Erasmus dreamed once—so he writes to Charles Utenhove—that St. Francis
came to thank him for chastising the Franciscans. The Founder had not
the scrupulous stage-costume of his degenerate followers: his brown
frock was of undyed wool; the hood was not peaked, but merely hung
behind to cover the head in bad weather; the cord was a piece of rope
from a farmyard; the feet were bare. Of the five wounds of the stigmata
there was as little trace in St. Francis as of the six virtues in the
Franciscans. Obedience, poverty, chastity, humility, simplicity,
charity—where had flown these “six wings of the seraph”?
_Eheu fugaces!_ ’Tis the story of all founders, of all orders. St.
Francis at his supreme moment of renunciation had not even the brown
frock of Erasmus’s dream. In the market-place of Assisi he stood in his
shirt. And he desired to die even more naked, as Thomas of Celano and
the “Legenda Trium Sociorum” testify. The first Franciscans were simple
souls kindled by his love and ecstasy, “the minstrels of the dear Lord.”
They bore revilement and scourging; dragged along by their hoods, they
never ceased to proclaim Peace. They lay a-cold in caves, with hearts
careless of the morrow; they served in lepers’ houses. And above all
they worked; begging was only to be a last resort, and never was money
to be asked for. “Beware of money,” says the “Regula.”
Brother Elias of Cortona, the immediate successor of St. Francis, is
said to have lived like a prince, with valets and horses, and he readily
got the Pope to sanction a device by which he obtained all the money he
wanted _per interpositas personas_. Nor did the Master’s teaching fare
better at the hands of the more faithful faction—the Observants whom
the Conventualists persecuted—for the rule of Absolute Poverty was
applied without the genial concessions and exceptions he knew how to
make; and under the guidance of the caustic and canonical Antony of
Padua the ancient _gaudentes in Domino_ hardened into slaves of the
letter, while the more mystic degenerated into anchorites who retired to
the mountains to save their own souls.
Nothing can point the tragedy of St. Francis’s success more vividly than
his own homely words in his “Testamentum.” “And they who came to take up
this life gave up whatever they might have to the poor and were content
with a single tunic, patched inside and out (if they wished), together
with a girdle and drawers: and we would have no more. We clerks said the
office like other clerks; the lay-brothers said the Lord’s Prayer. We
gladly abode in poor and forsaken churches, and were simple folk and
subject to all. And I used to work with my hands, and I desire to work,
and my earnest wish is that all the brethren should work at some decent
employment.”
Only a century later Dante’s eulogy of the Founder (“Paradiso,” Canto
XI) is qualified by the remark that so few of his followers cleave to
his teachings that “a little stuff may furnish out their cloaks.” And
three centuries later the spectacle which these _Fratri Minori_
represented to Erasmus was that of arrogant mendicants, often of loose
morals, begging with forged testimonials, haunting the palaces of the
rich, forcing themselves into families, selling the Franciscan habit to
wealthy dying sinners as a funeral cloak to cover many sins. His little
sisters, the swallows and the doves, fluttered over St. Francis’s tomb,
but from it issued the hawks and the vultures. An old, old moral, though
humanity will never learn it.
Saint Francis was Francis Saint. The Lady Poverty “who for eleven
hundred years had remained without a single suitor” found in him a
spouse faithful unto death. His soul went out in fraternity to all the
wonderful creation, in joyous surrender to pain and tribulation: even
Death was his sister. To found an Order of St. Francis is to count upon
a succession of St. Francises. As well found an Order of Shakespeare, a
phalanstery of Da Vincis.
In religion no less than in literature or art the Master is ever a new
individual—“_Natura lo fece e ruppe il tipo_”—but followers ever think
to fix the free-blowing spirit. Alas! saints may be summarised in a
system, but the system will not produce saints. Academies, churches,
orders can never replace men; they too often serve to asphyxiate or
assassinate such as appear. St. Dominic, the sterner founder of the
other mendicant order, was not more fortunate in creating an apostolic
succession of Poverty than his friend and contemporary; and as for his
precursor, St. Bruno, contrast his marble image in the Certosa, gazing
agonisedly at a crucifix, with the mosaics of agate, lapis-lazuli,
amethyst, and cornelian worked over the altars by eight generations of
the Sacchi family, or with the Lucullian feasts which the Carthusians
could furnish forth at the bidding of the Magnificent Lodovico. St.
