LUCREZIA BORGIA: OR THE MYTH OF HISTORY

I

It was with a thrill that I came upon a holograph of Lucrezia Borgia in

the library of the University of Ferrara. I had already seen in a little

glass case at Milan, in the Ambrosian library, a lock of her notorious

yellow hair, and this wishy-washy tress, so below the flamboyance of its

fame, should have prepared me for the Ferrara relic. For the document

was—of all things in the world—a washing list! The lurid lady—the

heroine of Donizetti’s opera, the Medea of Victor Hugo’s drama—checked,

perhaps mended, her household linen! It has been sufficiently washed in

public since her day. But this list alone should serve to cleanse her

character. Indeed Pope Alexander’s daughter does not lack modern

whitewashers—what ancient disrepute is safe from them? Roscoe, Gilbert

and Gregorovius defend her, and even in her lifetime she had her circle

of court laureates that included Ariosto himself. Her platonic

friendship with Cardinal Bembo is rather in her favour. The copiously

grey-bearded ecclesiast in cap and robe, whose portrait may be seen at

Florence in the corridor between the Pitti and the Uffizi, does not look

like a man who would consort with the legendary Lucrezia. Yet even a man

of letters of Bembo’s status is liable to colour-blindness when the

Scarlet Woman is a reigning duchess. Bembo, we know, was afraid to read

the Epistles of St. Paul, for fear of contaminating his Latin; we are

less certain that any fear of contaminating his character would keep him

from reading the epistles of Lucrezia. But it seems fairest to accept

the view that once freed by her third marriage from the vicious

influences of the Vatican and the company of the Pope’s concubines, she

became _rangée_, steadying herself into an admirable if pleasure-loving

consort of the ruler of Ferrara! Nevertheless even in Ferrara rumour

connected her with the murder of the poet Ercole Strozzi, and the guides

used to count among their perquisites the blood-flecked wall of the

Palace in which, by way of revenge for her extrusion from a respectable

Venetian ball-room, she poisoned off at a supper-party eighteen noble

Venetian youths, including a natural son of her own whom she poignarded

in the frenzy of the discovery.

And Addington Symonds, even after the huge monograph of Gregorovius in

her favour, can only exchange the idea of “a potent and malignant witch”

for “a feeble woman soiled with sensual foulness from the cradle,” a

woman who could look on complaisantly at orgies devised for her

amusement, applauding even when Cesare chivied prisoners to death with

arrows.

But it was reserved for the latest biographer of the Borgias (Frederick

Baron Corvo) to write of her: “She was now the wife of royalty, with a

near prospect of a throne, worshipped by the poor for her boundless and

sympathetic charity, by the learned for her intelligence, by her kin for

her loving loyalty, by her husband for her perfect wifehood and

motherhood, by all for her transcendent beauty and her spotless name.

Why it has pleased modern writers and painters to depict this pearl

among women as a ‘poison-bearing mænad,’ a ‘veneficous Bacchante’

