FETICHISM

The line of action taken by the missionary at work will, like that of

any other practical man, be conditioned, not only by the object which

he wishes to attain, but also by the nature of the material on which

and with which he has to work. He requires therefore all the

information which the science of religion can place at his disposal

about the beliefs and practices of those amongst whom his work is cast;

and, if he is to make practical use of that information, he must know

not only that certain beliefs and practices do as a matter of fact

obtain, he must know also what is their value for his special

purpose--what, if any, are the points about them which have religious

value, and can be utilized by him; and what are those points about them

which are obstructive to his purpose, and how best they may be removed

and counteracted. To supply him with this information, to give him

this estimate of values, to guide him as to the attitude he should

assume and the way in which he may utilise or must {106} attack native

practices and beliefs, is the object with which the applied science of

religion, when it has been constituted by the action of Hartford

Theological Seminary, will address itself.

Now, it may seem from the practical point of view of the missionary

that with regard to fetichism there can be no question as to what its

value is or as to what his attitude should be towards it. But, even if

we should ultimately find that fetichism is obstructive to religion, we

shall still want to know what hints we can extract from the science of

religion as to the best way of cutting at the roots of fetichism; and

therefore it will be necessary to consider what exactly fetichism is.

And, as a matter of fact, there is a tendency manifesting itself

amongst students of the science of religion to say, as Dr. Haddon says

(_Magic and Fetichism_, p. 91), that "fetichism is a stage of religious

development"; and amongst writers on the philosophy of religion to take

fetichism and treat it, provisionally at any rate, if not as the

primitive religion of mankind, then as that form of religion which "we

find amongst men at the lowest stage of development known to us"

(Hoeffding, _Philosophy of Religion_, E. T., Secs. 45, 46). If, then,

fetichism is the primitive religion of {107} mankind or a stage of

religious development, "a basis from which many other modes of

religious thought have been developed" (Haddon, p. 91), it will have a

value which the missionary must recognise. And in any case he must

know what value, if any, it has.

Now, if we are, I will not say to do justice to the view that fetichism

is the primitive religion of mankind or a stage from which other modes

of religious thought have been developed, but if we are simply to

understand it, we must clearly distinguish it from the view--somewhat

paradoxical to say the least--that fetichism has no religious value,

and yet is the source of all religious values. The inference which may

legitimately be drawn from this second view is that all forms of

religious thought, having been evolved from this primitive religion of

mankind, have precisely the same value as it has; they do but make

explicit what it really was; the history of religion does but write

large and set out at length what was contained in it from the first; in

fetichism we see what from the first religion was, and what at the last

religion is. On this view, the source from which all religious values

spring is fetichism; fetichism has no value of any kind, and therefore

the {108} evolved forms of fetichism which we call forms of religion

have no value either of any kind. Thus, science--the science of

religion--is supposed to demonstrate by scientific methods the real

nature and the essential character of all religion.

Now, the error in this reasoning proceeds partly on a false conception

of the object and method of science--a false conception which is slowly

but surely disappearing. The object of all science, whether it be

physical science or other, whether it be historic science or other, is

to establish facts. The object of the historic science of religion is

to record the facts of the history of religion in such a way that the

accuracy of the record as a record will be disputed by no one qualified

to judge the fact. For that purpose, it abstains deliberately and

consistently from asking or considering the religious value of any of

the facts with which it deals. It has not to consider, and does not

consider, what would have been, still less what ought to have been, the

course of history, but simply what it was. In this it is following

merely the dictates of common sense; before we can profitably express

an opinion on any occurrence, we must know what exactly it was that

occurred; and to learn what occurred we must {109} divest our minds of

preconceptions. It is the business of the science of religion to set

aside preconceptions as to whether religion has or has not any value;

and if it does set them aside, that is to say so far as it is

scientific, it will end as it began without touching on the question of

the value of religion. In fine, it is, and would I think now be

generally admitted to be, a misconception of the function of the

science of religion to imagine that it does, or can, prove anything as

to the truth of religion, one way or the other.

There is, however, another error in the reasoning which is directed to

show that in fetichism we see what religion was and essentially is.