Bruno retreated to the desert to fast and pray, and the result was
Chartreuse. If he now follows the copious litigation he may well
apprehend that his order has modified its motto and that for “_Stat crux
dum volvitur orbis_” you should read “_Stat spiritus_.”
Benedictine, too, is a curious by-product of the first of all the
Western orders, and the one by which England was converted to
Christianity. How pleased the founder of Monte Cassino must be to see a
British bishop sipping Benedictine!
Religion has not, indeed, lacked saints aware of the tendency of
followers to substitute the forms for the realities and the leader for
the spirit. There was Antoinette Bourignon, with her love for the free
flowing of the Holy Ghost and her hatred of the Atonement theory, but in
the absence of forms her sect had not sufficient material framework to
maintain itself by. If the Quakers still survive, it is because they
have erected something into a system, if only colour-blindness. But the
twaddle which is talked at Quaker meetings when an old bore is played
upon by the spirit, turns one’s thoughts longingly to a stately liturgy,
independent on the passing generation. Humanity is indeed between the
devil and the deep sea. Institutions strangle the spirit, and their
absence dissipates it.
“Nec tecum possum vivere, nec sine te.”
Even if by miracle a Church remains true to the spirit of its founder,
this is a fresh source of unspirituality, for his spirit may be
outgrown. An excellent definition of what a Church should be was given
some years ago by a writer in the _Church Quarterly_: “A National
Church, elastic enough to provide channels for fresh manifestations of
spiritual life, yet anchored to the past.” But where is such a Church to
be found? “Anchored to the past”—yes, that condition is more than
fulfilled. But spiritual elasticity? The _Church Quarterly_ reviewer has
the face to pass off his definition as that of the Church of England,
and to say that such a National Church “might have saved the United
States from many of those grotesque, and worse than grotesque, features
which have at various times disfigured their spiritual life.” But the
Church of England has notoriously failed in elasticity—even the
Archbishop of Canterbury is unable to make it express his view of the
Athanasian Creed. And, far from its anchoring the spiritual life of the
English people, they have violently torn themselves away from it in
secessions of Baptists, Methodists, Quakers, &c. &c. As to its
preserving them from grotesque religious features, the aberrations of
English sectarianism fully equal those of America, when the difference
of geographic area is considered and the absence of supervision over
great spaces. Sandemanians, Walworth Jumpers, Joanna Southcottians,
Seventh Day Baptists, Plymouth Brethren, Christadelphians, Peculiar
People—such are a few of the British aberrations, some of which have
counted distinguished followers. The bequests to foster even the
Southcott mania were treated as sacred by the Court of Chancery.
Jump-to-Glory-Jane is an English type put into poetry by an English
poet. The sect to which Silas Marner belonged, with its naïve belief in
drawing lots—the practical equivalent of the sortilege of the Pagan
soothsayer—was not made in America. It was England which Voltaire
ridiculed for its one sauce and its endless sects. The great scale of
America magnifies the aberrations. But even Mormonism, Dowieism, and
Christian Science have solid achievements to their credit. Salt Lake
City is a paradise built over a desert reclaimed by Mormon labourers,
Zion City is a handsome town without drinking-palaces, and Christian
Science has made more advances in the last generation than Christianity
made in its first two centuries, numbering as it does its temples and
its teachers by the thousand. There is at least life behind these
grotesqueries, while in the Established Churches there is asphyxiation
by endowments.
Endowments—there is the secret of stagnation. It is an unhappy truth
that man tends to become a parasite on his own institutions. Humanity is
a Frankenstein that is ridden by its own creations. Its Churches, with
their cast-iron creeds and their golden treasure-heaps, are the prisons
of the soul of the future. The legal decision in the great Free Church
fight serves as what Bacon calls an “ostensive instance” of this
elemental truth, bringing out as it does that the legal interpretation
of a Church involves, not the elasticity so glibly vaunted by the
_Church Quarterly_ reviewer, but absolute inelasticity. A tiny minority
of ministers is able, for a time at least, to hold millions of money and
hundreds of buildings, because the vast majority has elected, in a
spirit of brotherly love, to join another body from which it is
separated by a microscopic point. There can, at this rate, never be
development in a Church. The faintest divergence from old tradition may
justify the hard-shell orthodox in claiming all the funds and regarding
the innovators as deserters of their posts and properties. All Church
funds are indissolubly connected with the doctrines to which they were
first tacked on, and changes in doctrine involve forfeiture of the
belongings in favour of those who have had the fidelity or the
shrewdness to cling to the original dogma. How much change is necessary
to alter a creed is a delicate problem, known in logic as of the Soros
order. For every day brings it subtle increments or decrements, and a
dogma of imperishable adamant has not yet appeared in human history.
