After remaining in the city four days, I procured a passage on board a
brig bound to Boston, and sailed down the river. In about two miles,
we passed the nunnery--a pleasant looking building, surrounded by an
extensive grove of orange trees. Five miles from the city, we came to
the famous battle ground, where Gen. Jackson, and his brave associates
"planted a British colony." But this is a matter of history. All the
indications of a battle now remaining, are scars of balls on one or two
trees.
The large plantations, on both sides of the river, were all alive
with negroes, cutting cane and transporting it to the steam mills
to make sugar. It appears to me, that slavery sits lighter on the
negro race, than it would on any other human beings.--They are,
generally, cheerful, and appear to be inclined to make the best of
their situation. Much injustice, and many wrongs have been done to the
African race. They were torn from their homes, their friends, and their
country--carried to a distant land, and sold to hopeless, irremediable
slavery. The original kidnappers have much to answer for.
But the case is now somewhat changed. Neither the masters nor
the slaves, now upon the stage, are the parties to the original
transaction. Slavery has existed for a long series of years; and the
present owners of slaves obtained possession of them either by descent,
or by purchase. They came into their possession, slaves; they did not
change their condition. The only fault, therefore, they are justly
chargeable with, is the continuance of slavery.--How far culpable
the slaveholder may be in this particular, I shall not undertake to
decide, any more than I would the degree of guilt justly chargeable to
a Mussulman, for believing Mahomet to be a true prophet.
In all the publications and lectures which I have seen and heard upon
slavery, it appears to me, that in regard to the present owners of
slaves, the subject is not viewed in its true light. Slavery is stated
to be a great evil; and therefore, slaveholders are great criminals.
However well this may sound in logic, it does not sound well in morals.
But there is another inference drawn from the premises--that it is the
duty of the inhabitants in the non-slaveholding States, to get up a
crusade against the slaveholders. Not with swords and guns to be sure;
but to give them a bad name, render them odious in the estimation of
mankind, and to continue a general warfare upon their characters. This
is, indeed, the worst kind of warfare. Better take property or life;
for what of value has a man left when deprived of his "good name?" To
this, I shall be answered, that it is proper to call things by their
right names--a spade ought to be called a spade; and a criminal ought
to be called a criminal. So far as it applies to slavery, I have two
plain replies to make. In the first place, it is assuming too much to
call a slaveholder a criminal, under the peculiar circumstances of the
case; and secondly, if the fact were so, it is not always good policy
to bring accusations against an individual, if the object be to reform
him.
It is a good maxim in law, and in religion too, that even the truth is
only to be spoken from a good motive and a justifiable end. For the
peace and well-being of society, facts are not to be stated, merely
to outrage the feelings of another, and to gratify the spleen of the
speaker. Now, I would respectfully ask, what good can come of picking
up all the tales concerning cruelty to slaves whether true or false,
and proclaiming them in the most imposing form upon the house top, to
a non-slaveholding audience? Every new case of cruelty is seized upon
with avidity, and exultingly paraded before the public. This looks a
little too pharisaical. 'Lord I thank thee that I am not as other men
are; nor like unto these wicked slaveholders,' seems to beam from some
men's countenances.
Is it not in accordance with the christian religion, if a brother
offend, to go _privately to him_, and tell him his fault? Now, if the
object be to emancipate the slaves, _go to the slaveholder himself_,
and endeavor to satisfy _him_ that slavery in itself is evil; and, on
a view of the whole ground, it is safe, practicable, and beneficial to
the slaves to be set free.--To the objection, that it would be unsafe
to go among slaveholders for such a purpose, I reply, that missionaries
are sent among the Indians of the West, the heathen of the East, and
in the islands of the sea; and can it be deemed more dangerous to
go among the slaveholding citizens of the United States, than among
them? It cannot be pretended. The fact is a man may travel through
the slaveholding States with perfect safety, provided he carry the
deportment of a gentleman, and discuss the subject of slavery, as all
such subjects ought to be, in a decent and respectful manner.