stained with revolting and unnatural turpitude, is one of those riddles

to which there is no key.” As for there being no key to it, that is

nonsense, for naturally Lucrezia Borgia would share in the opprobrium

due to the pravity of Cesare Borgia and Pope Alexander VI, and Corvo

himself claims that Gregorovius proves that these calumnious inventions

came from the poisoned pens of her father’s enemies. This judgment of a

reckless writer may however be discounted, for Corvo throughout defends

that papal Antichrist, Lucrezia’s father, in a spirit which Machiavelli,

to whom “virtù” and “magnanimità” meant efficiency whether for good or

evil, could not possibly better. And he gaily announces in his preface

that he does not write to whitewash the House of Borgia, “his present

opinion being that all men are too vile for words to tell.” In such a

darkness, in which all cats are grey, Lucrezia Borgia might well seem as

white as a blue-eyed Persian. But the paradox remains that Corvo may not

impossibly be right. As, but for superhuman strainings, Dreyfus might

have gone down to history as a traitor to France, so may the Borgian

Lucrezia have been as blameless as the Tarquinian to whom indeed Ariosto

boldly compares her. The woman who protected the Jews during a famine,

provided poor girls with dowries, passed evenings over her embroidery

frame and held the esteem of the greatest poet and the greatest stylist

of her day, may really have lived up to that washing list. _Chose jugée_

is never absolutely true in history, and there is no trial but is liable

to revision. Even the saints are not safe; the devil’s advocate may

always appeal. Sir Philip Sidney himself has been sadly toned down in

his latest biography, and _per contra_ it may well be that Lucrezia

Borgia has innocently shared in the blackness of the Borgias. But how

shall we ever know? How is it possible—especially considering the

public and private conspiracy of falsification and suppression—to

uncover the truth even about our contemporaries? Our very housemates

elude us. The simplest village happening is recounted by the onlookers

in a dozen different ways; an historic episode varies according to the

politics of the recording newspaper. Matthew, Mark, Luke and John

recount their great story, each after his own fashion, so that even

“gospel truth” is no synonym for objective veracity. Letters are taken

as invaluable evidence in past history, yet every letter involves a

personal relation between the writer and the receiver, is written in

what the logicians in a narrower sense call “the universe of discourse,”

so that words written to one man differ from the same words written to

another man, and still more from the same words written to a woman.

Facetiousness, exaggeration, under-statement, pet-words, words in

special meanings, are the note of intimate intercourse. ’Tis a cipher to

which nobody else has the key, and which can never be read by the

chronicler. “Our virtuous and popular Gloster” might mean “our vicious

and universally odious Gloster.” How shall the peering student of musty

records behold the wink in the long-vanished eye of the writer, the

smile on the skull of the reader? A frigid note may veil a burning love;

a tropic outburst disguise a dying passion. Who has the clue to these

things? And in the literature of an age the things that are understood

are exactly the things that are not written down, and thus the things

that are written down are the things that are not understood. What would

we not give for a little realistic description of houses, clothes and

furniture in the Bible! But such information only drifts into the text

indirectly and by accident. Official documents are the bed-rock of

history, yet even such formal things as birth-certificates are

unreliable, for did not the wife of my dearest friend momentarily forget

where her own baby was born? Suppose Peggy grows up a celebrity, an

Academician or even a Prime Minister, what is to prevent her

birth-plaque being affixed to the wrong house?

Once, and once only, did I strive to penetrate to the sources of

history—it was the life of Spinoza—and I found to my amaze that the

traditional detail of his doings and habits rested on little more solid

than the mistranslated scribblings of a Lutheran pastor who had occupied

his lodging a generation after his death. And once in my life did I

examine State papers. It was in the Archives of Venice; and as I

wandered through the two hundred and ninety-eight rooms of the Recording

Angel—though I did not verify the statement that there are fourteen

million documents—I saw enough chronicles and certificates, enough

Orators’ letters in cypher from every court in Europe (with inter-bound

Italian translations) to keep in life-long occupation a staff of

Methuselahs. And this for only one town, or, if you will, for one

empire! Who is it that has the patience to sift this mammoth dust-heap,

or who, having the patience, is likely to have the insight to interpret,

or the genius to embody its essence? How shall we know which ambassador

lied abroad for his country’s good, and which for his own? How shall we

abstract the personal equation from their reports? How allow for their

individual prejudices, jealousies, stupidities, rancours,

mal-observations and dishonesties?

As the wise Faust pointed out, History is a subjective illusion.

“Mein Freund, die Zeiten der Vergangenheit

Sind uns ein Buch mit sieben Siegeln;

Was ihr den Geist der Zeiten heisst,

Das ist im Grund der Herren eigner Geist

In dem die Zeiten sich bespiegeln.”

Or as honest Burckhardt puts it more prosaically in his preface to his

“Renaissance in Italy”: “In the wide ocean upon which we venture, the

possible ways and directions are many; and the same studies which have

served for this work might easily, in other hands, not only receive a

wholly different treatment and application, but lead also to essentially

different conclusions.”

This would be the case even were our information on the past complete.