That error consists not only in a false conception of what religion

is,--the man who has himself no religion may be excused if he fails to

understand fully what it is,--it is based on a misunderstanding of what

fetichism is. And so confusion is doubly confounded. The source of

that misunderstanding is to be found in Bosman (Pinkerton, _Voyages and

Travels_, London, 1814, XVI, 493), who says: "I once asked a negro with

whom I could talk very freely ... how they celebrated their divine

worship, and what number of gods they had; he, laughing, answered that

I had {110} puzzled him; and assured me that nobody in the whole

country could give me an exact account of it. 'For, as for my own

part, I have a very large number of gods, and doubt not but that others

have as many. For any of us being resolved to undertake anything of

importance, we first of all search out a god to prosper our designed

undertaking; and going out of doors with the design, take the first

creature that presents itself to our eyes, whether dog, cat, or the

most contemptible creature in the world for our god; or, perhaps,

instead of that, any inanimate that falls in our way, whether a stone,

a piece of wood, or anything else of the same nature. This new-chosen

god is immediately presented with an offering, which is accompanied by

a solemn vow, that if it pleaseth him to prosper our undertakings, for

the future we will always worship and esteem him as a god. If our

design prove successful, we have discovered a new and assisting god,

which is daily presented with a fresh offering; but if the contrary

happen, the new god is rejected as a useless tool, and consequently

returns to his primitive estate. We make and break our gods daily, and

consequently are the masters and inventors of what we sacrifice to.'"

Now, all this was said by the {111} negro, as Bosman himself observed,

to "ridicule his own country gods." And it is not surprising that it

should have been, or should be, accepted as a trustworthy description

of the earliest form of religion by those who in the highest form can

find no more than this negro found in fetichism when he wished to

ridicule it.

