polis_.

The geniality and joy of soul that existed there have given place to

harsh and rigorous toil. The interest of history is detached from

individuals.

But when, subsequently, in the historical development, individuality

gains the ascendant, and the breaking up of the community into its

component atoms can be restrained only by external compulsion, then the

subjective might of individual despotism comes forward to play its part.

The individual is led to seek consolation for the loss of his freedom in

exercising and developing his private rights. In the next place, the

pain inflicted by despotism begins to be felt, and spirit, driven back

into its utmost depths, leaves the godless world, seeks for a harmony in

itself, and begins now an inner life--a complete concrete subjectivity,

which at the same time possesses a substantiality that is not grounded

in mere external existence.

Within the soul, therefore, arises the spiritual solution of the

struggle, in the fact that the individual personality, instead of

following its own capricious choice, is purified and elevated into

universality--a subjectivity that of its own free will adopts principles

tending to the good of all, reaches, in fact, a divine personality. To

the worldly empire this spiritual one wears a predominant aspect of

opposition, as the empire of subjectivity that has attained to the

knowledge of itself--itself in its essential nature--the empire of

spirit in its full sense.

The Christian community found itself in the Roman world, but as it was

secluded from this state, and did not hold the emperor for its absolute

sovereign, it was the object of persecution. Then was manifested its

inward liberty in the steadfastness with which sufferings were borne. As

regards its relation to the truth, the fathers of the Church built up

the dogma, but a chief element was furnished by the previous development

of philosophy. Just as Philo found a deeper import shadowed forth in the

Mosaic record and idealised what he considered the bare shell of the

narrative, so also did the Christians treat their records.

It was through the Christian religion that the absolute idea of God, in

if true conception, attained consciousness. Here man, too, finds

himself comprehended in his true nature, given in the specific

conception of "the Son." Man, finite when regarded for himself, is yet

at the same time the image of God and a fountain of infinity in himself.

Consequently he has his true home in a super-sensuous world--an infinite

subjectivity, gained only by a rupture with mere natural existence and

volition. This is religious self-consciousness.

The first abstract principles are won by the instrumentality of the

Christian religion for the secular state. First, under Christianity

slavery is impossible; for man as man--in the abstract essence of his

nature--is contemplated in God; each unit of mankind is an object of the

grace of God and of the divine purpose. Utterly excluding all

speciality, therefore, man, in and for himself--in his simple quality of

man--has infinite value; and this infinite value abolishes, _ipso

facto_, all particularity attaching to birth or country.

The other, the second principle, regards the subjectivity of man in its

bearing on chance. Humanity has this sphere of free spirituality in and

for itself, and everything else must proceed from it. The place

appropriated to the abode and presence of the Divine Spirit--the sphere

in question--is spiritual subjectivity, and is constituted the place in

which all contingency is amenable. It follows, thence, that what we

observe among the Greeks as a form of customary morality cannot maintain

its position in the Christian world. For that morality is spontaneous,

unreflected wont; while the Christian principle is independent

subjectivity--the soil on which grows the True.

Now, an unreflected morality cannot continue to hold its ground against

the principle of subjective freedom. Now the principle of absolute

freedom in God makes its appearance. Man no longer sustains the relation

of dependence, but of love--in the consciousness that he is a partaker

in the Divine existence.

_III.--The Germanic World_

The German world appears at this point of development--the fourth phase

of world history. The old age of nature is weakness; but this of spirit

is its perfect maturity and strength, in which it returns to unity with

itself, but in its fully developed character as spirit.

The Greeks and Romans had reached maturity within ere they directed

their energies outwards. The Germans, on the contrary, began with

self-diffusion, deluging the world, and breaking down in their course

the hollow political fabrics of the civilised nations. Only then did

their development begin, kindled by a foreign culture, a foreign

religion, polity, and legislation. The process of culture they underwent

consisted in taking up foreign elements into their own national life.

The German world took up the Roman culture and religion in their

completed form. The Christian religion which it adopted had received

from councils and fathers of the Church--who possessed the whole

culture, and in particular the philosophy of the Greek and Roman

world--a perfected dogmatic system. The Church, too, had a completely

developed hierarchy. To the native tongue of the Germans the Church

likewise opposed one perfectly developed--the Latin. In art and

philosophy a similar alien influence predominated. The same principle

holds good in regard to the form of the secular sovereignty. Gothic and

other chiefs gave themselves the name of Roman patricians. Thus,

superficially, the German world appears to be a continuation of the

Roman. But there dwelt in it an entirely new spirit--the free spirit

which reposes on itself.

The three periods of this world will have to be treated accordingly.

The first period begins with the appearance of the German nations in the

Roman Empire. The Christian world presents itself as Christendom--one

mass of which, the spiritual and the secular, form only different

aspects. This epoch extends to Charlemagne. In the second period the

Church develops for itself a theocracy and the state a feudal monarchy.

Charlemagne had formed an alliance with the Holy See against the

Lombards and the factions of the nobles in Rome. A union thus arose

between the spiritual and the secular power, and a kingdom of heaven on

earth promised to follow in the wake of this conciliation. But just at

this time, instead of a spiritual kingdom of heaven, the inwardness of

the Christian principle wears the appearance of being altogether

directed outwards, and leaving its proper sphere.

Christian freedom is perverted to its very opposite, both in a religious

and secular respect; on the one hand to the severest bondage, on the

other to the most immoral excess--a barbarous intensity of every

passion. The first half of the sixteenth century marks the beginning of

the third period. Secularity appears now as gaining a consciousness of

its intrinsic worth; it becomes aware that it possesses a value of its

own in the morality, rectitude, probity, and activity of man. The

consciousness of independent validity is aroused through the restoration

of Christian freedom.