Every dogma has its day. The life of a normally constituted truth is,
according to Ibsen, twenty years at the outside, and aged truths are apt
to be shockingly thin. Thus the danger which threatens all Churches—the
danger of having to buy their ministers—is raised to infinity if the
money is thus to be tied up by the dead hand of the past. A premium is
placed upon infidelity and mustiness. There is no Church or religious
body in the world which is not weighted with pecuniary substance, from
Rome to the Order we have been considering, founded for the preachment
of Absolute Poverty. The continuity of policy which the _Church
Quarterly_ applauds becomes a mere continuity of property, if progress
is to be thus penalised. Nor are the Dissenting bodies immune from this
pecuniary peril. A Calvinist chapel in Doncaster that was gravitating to
the New Theology has found itself closed _pro tem._ under its trust deed
of 1802.
The remedy for this clogging of spiritual life is clear. It was always
obvious, but when Property is in danger one begins to consider things
seriously.
Every Church and sect must be wound up after three generations. The
time-limit needs elucidation.
The first generation of a Church or a heresy—the terms are synonymous,
for every Church starts as a heresy—is full to the brim of vitality,
fire, revolt, sincerity, spirituality, self-sacrifice. It is a
generation in love, a generation exalted and enkindled by the new truth,
a generation that will count life and lucre equally base beside the
spreading of the new fire. The second generation has witnessed this
fervour of its fathers, it has been nourished in the warmth of the
doctrine, its education is imprinted with the true fiery stamp. It is
still near the Holy Ghost. In the third generation the waves radiated
from the primal fire have cooled in their passage through time; the
original momentum tends to be exhausted. Now is the period of the smug
Pharisees profiting by the martyrdoms of their ancestors, babbling
rhetorically—between two pleasures—of their fidelity to the faith of
their fathers. If the third generation of a Church can get through with
fair spiritual success, it is often only because of a revival of
persecution. But the third generation is absolutely the limit of the
spiritual stirring. In the fourth generation you shall ever find the
young people sly sceptics or sullen rebels, and the Vicar of Bray coming
in for high preferment. Here, then, is the limitation dictated by human
nature. The life of a Church should be wound up by the State. The birth
of a heresy must be free to all, and should be registered like the birth
of a child. It would expose its adherents to no disadvantages, either
religious or political. But after three generations it must be wound up.
Of course, it should be perfectly open for the Church to reconstitute
itself immediately, but it should do this under a new name. If it
started again afresh, the compulsory winding-up would have acted as a
species of persecution and thoroughly revitalised the content of the
particular _credo_. The third generation would have strained every sinew
to realise their faith and bring it home to the young and fourth
generation. The latter, ere re-establishing the Church, would have
rediscovered its truth, and thereby given it fresh momentum to carry it
through another three generations. This simple system would allow
children to continue the faith of their fathers from conviction instead
of compulsion, and, by terminating the right to property, would save
posterity from the asphyxiation of benefactions.
The life of a generation is computed by biological statisticians at
thirty-three years. Three generations would thus make ninety-nine years.
A century brings such changes in thought and things that the excerpts
from the _Times_ of a hundred years ago read like the journalism of
another planet.
The bequests by which eleven old gentlewomen of a certain parish, that
has been swept away, receive groats of an abolished currency, on a day
that has disappeared from the calendar, to perpetuate the memory of a
benevolent megalomaniac, would, on a similar principle, be limited to
the natural run of a century. It is enough to be allowed a dead finger
in the pie of proximate posterity; “a century not out” must never be
written over any human will or institution.
If this time-limit seems a trifle harsh, apply it, dear reader, not to
your own creed, but to something esoteric, like the doctrine of the
Dalai Lamas of Tibet, which has for so many centuries paralysed a
priest-ridden Asiatic population. Do you think this theory of
reincarnation deserved a longer run than three generations?
THE GAY DOGES: OR THE FAILURE OF SOCIETY AND THE IMPOSSIBILITY OF
SOCIALISM
“Dieses Prunkschiff ist ein rechtes Inventariënstück, woran man
sehen kann, was die Venetianer waren, und sich zu sein dünkten.”
GOETHE: _Italiänische Reise_.