Let us hold over for the moment the question whether fetichism is or is

not a form of religion; and let us enquire how far the account given by

Bosman's negro accords with the facts. First, though there is no doubt

that animals are worshipped as gods, and though there is no doubt that

the guardian spirits of individuals are chosen, or are supposed to

manifest themselves, for example, amongst the North American Indians,

in animal form, and that "the first creature that presents itself" to

the man seeking the manifestation of his guardian spirit may be taken

to be his god, even though it be "the most contemptible creature in the

world "; still students of the science of religion are fairly satisfied

that such gods or guardian spirits are not to be confused with

fetiches. A fetich is an inanimate or lifeless object, even if it is

the feather, claw, bone, eyeball, or any other part of an animal or

even of a man. It is as {112} Bosman's negro said, "any inanimate that

falls in our way." When he goes on to say that it "is immediately

presented with an offering," and, so long as its owner believes in it,

"is daily presented with a fresh offering," he is stating a fact that

is beyond dispute, and which is fully recognised by all students. A

typical instance is given by Professor Tylor (_Primitive Culture_, II,

158) of the owner of a stone which had been taken as a fetich: "He was

once going out on important business, but crossing the threshold he

trod on this stone and hurt himself. Ha! ha! thought he, art thou

there? So he took the stone, and it helped him through his undertaking

for days." When Bosman's negro further goes on to state that if the

fetich is discovered by its owner not to prosper his undertakings, as

he expected it to do, "it is rejected as a useless tool," he makes a

statement which is admitted to be true and which, in its truth, may be

understood to mean that when the owner finds that the object is not a

fetich, he casts it aside as being nothing but the "inanimate" which it

is. Bosman's negro, however, says not that the inanimate but that "the

new god is rejected as a useless tool." That we must take as being but

a carelessness of expression; the evidence of Colonel {113} Ellis, an

observer whose competence is undoubted, is: "Every native with whom I

have conversed on the subject has laughed at the possibility of it

being supposed that he could worship or offer sacrifice to some such

object as a stone, which of itself would be perfectly obvious to his

senses was a stone only and nothing more" (_The Tshi-speaking Peoples_,

p. 192). From these words it follows that the object worshipped as a

fetich is a stone (or whatever it is) and something more, and that the

object "rejected as a useless tool" is a stone (or whatever it is) and

nothing more. When, then, Bosman's negro goes on to say, "we make and

break our gods daily," he is not describing accurately the processes as

they are conceived by those who perform them. The fetich worshipper

believes that the object which arrests his attention has already the

powers which he ascribes to it; and it is in consequence of that belief

that he takes it as his fetich. And it is only when he is convinced

that it is not a fetich that he rejects it as a useless tool. But what

Bosman's negro suggests, and apparently intended to suggest, is that

the fetich worshipper makes, say, a stone his god, knowing that it is a

stone and nothing more; and that he breaks his fetich believing it to

be a god. {114} Thus the worshipper knows that the object is no god

when he is worshipping it; but believes it to be a god when he rejects

it as a useless tool. Now that is, consciously or unconsciously,

deliberately or not, a misrepresentation of fetichism; and it is

precisely on that misconception of what fetichism is that they base

themselves who identify religion with fetichism, and then argue that,

as fetichism has no value, religious or reasonable, neither has

religion itself.

Returning now to the question what fetichism is--a question which must

be answered before we can enquire what religious value it possesses,

and whether it can be of any use for the practical purposes of the

missionary in his work--we have now seen that a fetich is not merely an

"inanimate," but something more; and that an object to become regarded

as a fetich must attract the attention of the man who is to adopt it,

and must attract the attention of the man when he has business on hand,

that is to say when he has some end in view which he desires to attain,

or generally when he is in a state of expectancy. The process of

choice is one of "natural selection." Professor Hoeffding sees in it

"the simplest conceivable construction of religious ideas. The choice

is entirely elementary {115} and involuntary, as elementary and

involuntary as the exclamation which is the simplest form of a judgment

of worth. The object chosen must be something or other which is

closely bound up with whatever engrosses the mind. It perhaps awakens

memories of earlier events in which it was present or cooperative, or

else it presents a certain--perhaps a very distant--similarity to

objects which helped in previous times of need. Or it may be merely

the first object which presents itself in a moment of strained

expectation. It attracts attention, and is therefore involuntarily

associated with what is about to happen, with the possibility of

attaining the desired end" (_Philosophy of Religion_, E. T., p. 139).

And then Professor Hoeffding goes on to say, "In such phenomena as these

we encounter religion under the guise of desire." Now, without denying

that there are such things as religious desires--and holding as we do

that religion is the search after God and the yearning of the human

heart after Him, "the desire of all nations," we shall have no

temptation to deny that there are such things as religious desires--yet

we must for the moment reserve our decision on the question whether it

is in such phenomena {116} as these that we encounter religious

desires, and we must bear in mind that there are desires which are not

religious, and that we want to know whether it is in the phenomena of

fetichism that we encounter religious desires.

That in the phenomena of fetichism we encounter desires other than

religious is beyond dispute: the use of a fetich is, as Dr. Nassau

says, "to aid the possessor in the accomplishment of some specific

wish" (_Fetichism in West Africa_, p. 82); that is, of any specific

wish. Now, a fetich is, as we have seen, an inanimate object and

something more. What more? In actual truth, nothing more than the

fact that it is "involuntarily associated with what is about to happen,

with the possibility of attaining the desired end." But to the

possessor the something more, it may be said, is the fact that it is

not merely an "inanimate" but also a spirit, or the habitation of a

spiritual being. When, however, we reflect that fetichism goes back to

the animistic stage of human thought, in which all the things that we

term inanimate are believed to be animated by spirits, it is obvious

that we require some differentia to mark off those things (animated by

spirits) which are fetiches from those things (animated by spirits)

{117} which are not. And the differentia is, of course, that fetiches

are spirits, or objects animated by spirits, which will aid the

possessor in the accomplishment of some specific wish, and are thought

to be willing so to aid, owing to the fact that by an involuntary

association of ideas they become connected in the worshipper's mind

with the possibility of attaining the end he has in view at the moment.

To recognise fetichism, then, in its simplest if not in its most

primitive form, all we need postulate is animism--the belief that all

things are animated by spirits--and the process of very natural

selection which has already been described. At this stage in the

history of fetichism it is especially difficult to judge whether the

fetich is the spirit or the object animated by the spirit. As Dr.