The Christian principle has now passed through the terrible discipline

of culture, and it first attains truth and reality through the

Reformation. This third period extends to our own times. The principle

of free spirit is here made the banner of the world, and from this

principle are evolved the universal axioms of reason. Formal

thought--the understanding--had been already developed, but thought

received its true material first with the Reformation. From that Epoch

thought began to gain a culture properly its' own; principles were

derived from it which were to be the norm for the constitution of the

state. Political life was now to be consciously regulated by reason.

Customary morality, traditional usage, lost their validity; the various

claims insisted upon must prove their legitimacy as based on rational

principles.

These epochs may be compared with the earlier empires. In the German

aeon, as the realm of totality, we see the earlier epochs resumed.

Charlemagne's time may be compared with the Persian Empire; it is the

period of substantive unity, this unity having its foundation in the

inner man, the heart, and both in the spiritual and the secular still

abiding in its simplicity. To the Greek world and its merely ideal unity

the time preceding Charles V. answers; where real unity no longer

exists, because all phases of particularity have become fixed in

privileges and peculiar rights As, in the interior of the realms

themselves, the different estates of the realm, with their several

claims, are isolated, so do the various states in their foreign aspects

occupy a merely external relation one to another. A diplomatic policy

arises which, in the interest of a European balance of power, unites

them with and against each other. It is the time in which the world

becomes clear and manifest to all (discovery of America).

So, too, does consciousness gain clearness in the super-sensuous world,

and respecting it. Substantial objective religion brings itself to

sensuous clearness in the sensuous element (Christian art), and also

becomes clear to itself in the element of inmost truth. We may compare

this time with that of Pericles. The introversion of spirit begins

(Socrates--Luther), though Pericles is wanting in this epoch. Charles V.

possesses enormous possibilities in point of outward appliances, and

appears absolute in his power; but the inner spirit of Pericles, and

therefore the absolute means of establishing a free sovereignty, is not

in him. This is the epoch when spirit becomes clear to itself in

separations occurring in the realm of reality; now the distinct elements

of the German world manifest their essential nature.

The third epoch may be compared to the Roman world. The authority of

national aim is acknowledged, and privileges melt away before the common

object of the state.

_IV.--Modern Times_

Spirit at last perceives that nature--the world--must be an embodiment

of reason. An interest in the contemplation and comprehension of the

present world became universal. Thus experimental science became the

science of the world; for experimental science involves, on the one

hand, the observation of phenomena; on the other hand, also the

discovery of the law, the essential being, the hidden force, that causes

those phenomena--thus reducing the data supplied by observation to their

simple principles. Intellectual consciousness was first extricated by

Descartes from that sophistry of thought which unsettles everything. As

it was the purely German nations among whom the principle of spirit

first manifested itself, so it was by the Romanic nations that the

abstract idea was first comprehended.

Experimental science, therefore, very soon made its way among them, in

common with the Protestant English, but especially among the Italians.

It seemed to men as if God had but just created the moon and stars,

plants and animals; as if the laws of the universe were now established

for the first time; for only then did they feel a real interest in the

universe when they recognised their own reason in the reason that

pervades it. The human eye became clear, perception quick, thought

active and interpretative. The discovery of the laws of nature enabled

men to contend against the monstrous superstition of the time, as also

against all notions of mighty alien powers which magic alone could

conquer.

The independent authority of subjectivity was maintained against belief

founded on authority, and the laws of nature were recognised as the only

bond connecting phenomena with phenomena. Man is at home in nature, and

that alone passes for truth in which he finds himself at home; he is

free through the acquaintance he has gained with nature.

Nor was thought less vigorously directed to the spiritual side. Right

and social morality came to be looked upon as having their foundation in

the actual present will of man, whereas formerly it was referred only to

the command of God enjoined _ab extra_, written in the Old or New

Testament, or appearing in the form of particular right, as opposed to

that based on general principles, in old parchments as _privilegia_, or

in international compacts. Luther had secured to mankind spiritual

freedom, and the reconciliation of the objective and the subjective in

the concrete. He had triumphantly established the position that man's

eternal destiny must be wrought out in himself. But the import of that

which is to take place in him--what truth is to become vital to him--was

taken for granted by Luther, as something already given, something

revealed by religion. Now the principle was set up that this import must

be capable of actual investigation, and that to this basis of inward

demonstration every dogma must be referred.

This is the point which consciousness has attained, and these are the

principal phases of that form in which the principle of freedom has

realised itself, for the history of the world is nothing but the

development of the idea of freedom. But objective freedom--the laws of

"real" freedom--demands the subjugation of the mere contingent will, for

this is in its nature formal. If the objective is in itself rational,

human insight and conviction must correspond with the reason which it

embodies, and then we have the other essential element--subjective

freedom--also realised. We have confined ourselves to the consideration

of that progress of the idea which has led to this consummation.

Philosophy concerns itself only with the glory of the idea mirroring

itself in the history of the world, and with the development which the

idea has passed through in realising itself--_i.e._, the idea of

freedom, whose reality is the consciousness of freedom and nothing short

of it.

That the history of the world, with all the changing scenes which its

annals present, is this true process of development and the realisation

of spirit--this is the true _Theodikaia_, the justification of God in

history. The spirit of man may be reconciled with the course of

universal history only by perception of this truth--that all which has

happened, all that happens daily, is not only not without God, but is

essentially His work.

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