I
But if Absolute Poverty is less worshipful than St. Francis imagined,
Magnificence as an ideal will, I fear, always be found to connote
defective moral sympathies, as of the Pharaohs building their
treasure-cities on the labour of lashed slaves. For how in our world of
sorrow and mystery can magnanimity and magnificence meet? What great
soul could find expression in gilt, or even in gold? ’Tis a reflection
on the character of the Doges of Venice that everywhere in their palace
is a sense of over-gilded ceilings. Even when the Masters have made a
firmament of frescoes, the massive flamboyant framing weighs like a
torrid haze on a weary land. Art is overlaid and obliterated by gold.
What wonder Religion too is soon asphyxiated in these flaming halls of
Council—the Doge ceases to kneel to the Madonna, he stands before
_Venice Enthroned between Mars and Neptune_. It is Juno who from a
ceiling-fresco pours gold on Venice, and in the heavy gilded picture of
Zelotti, the Magnificent Ten could behold _Venice Seated on the World_.
What sly satirist was it who—over the choir of St. Mark’s—crucified
Christ on a cross of gold?
In “The Merchant of Venice,” ’tis the Duke of Morocco who chooses the
golden casket; I feel sure ’twas Bassanio, the Venetian. Not that I do
not hate the leaden casket more. Portia should have gone with a field of
buttercups in June.
Of all expressions of human greatness, metallic sheen is the most banal.
I have never recovered from the shock of learning that the Greeks gilded
their temples, and though I can now with even a spice of zest imagine
them shining afar from their headlands in a golden glory, I would have
preferred to keep my vision of austere columns and noble pediments; and
I am grateful to Time, that truer artist, for having refined away that
assertive aureola.
On the water, indeed—which is beneath one’s feet, and not sagging on
one’s head—metallic sheen may exhilarate, subtilising and softening
itself, as it does, in its own wavering reflections, and I find the
Doge’s gilded galley more endurable than his _lacunar aureum_. It may be
because Shakespeare (or rather Plutarch) has reconciled me to
Cleopatra’s barge by those magnificent burnished lines. The Lord Mayor
of London, too, had anciently his gilded barge, and if you will look at
an eighteenth-century picture in the Guildhall by a pair of forgotten
painters, representing the Lord of Cockaigne sailing in state on the
Thames on the ninth of November, on the way to be sworn at Westminster,
you will see how easily London, with her old boatmen and barges, and
water-gates and water-parties, singing as in Pepys, might have
paralleled the water-pomp of Venice, and how completely we have now
thrown away the gorgeous possibilities of our proud water-way, lining it
with warehouses in lieu of stately mansions, and cutting out of our
lives all that shimmering vitality of ever-moving water. Man does not
live by bread alone, and “Give us this day our daily water” were no
unfitting prayer in our arid city. The Henley Week is our one approach
to the colour of a Venetian _festa_. Yet what a Grand Canal the Thames
might have been! I vow that at a distance I should take that old
Guildhall picture, with its gay old costumes, its pageant of gilded
galleys, each flying a brave array of rich-dyed flags and manned with
rowers in white, its spires and turrets, and the noble dome of St.
Paul’s swelling into sunny spaces of air and cloud, all suffused in a
golden mellowness, to represent the Doge of Venice going to a “solemn
rite” at the _Salute_. Alas! the Lord Mayor has now only a gilded coach,
and the Doge of Venice has vanished away, and only fragments of galleys
in the Arsenal and a model of the last of the Bucentaurs remain to tell
the tale of his marine glories, and his marriage to the Adriatic on
Ascension Day.
One mast of the _Bucentoro_—the very mast that upbore the flag of the
winged lion and the proud inscription, _In hoc signo vinces_—survives
in tragic recumbency, while a morsel of frieze shows in gold, on a basis
of dark wood, delicious angels playing trumpet and harp at the prow. The
relics of other galleys, pranked with figures about half life-size,
enable us to gather what exuberance of fancy and grotesquerie went to
grace the _Bucentoro_ which Napoleon burnt, while the fact that he
extracted the gold of 80,000 Napoleons from its ashes shows with what
prodigality the Republic blazoned its sense of itself.