Haddon says (p. 83), "Just as the human body and soul form one

individual, so the material object and its occupying spirit or power

form one individual, more vague, perhaps, but still with many

attributes distinctively human. It possesses personality and will ...

it possesses most of the human passions,--anger, revenge, also

generosity and gratitude; it is within reach of influence and may be

benevolent, hence to be deprecated and placated, and its aid enlisted."

{118}

A more advanced stage in the history of fetichism is that which is

reached by reflection on the fact that a fetich not unfrequently ceases

to prosper the undertakings of its possessor in the way he expected it

to do. On the principles of animism, everything that is--whether

animate, or inanimate according to our notions--is made up of spirit,

or soul, and body. In the case of man, when he dies, the spirit leaves

the body. When, therefore, a fetich ceases to act, the explanation by

analogy is that the spirit has left the body, the inanimate, with which

it was originally associated; and when that is the case, then, as we

learn from Miss Kingsley (_Travels in West Africa_, pp. 304-305), "the

little thing you kept the spirit in is no more use now, and only fit to

sell to a white man as 'a big curio.'" The fact that, in native

belief, what we call an inanimate thing may lose its soul and become

really dead is shown by Miss Kingsley in a passage quoted by Dr.

Haddon: "Everything that he," the native, "knows by means of his senses

he regards as a twofold entity--part spirit, part not spirit, or, as we

should say, matter; the connection of a certain spirit with a certain

mass of matter, he holds, is not permanent. He will point out to you a

lightning-struck tree, and tell {119} you its spirit has been broken;

he will tell you when the cooking-pot has been broken, that it has lost

its spirit" (_Folk-Lore_, VIII, 141). We might safely infer then that

as any object may lose its spirit, so too may an object which has been

chosen as a fetich; even if we had not, as we have, direct testimony to

the belief.

Next, when it is believed that an object may lose its spirit and become

dead indeed, there is room and opportunity for the belief to grow that

its spirit may pass into some other object: that there may be a

transmigration of spirits. And when this belief arises, a fresh stage

in the history of fetichism is evolved. And the fresh stage is evolved

in accordance with the law that governs the whole evolution of

fetichism. That law is that a fetich is an object believed to aid its

possessor in attaining the end he desires. In the earliest stage of

its history anything which happens to arrest a man's attention when he

is in a state of expectancy "is involuntarily associated with what is

about to happen," and so becomes a fetich. In the most developed stage

of fetichism, men are not content to wait until they stumble across a

fetich, and when they do so to say, "Ha! ha! art thou there?" Their

mental attitude becomes {120} interrogative: "Ha! ha! where art thou?"

They no longer wait to stumble across a fetich, they proceed to make

one; and for that procedure a belief in the transmigration of spirits

is essential. An object, a habitation for the spirit, is prepared; and

he is invited, conjured, or conjured, into it. If he is conjured into

it, the attitude of the man who invites him is submissive; if conjured,

the mental attitude of the performer is one of superiority. Colonel

Ellis throughout all his careful enquiries found that "so great is the

fear of giving possible offence to any superhuman agent" that (in the

region of his observation) we may well believe that even the makers of

fetiches did not assume to command the spirits. But elsewhere, in

other regions, it is impossible to doubt but that the owners of

fetiches not only conjure the spirits into the objects, but also apply

coercion to them when they fail to aid their possessor in the

accomplishment of his wishes. That, I take it, is the ultimate stage

in the evolution, the fine flower, of fetichism. And it is not

religion, it has no value as religion, or rather its value is

anti-religious. Even if we were to accept as a definition of religion

that it is the conciliation of beings conceived to be superior, we

should be compelled by {121} the definition to say that fetichism in

its eventual outcome is not religion, for the attitude of the owner

towards his fetich is then one of superiority, and his method is, when

conciliation fails, to apply coercion.