The reduction of this wilderness of material to ordered statement and

judgment would permit innumerable ways of seeing and summarising. But

consisting as our knowledge does for the most part of mere ruins and

shadows, or worse, of substantial falsities, such infinite perspectives

of misreading are opened up that the bulk of written history can be only

an artistic manipulation of hypotheses. What wonder if the original

research and original insight of successive historians is constantly

changing the colours and perspectives? Read Pope Gregory’s letter to the

German princes describing the humiliation of Henry IV, and judge for

yourself whether the famous story of the three days’ penance can really

be built up out of “_utpote discalciatus et laneis indutus_,” &c. or

whether it should be blotted out from the history-books as some modern

writers demand. Is there, indeed, any episode to which we can pin a

final faith? Has history bequeathed us anything on which the duty to

truth is not so large as almost to swallow up the legacy? Popular wisdom

in insisting that “Queen Anne is dead” selects the only sort of historic

affirmation which can be made with certainty. As for any real picture of

a period, how can the manifold currents of the ocean of life be

represented in a single stream of words?

No; the truth about Lucrezia Borgia will never be known. But what

imports? Our librettists and dramatists need themes, our novelists

cannot do without “veneficous Bacchantes.” If Lucrezia Borgia was not a

“poison-bearing Mænad,” somebody else was. Perhaps that other has even

annexed the reputation for virtue that should have been Lucrezia’s! What

matters who is which? Let them sort themselves out. If the Mænad or the

Bella Donna is indispensable to the novelist or the dramatist, so is the

Vestal Virgin and the Saint, and though his models may have exchanged

names, he keeps his canvas true to reality. Cleopatra, to judge by her

coins, had a face of power, not beauty, but shall the artist therefore

surrender the conceptual Cleopatra? Assuredly there has been no lack of

beautiful women to sterilise statesmen! Great figures are even more

necessary in life than in art. Life would indeed be a “Vanity Fair” if

it were “a novel without a hero.” We need monuments, memorials, masses,

days of commemoration—for ourselves, not for the heroic dead. Dead men

hear no tales. Posthumous fame is an Irish bull. We cannot atone to the

dead for our neglect of them in their lives, but we need the memory of

their lives to uplift ourselves by, we need the outpour of reverence for

nobility of soul, we need to lose ourselves in the thought of greatness.

But whether we are worshipping the right heroes is comparatively

immaterial. Let us not be depressed, then, at the dubiety of history or

at that labyrinth of Venetian archives. We can do without the belief

that history is a just tribunal, so long as we preserve the belief in

justice, and keep a sufficient store of heroes to applaud and villains

to hiss. “_La vie des héros a enrichi l’histoire_,” said La Bruyère,

“_et l’histoire a embelli les actions des héros_.” It is a fair give and

take.

Peculiarly immaterial, so long as we preserve an ennobling conception of

majesty, is the real character of that most embellished class of

heroes—the Kings. Were we pinned down to drab reality, popular loyalty

would not infrequently be paralysed. For that on the hereditary

principle a constant and unfailing succession of genius and virtue

should be supplied to a nation, contradicts all biological experience,

yet nothing less than this is demanded by the necessities of State and

the yearning of every people for wise and righteous leadership. In truth

heredity is ruled out of court. Kings are not born but made. By a

marvellous process of mythopoiesis the monarch is manufactured to suit

the national need, and from the most unpromising materials prodigies of

goodness and genius are created, or, in the case of female sovereigns,

paragons of beauty. It is wonderful how far a single feature will go

with a princess, and what crumbs of sense and courage will suffice for

the valour and wit of a prince. Bricks can be made—and of the highest

glaze—without a single wisp of straw. Of course a neutral character

supplies the best basis for apotheosis: traits too positive for evil or

for ugliness would render the material intractable. But there are few

things too tough for the national imagination to transform. Perhaps the

manufacture of monarchs is thus facile because the article is not

required to last. The duration of the myth need not exceed a couple of

reigns, nor need it be robust enough for exportation. Humanity, while

insisting on the perfection of its own monarchs, is prepared to admit

that prior generations and foreign peoples have not been so fortunate:

indeed my school history of England made out that the country had been

governed up till the Victorian era by a succession of monsters or

weaklings. ’Tis distance lends disenchantment to the view. Even,

however, when the hero is real, he never bulks as large as the phantasy

of his idolaters. Napoleon himself was a pigmy, compared with the image

in the heart of Heine’s “_Zwei Grenadiere_.”

Italian Fantasies · 第 34 / 65 题