But the marvellous model reconstructed by Ferdinand of Austria in 1837
at a cost of 152,000 francs, reveals, if it be exact, that seamy side
which is always the obverse of Magnificence. At first the eye is taken
up with its opulence of decoration, as it seems to take the water with
its proud keel, and its great all-topping flag of the lion and the
cross. For its upper deck is of mosaic, over-hinged by a huge lid, red
velvet without and gold relief within, and from the water-line rise
winged figures, and over the arch through which pass the many-flashing
oars of red and gold is a frieze of flying horses, the rape of Europa,
Centaurs, and what not; and above this are winged figures flying towards
a gold sky, and gold figures on a balcony, which is supported at the
prow by winged lions and a pair of mermen, and at the bowsprit couches
the winged lion with two little angels playing behind him; and on the
hull is a naiad pouring out her urn, and a merman blowing his trumpet,
and the protrusive heads of alligators; and lest you should think Venice
meant nothing but gold and fantasy and the pride of life, behold
dominant over these Justice with her sword and her scales, and Peace
with her dove and her olive-branch.
But below, hidden away behind and beneath the gilding, at the unseen end
of the red and gold oars
“Which to the tune of flutes kept stroke,”
sat one hundred and seventy-eight galley-slaves, chained four to an oar;
and here in this fuscous interior the benches are no longer of plush,
but of rough deal; here is no play of Fancy—here in the hard seats we
touch Reality. But not herein lies the supreme sordidness of the
_Bucentoro_—the crowning touch is given by the oars, which, at the very
point where they disappear over the rowlocks under the gay arches, turn
from their red and gold into a plain dirty white, like shirt-cuffs that
give on soiled sleeves. ’Tis the very magnificence of meanness! The
horny-handed wretches, to the rhythm of whose tired muscles this golden
vessel moved along in its music and sunshine, to whose caged gloom no
glimpse came of the flags and the purple, the angels and the naiads,
could not even be conceded the coloured end of an oar. But could there
be an apter symbol of civilisation, ancient, mediæval, or modern, than
this gilded oar, whose gaudiness fades as it passes from the bravery of
the outer spectacle to the grimness of the inner labour? Upon such
sweating slaves rested all the glitter and pageantry of the ancient
world—not only Babylon and Carthage, but even the spiritual and
artistic greatness of Greece. _In hoc signo vinces_—in the sign of
slavery; in the sign of the lion and the cross—the lion for yourself
and the cross for the people. And in every land of to-day the same
State-Galley glides along in bannered pomp, parading its decorative
images of Peace and Justice, and the radiant creations of its Art, while
below are the hard bare benches and the labouring, groaning serfs. The
serfs are below, even in another sense, for it is their unsightly hands
that have built up every square inch of this splendour. Beatrice d’Este
went to see a galley a-building, her velvet cap and her embroidered vest
stuck full of jewels; complacently recording the ejaculations of
admiration for her diamonds and rubies, while the Venetian women, and
even children, were toiling at making the sails and the ropes. Yes, the
social order too must be gazetted bankrupt. It has, indeed, never been
solvent. It has never paid its real creditors, the slaves of the
uncoloured oar.
Nor does our civilisation hold much hope of a change for the fairer.
Despite prophets and poets, despite Socialists, dry-as-dust or
dithyrambic, despite philanthropists and preachers, the revel on the
top-deck amid the velvet and the mosaics grows ever wilder, the flutes
ever more Dionysiac, the fantasies on prow and poop ever more
grotesquely golden. America, shorn of monarchy and feudalism and rank,
and all that the friends of man screamed against, divides with Russia
the hegemony of hotels and outdoes the worst extravagances and
debaucheries of the Renaissance. Where in the Cinquecento a few despots
and “humanists” wallowed in lust and luxury, we have now ten thousand
private tyrants and loose-livers, restrained hardly by the penal law.
The deeds of the Cenci or the Baglioni must be done in a glass-house in
the fierce light that beats upon local greatness. The ruffians of the
Renaissance had no such free field for vagaries and vices as the vagrom
son of a millionaire enjoys in this modern world, where property in
growing fluid has become dissolved from duty; where in every
pleasure-city palaces invite and women allure and slaves grovel; where
every port swarms with white-winged yachts to bear his indolent
irresponsibility to glamorous shores; where in a million halls of light
his world-strewn flunkeys proffer unseasonable food cooked by
unsurpassable artists, and rare champagnes, oscillated for months in a
strange daily ritual by troops of underground elves.