But it may perhaps be argued that fetichism, except in what I have

termed its ultimate evolution, is religion and has religious value; or,

to put it otherwise, that what I have represented as the eventual

outcome is really a perversion or the decline of fetichism. Then, in

the fetichism which is or represents the primitive religion of mankind

we meet, according to Professor Hoeffding, "religion under the guise of

desire." Now, not all desires are religious; and the question, which

is purely a question of fact, arises whether the desires which

fetichism subserves are religious. And in using the word "religious" I

will not here place any extravagant meaning on the word; I will take it

in the meaning which would be understood by the community in which the

owner of a fetich dwells himself. In the tribes described by Colonel

Ellis, for instance, there are worshipped personal gods having proper

names; and the worship is served by duly appointed priests; and the

worshippers consist of a body of {122} persons whose welfare the god

has at heart. Such are some of the salient features of what all

students of the science of religion would include under the head of the

religion of those tribes. Now amongst those same tribes the fetich, or

_suhman_, as it is termed by them, is found; and there are several

features which make a fetich quite distinguishable from any of the gods

which are worshipped there. Thus, the fetich has no body of

worshippers: it is the private property, of its owner, who alone makes

offerings to it. Its _raison d'etre_, its special and only function,

is to subserve the private wishes of its owner. In so far as he makes

offerings to it he may be called its priest; but he is not, as in the

case of the priests of the gods who are worshipped there, the

representative of the community or congregation, for a fetich has no

plurality of worshippers; and none of the priests of the gods will have

anything to do with it. Next, "though offerings are made to the

_suhman_ by its owner, they are made in private" (Jevons, _History of

Religion_, p. 165)--there is no public worship--and "public opinion

does not approve of them." The interests and the desires which the

fetich exists to promote are not those of the community: they are

antisocial, for, as Colonel Ellis {123} tells us, "one of the special

attributes of a _suhman_ is to procure the death of any person whom its

worshipper may wish to have removed"--indeed "the most important

function of the _suhman_ appears to be to work evil against those who

have injured or offended its worshipper."

Thus, a very clear distinction exists between the worship of a fetich

and the worship of the gods. It is not merely that the fetich is

invoked occasionally in aid of antisocial desires: nothing can prevent

the worshipper of a god, if the worshipper be bad enough, from praying

for that which he ought not to pray for. It is that the gods of the

community are there to sanction and further all desires which are for

the good of the community, and that the fetich is there to further

desires which are not for the good of the community,--hence it is that

"public opinion does not approve of them." At another stage of

religious evolution, it becomes apparent and is openly pronounced that

neither does the god of the community approve of them; and then

fetichism, like the sin of witchcraft, is stamped out more or less.

But amongst the tribes who have only reached the point of religious

progress attained by the natives of West Africa, public opinion has

{124} only gone so far as to express disapproval, not to declare war.

If, then, we are to hold to the view of Professor Hoeffding and of Dr.

Haddon, that fetichism is in its essence, or was at the beginning,

religious in its nature, though it may be perverted into something

non-religious or anti-religious, we must at any rate admit that it has

become non-religious not only in the case of those fetichists who

assume an attitude of superiority and command to their fetiches, but

also in the earlier stage of evolution when the fetichist preserves an

attitude of submission and conciliation towards his fetich, but assumes

the attitude only for the purpose of realising desires which are

anti-social and recognised to be anti-religious.

But, if we take--as I think we must take--that line of argument, the

conclusion to which it will bring us is fairly clear and is not far

off. The differentia or rather that differentia which

characteristically marks off the fetich from the god is the nature of

the desires which each exists to promote; the function which each

exists to fulfil, the end which is there for each to subserve. But the

ends are different. Not only are they different, they are

antagonistic. And the process of evolution does {125} but bring out

the antagonism, it does not create it. It was there from the

beginning. From the moment there was society, there were desires which

could only be realised at the cost and to the loss of society, as well

as desires in the realisation of which the good of society was

realised. The assistance of powers other than human might be sought;

and the nature of the power which was sought was determined by the end

or purpose for which its aid was employed or invoked--if for the good

of society, it was approved by society; if not, not. Its function, the

end it subserved, determined its value for society--determined whether

public opinion should approve or disapprove of it, whether it was a god

of the community or the fetich of an individual. Society can only

exist where there is a certain community of purpose among its members;

and can only continue to exist where anti-social tendencies are to some

extent suppressed or checked by force of public opinion.