Of this, I cannot doubt, from my own experience in the matter. During
a residence of three years in a slaveholding State, and in my various
excursions among the planters, I uniformly found hospitable and kind
treatment; and a readiness to discuss the subject of slavery with the
same freedom that they would any other.
It would be a very good plan for our lecturers on slavery, to travel
through the southern States, and see for themselves the true condition
of the master and slave. Their censures of their southern brethren
might be softened down a little; and they would sometimes feel more
inclined to pity than upbraid. They would find the emancipation of
slaves not new, or unthought of, by the people of the South; that it is
a subject, which has engaged their anxious thoughts, and caused much
private and public discussion. The southerners are more willing to
emancipate their slaves, than our northern people generally suppose;
but the great question is, how can it with safety be done? Some of our
northern people would decide this off hand. Only say "_be free_," and
it is done. But the slaveholder believes, there are many things to be
taken into consideration--self preservation, good order of society and
the condition of the emancipated slave, are all to be regarded and
weighed, before freedom is granted.
But I believe the slaveholders do injustice to the character of the
negroes in one particular. If they were all emancipated to-day, I
believe there would be no attempts made to murder the whites, as has
been supposed. They are naturally a friendly, confiding race--neither
ungrateful, nor insensible to kind treatment. When they have a good
master, and there are many such, they become very much attached to him;
and would unhesitatingly, risk their lives in his defence.
I have been in the fields, where hundreds of slaves were at work, and
conversed with them.--They appeared to be well clothed and fed, and had
an easy task. I thought them to be as lively, gay and happy as any set
of beings on earth.
They are very fond of music, and display a good deal of ingenuity, in
adapting songs to their various kinds of work and recreations. Many a
night, I have raised my window, sat down and listened for hours, to the
melody of their voices, in singing their harvest songs, around a pile
of corn.
But the danger lies, in turning loose upon the world, a race of beings,
without houses, lands, or any kind of property; who are ignorant, gay
and thoughtless, and entirely unused to provide for themselves. How
preposterous the idea! What rational man would think of it? They must
beg, steal, plunder, or starve. If the slaves be emancipated, it must
be the work of time; and provision must be made, temporarily at least,
for their support.
But it is urged, that holding in bondage a human being, is wrong, and
therefore, he ought to be set at liberty _immediately_. A person cannot
do right, or repent of evil, too soon. As this applies to the slave, it
may be false reasoning from just premises. Although it might be wrong
for the eagle to catch the mole, and bear him aloft into the air, yet
would it be right, then to let him go, when he knew the fall would dash
him to pieces? The setting at liberty in such a case, would only be
inevitable destruction. It would therefore be right, and not _wrong_,
to retain possession, until liberty could be granted in safety.
That many individuals are justly chargeable with cruelty to their
slaves, there can be no doubt.--Their condition is better in the old,
than in the new States. But it appeared to me, that many of the acts of
cruelty were negligently suffered by the master to be done, rather than
inflicted by him. They are too apt to entrust their servants in the
hands of ignorant overseers, who punish without judgment or mercy.
A planter informed me, he was riding along by his field one day, and
observing the overseer was preparing to flog a negro, he rode up to
enquire into the cause of the punishment. He was informed the negro
would not work, alleging he was sick.--He asked the overseer if he
had ascertained that the negro was _not_ sick. He replied no; for he
presumed it was only a pretence to get rid of work. He went up to the
negro, examined his pulse and tongue, and found he had a high fever. He
told the negro to take a horse from the plough, and ride home, and he
would come directly and see he was properly attended to. He then turned
to the overseer, and told him he was not a suitable man to have the
care of human beings--and discharged him on the spot.
In Texas, I saw a negro chained in a baggage wagon, for the purpose
of carrying him home to his master. He told me he ran away from him,
three months previous, and had all that time lived in the woods, and
obtained his food by hunting. He said his master was a cruel man,
flogged him unmercifully, made him work hard, and did not feed or
clothe him well. At night, an axe _happened_ to be left in the wagon,
and he liberated himself and escaped. On enquiry, I found the negro's
story to be true.--The master was all he had represented him to be, and
his conduct was generally reprobated by the people. As I was walking
on the sea shore, I again came across the negro. He recognized me at
once; came to me, and begged that I would take him with me; and said he
would willingly labor for me all the days of his life; but he could not
return to his master. This I could not do; but was obliged to leave the
negro to his fate.