They tell us that this New Year’s Eve in New York alone some three
million pounds were spent in suppers in the flaring restaurants, where
between eleven and twelve o’clock only champagne could be served. Such
is the New Era ushered in by the New World—the Era of Champagne. For
this the Red Indian was uprooted and the wilderness tamed. For this
Washington lived and Lincoln died. By the flood of champagne all
standards of life and letters are swept away, save the one standard of
financial success, save the ability to dine in that wonderful culinary
cathedral where in a dim irreligious light as of a submarine world of
faery, to a melting liturgical music, a fashionable congregation follows
with absorbing zeal the lengthy order of service. What an Agapemone!
And this epidemic of vulgarity, spreading to our own country, has made
the England of 1802, which Wordsworth denounced for “glittering like a
brook,” the England where “plain living and high thinking” were no more,
appear like an island of pristine simplicity. Even the old families
surrender to the new standard and—in the plaint of Dante—“_non heroico
more, sed plebeo sequuntur superbiam_.”
What is to be done? What is to be done about it all? We writing men, to
whom the highest British manhood is still Wordsworth in that country
cottage where visitors must pay for anything beyond bread and cheese, we
to whom the greatest American personality is still Walt Whitman in his
Camden shanty, must at least preserve our divine gift of laughter, our
one poor power of laughing at these vulgarians, whom even the occasional
smuggling of an Old Master out of Italy cannot redeem from barbarism.
The purple pomp of kings, blatant though it be in comparison with true
grandeur, is at least the expression of a public dignity: it is an
official costume like the judge’s wig and gown. But because greatness
must accept office at the hands of its otherwise helpless inferiors, and
office must be suitably apparelled, a certain confusion has been
established between splendour and greatness, as though because greatness
means splendour, splendour must mean greatness. Of this confusion those
are promptest to take advantage to whom the high road to consideration
is closed. Private pomp is a confession of personal pettiness. The
little soul must needs inflate itself by a great house-shell, and
protract itself by a long retinue of servants. ’Tis almost too pathetic
a meekness, this humility of the Magnificent Ones.
Cannot I breathe into you—O Magnificent Ones—a little proper pride? Ye
buy the Past, watching one another in jealous competition; will no one
buy the Future? Why not buy with your millions an earth renewed and
regenerated, a solvent social order? Why not build a true civilisation
on this malarious marsh, that shall rise like the spires and domes of
Venice from her swamps? Surely that were a dream worthy of Magnificence!
Come, let us build together a State-Galley where the oars shall be red
and gold from blade to handle, and every man shall take his turn at
them, and the fantasies of Art shall adorn the hull of Righteousness,
and Justice and Peace shall no longer be ironic images carved for the
complacency of the top-deck. So shall there dawn an Ascension Day on
which the Doge shall go out with banners and music, not to marry the sea
with a ring, but to celebrate the nuptials of Earth with Heaven.
Private pomp is surely a questionable thing. Mediæval life centred round
the Cathedral, the Castle, the Palace. And the masses touched the life
at each and all. The Cathedral gave them their religion, their laws came
from the Palace, their protection from the Castle. Dominating a feudal
population, the towers of law and war uplifted and unified the people.
The lowliest were of this greatness. To-day palaces flaunt themselves,
divorced from moral meaning, magnificence without significance. The
world, as I said, is full of private autocrats, without duties or
dangers: an unhappy consequence of the fall of feudalism, ere a system
as human was ready to replace it. And to-day the Cathedral is our one
feudal relic, reconciling magnificence with morality: the light
streaming through the rose-window haloes the grey head of the
market-woman, and her prayer equals that of the Magnificent One himself.
It is significant that no villa—whoever the architect—can attain the
poetic quality of the simplest village church. The palace of Moses is
nowhere mentioned, but we read many minute instructions concerning the
Tabernacle and the Temple. In truth, art treasures are essentially
public: the furniture of cathedrals, libraries, law-courts,
market-places, and parks. The owners of collections do indeed often
allow the public to visit them at inconvenient times, but that anybody
should have exclusive rights is an absurdity. If Art were a form of
property like any other, the owner could destroy it, and the righteous
indignation of the world at the destruction of a Botticelli or a
Velasquez would mark the boundaries of private property. Land comes
under the same canon. Nothing, perhaps, should be owned which might not
be destroyed at will.
In literature and music—which are more spirits than bodies, and which
can be multiplied without loss—monopolies are unnecessary. If I write a
book against Socialism, the world will applaud, and communistically
possess itself thereof after a brief term. And this legal limitation of
copyright which forcibly wrests epics, operas, and novels from the heirs
might be extended to pictures and statues.