Fetichism, then, in its tendency and in its purpose, in the function

which it performs and the end at which it aims is not only

distinguishable from religion, it is antagonistic to it, from the

earliest period of its history to the latest. Religion is social, an

{126} affair of the community; fetichism is anti-social, condemned by

the community. Public opinion, expressing the moral sentiments of the

community as well as its religious feeling, pronounces both moral and

religious disapproval of the man who uses a _suhman_ for its special

purpose of causing death--committing murder. Fetichism is offensive to

the morality as well as to the religion even of the native. To seek

the origin of religion in fetichism is as vain as to seek the origin of

morality in the selfish and self-seeking tendencies of man. There is

no need to enquire whether fetichism is historically prior to religion,

or whether religion is historically prior to fetichism. Man, as long

as he has lived in societies, must have had desires which were

incompatible with the welfare of the community as well as desires which

promoted its welfare. The powers which are supposed to care whether

the community fares well are the gods of the community; and their

worship is the religion of the community. The powers which have no

such care are not gods, nor is their worship--if coercion or cajolery

can be called worship--religion. The essence of fetichism on its

external side is that the owner of the fetich alone has access {127} to

it, alone can pray to it, alone can offer sacrifices to it. It is

therefore in its inward essence directly destructive of the unity of

interests and purposes that society demands and religion promotes.

Perhaps it would be going too far to say that the practice of making

prayers and offerings to a fetich is borrowed from religious worship:

they are the natural and instinctive method of approaching any power

which is capable of granting or refusing what we desire. It is the

quarter to which they are addressed, and the end for which they are

employed, that makes the difference between them. It is the fact that

in the one case they are, and in the other are not, addressed to the

quarter to which they ought to be addressed, and employed for the end

for which they ought to be employed, that makes the difference in

religious value between them.

If we bear in mind the simple fact that fetichism is condemned by the

religious and moral feelings of the communities in which it exists, we

shall not fall into the mistake of regarding fetichism either as the

primitive religion of mankind or as a stage of religious development or

as "a basis from which many other modes of religious thought have been

developed."

{128}

Professor Hoeffding, holding that fetichism is the primitive religion,

out of which polytheism was developed, adopts Usener's theory as to the

mode of its evolution. "The fetich," Professor Hoeffding says (p. 140),

"is only the provisional and momentary dwelling-place of a spirit. As

Hermann Usener has strikingly called it, it is 'the god of a moment.'"

But though Professor Hoeffding adopts this definition of a fetich, it is

obvious that the course of his argument requires us to understand it as

subject to a certain limitation. His argument in effect is that

fetichism is not polytheism, but something different, something out of

which polytheism was evolved. And the difference is that polytheism

means a plurality of gods, whereas fetichism knows no gods, but only

spirits. Inasmuch then as, on the theory--whether it is held by

Hoeffding or by anybody else--that the spirits of fetichism become the

gods of polytheism, there must be differences between the spirits of

the one and the gods of the other, let us enquire what the differences

are supposed to be.

First, there is the statement that a fetich is the "god of a moment,"

by which must be meant that the spirits which, so long as they are

momentary and {129} temporary, are fetiches, must come to be permanent

if they are to attain to the rank of gods.

But on this point Dr. Haddon differs. He is quite clear that a fetich

may be worshipped permanently without ceasing to be a fetich. And it

is indeed abundantly clear that an object only ceases to be worshipped

when its owner is convinced that it is not really a fetich; as long as

he is satisfied that it is a fetich, he continues its cult--and he

continues it because it is his personal property, because he, and not

the rest of the community, has access to it.