There are many hardships and cruelties incidental to a state of
slavery; but the cruel master is as much despised and reprobated in his
own immediate neighborhood, as elsewhere. It is now unpopular every
where, to ill-treat the slave. His condition has generally improved;
and the yoke is often made to sit so light, that it is neither felt nor
thought of. But still slavery in its mildest form is attended with many
moral, as well as physical evils; is wrong in principle, and contrary
to the spirit of our free institutions: and I earnestly hope, that this
dark spot on Freedom's bright banner may soon be blotted out forever.
But to effect such a great object as this, will require the wisdom and
aid of the North and the South combined. Let "the North give up and
the South keep not back;" let them amicably take counsel together; and
devise some plan in which the rights, interests and feelings of all
parties are nicely balanced and duly regarded.
But I see no way in which slavery can be abolished without the aid of
the slaveholders. This kind of property is guaranteed to them by the
supreme law of the land, and to give it up, must be a voluntary act. It
appears to me, the course things are now taking at the North, instead
of winning the aid of the South, tends directly to brace them against
emancipation. It appears to the South, as an officious interference in
their affairs, in the most offensive form.
What would we think, if the South should employ a scavenger, to pick up
all the private and public acts of cruelty of the northern people; such
as the whipping of the boy by Arnold, the starving to death of another
by Fernald, &c. &c. &c.; and then, set up a press, expressly to blazon
forth these cruelties; and hire itinerant lecturers to go about and
proclaim to a southern audience, in the highest strains of impassioned
eloquence, the wickedness, corruptions and enormities of the citizens
of the North! And say, they "had waited forty years" for the northern
people to reform themselves; which was time enough, and they would
wait no longer. They, therefore, were justified in holding them up to
the scorn and reproach of all human kind! When the North knew, and all
the world knew, they were no better than they should be at home; that
they had work of reform enough near at hand; and that they had no legal
right to interfere, and could have no legal action upon the subject.
And although the avowed object was the reform of the northern people,
yet they kept aloof from them, and hurled their poisoned arrows at a
distance, alleging that they might in their patriotic zeal, so much
arouse their indignation, that it would be unsafe to go near them. What
would northern people say to all this! Should we say, go on, brethren!
God speed! Or should we say, this is mean, cowardly business--empty
boasting--gasconade! These people may not, indeed, be guilty of this
particular thing of which they accuse us; and that is the very reason
why they choose this subject for accusation--why they walk so proudly
erect--ring all the changes and make the most of it. It is to triumph
over us, and build up themselves on our ruins. There is in truth, a
worse kind than negro slavery--when a man becomes a slave to his own
unhallowed, vindictive passions.
Much injustice has been done the southern people. Those who
have travelled and dwelt among them, bear testimony to their
high-mindedness, kindness and hospitality. They scorn to do an act of
meanness; or to enter upon the broad field of scandal. And although
their strong sensibility may sometimes lead them into error, yet in all
the virtues which ennoble man, they might not suffer in a comparison
with the North. If we choose to bring railing accusations against
them; they may not descend to recriminate but leave us the undisputed
occupants of the ground we have chosen. And we may have the sore
mortification at last to find, we have uttered anathemas in vain; and
brought nothing to any desirable result--that we have toiled hard, and
effected nothing, but our own humiliation and disgrace.
But I must leave the subject of negro slavery.--Perhaps I have dwelt
too long upon it already to comport with the design of this book. It is
a great and an important subject; and to do it justice would require
a volume. It is my solemn conviction however, that for the northern
people to effect any thing, towards the freedom of the African race,
much prudence must be exercised, and conciliatory measures adopted; so
as to enlist the undivided energies of the South in the great work of
emancipation.