Next, Hoeffding argues that it is from these momentary fetiches that

special or specialised deities--"departmental gods," as Mr. Andrew Lang

has termed them--arise. And these "specialised divinities constitute

an advance on gods of the moment" (p. 142). Now, what is implied in

this argument, what is postulated but not expressed, is that a fetich

has only one particular thing which it can do. A departmental god can

only do one particular sort of thing, has one specialised function. A

departmental god is but a fetich advanced one stage in the hierarchy of

divine beings. Therefore the function of the fetich in the first

instance was specialised {130} and limited. But there it is that the

_a priori_ argument comes into collision with the actual facts. A

fetich, when it presents itself to a man, assists him in the particular

business on which he is at the moment engaged. But it only continues

to act as a fetich, provided that it assists him afterwards and in

other matters also. The desires of the owner are not limited, and

consequently neither are his expectations; the business of the fetich

is to procure him general prosperity (Haddon, p. 83). As far as

fetiches are concerned, it is simply reversing the facts to suppose

that it is because one fetich can only do one thing, that many fetiches

are picked up. Many objects are picked up on the chance of their

proving fetiches, because if the object turns out really to be a fetich

it will bring its owner good luck and prosperity generally--there is no

knowing what it may do. But it is only to its owner that it brings

prosperity--not to other people, not to the community, for the

community is debarred access to it.

The next difference between fetichism and polytheism, according to

Hoeffding, is that the gods of polytheism have developed that

personality which is not indeed absolutely wanting in the spirits of

fetichism but can hardly be said to be properly {131} there. "The

transition," he says, "from momentary and special gods to gods which

can properly be called personal is one of the most important

transitions in the history of religion. It denotes the transition from

animism to polytheism" (p. 145). And one of the outward signs that the

transition has been effected is, as Usener points out with special

emphasis, "that only at a certain stage of evolution, _i.e._, on the

appearance of polytheism, do the gods acquire proper names" (_ib._ 147).

Now, this argument, I suggest, seeks to make, or to make much of, a

difference between fetichism and polytheism which scarcely exists, and

so far as it does exist is not the real difference between them. It

seeks to minimise, if not to deny, the personality of the fetich, in

order to exalt that of the gods of polytheism. And then this

difference in degree of personality, this transition from the one

degree to the other, is exhibited as "one of the most important

transitions in the history of religion." The question therefore is

first whether the difference is so great, and next whether it is the

real difference between fetichism and religion in the polytheistic

stage.

The difference in point of personality between the spirits of fetichism

and the gods of polytheism is not {132} absolute. The fetich,

according to Dr. Haddon, "_possesses personality_ and will, it has also

many human characters. It possesses most of the human passions, anger,

revenge, also generosity and gratitude; it is within reach of influence

and may be benevolent, is hence to be deprecated and placated, and its

aid to be enlisted" (p. 83); "the fetich is worshipped, prayed to,

sacrificed to, and talked with" (p. 89).

But, perhaps it may be said that, though the fetich does "possess

personality," it is only when it has acquired sufficient personality to

enjoy a proper name that it becomes a god, or fetichism passes into

polytheism. To this the reply is that polytheism does not wait thus

deferentially on the evolution of proper names. There was a period in

the evolution of the human race when men neither had proper names of

their own nor knew their fellows by proper names; and yet they doubted

not their personality. The simple fact is that he who is to receive a

name--whether he be a human being or a spiritual being--must be there

in order to be named. When he is there he may receive a name which has

lost all meaning, as proper names at the present day have generally

done; or one which has a meaning. {133} A mother may address her child

as "John" or as "boy," but, whichever form of address she uses, she has

no doubt that the child has a personality. The fact that a fetich has

not acquired a proper name is not a proof that it has acquired no

personality; if it can, as Dr. Haddon says it can, be "petted or

ill-treated with regard to its past or future behaviour" (p. 90), its

personality is undeniable. If it can be "worshipped, prayed to,

sacrificed to, talked with," it is as personal as any deity in a

pantheon. If it has no proper name, neither at one time had men

themselves. And Hoeffding himself seems disinclined to follow Usener on

this point: "no important period," he says (p. 147), "in the history of

religion can begin with an empty word. The word can neither be the

beginning nor exist at the beginning." Finally Hoeffding, to enforce

the conclusion that polytheism is evolved from fetichism, says: "The

influence exerted by worship on the life of religious ideas can find no

more striking exemplification than in the word 'god' itself: when we

study those etymologies of this word which, from the philological point

of view, appear most likely to be correct, we find the word really

means 'he to whom sacrifice is made,' or 'he who is worshipped'" (p.

148). {134} Professor Wilhelm Thomsen considers the first explanation

the more probable: "In that case there would be a relationship between

the root of the word '_gott_' and '_giessen_' (to pour), as also

between the Greek _cheein_, whose root _chu_ = the Sanskrit _hu_, from

which comes _huta_, which means 'sacrificed,' as well as 'he to whom

sacrifices are made'" (p. 396). Now, if "god" means either "he to whom

sacrifice is made" or "he who is worshipped," we have only to enquire

by whom the sacrifice is made or the worship paid, according to

Professor Hoeffding, in order to see the value of this philological

argument. A leading difference between a fetich and a god is that

sacrifice is made and worship paid to the fetich by its owner, to the

god by the community. Now this philological derivation of "god" throws

no light whatever on the question by whom the "god" is worshipped; but

the content of the passage which I have quoted shows that Professor

Hoeffding himself here understands the worship of a god to be the

worship paid by the community. If that is so, and if the function or a

function of the being worshipped is to grant the desires of his

worshippers, then the function of the being worshipped by the community

is to grant the desires of the community. {135} And if that is the

distinguishing mark or a distinguishing mark of a god, then the worship

of a god differs _toto caelo_ from the worship paid to a fetich, whose

distinguishing mark is that it is subservient to the anti-social wishes

of its owner, and is not worshipped by the community. And it is just

as impossible to maintain that a god is evolved out of a fetich as it

would be to argue--indeed it is arguing--that practices destructive of

society or social welfare have only to be pushed far enough and they

will prove the salvation of society.

If in the animistic stage, when everything that is is worked by

spirits, it is possible and desirable for the individual to gain his

individual ends by the cooperation of some spirit, it is equally

possible and more desirable for the community to gain the aid of a

spirit which will further the ends for the sake of which the community

exists. But those ends are not transient or momentary, neither

therefore can the spirit who promotes them be a "momentary" god. And

if we accept Hoeffding's description of the simplest and earliest

manifestation of the religious spirit as being belief "in a power which

cares whether he [man] has or has not experiences which he values," we

must be careful to make it clear that the {136} power worshipped by a

community is worshipped because he is believed to care that the

community should have the experiences which the community values.

Having made that stipulation, we may accept Hoeffding's further

statement (p. 147) that "even the momentary and special gods implied

the existence of a personifying tendency and faculty"; for, although

from our point of view a momentary god is a self-contradictory notion,

we are quite willing to agree that this tendency to personification may

be taken as primary and primitive: religion from the beginning has been

the search after a power essentially personal. But that way of

conceiving spiritual powers is not in itself distinctive of or confined

to religion: it is an intellectual conception; it is the essence of

animism, and animism is not religion. To say that an emotional element

also must be present is true; but neither will that serve to mark off

fetichism from religion. Fetichism also is emotional in tone: it is in

hope that the savage picks up the thing that may prove to have the

fetich power; and it is with fear that he recognises his neighbour's

_suhman_. A god is not merely a power conceived of intellectually and

felt emotionally to be a personal power from whom things may {137} be

hoped or feared; he must indeed be a personal power and be regarded

with hope and fear, but it is by a community that he must be so

regarded. And the community, in turning to such a power, worships him

with sacrifice: a god is indeed he to whom sacrifice is made and

worship paid by the community, with whose interests and whose

morality--with whose good, in a word, he is from the beginning

identified. "In the absence of experience of good as one of the

realities of life, no one," Hoeffding says, "would ever have believed in

the goodness of the gods"; and, we may add, it is as interested in and

caring for the good of the community that the god of the community is

worshipped. It is in the conviction that he does so care, that

religious feeling is rooted; or, as Hoeffding puts it (p. 162), it is

rooted in "the need to collect and concentrate ourselves, to resign

ourselves, to feel ourselves supported and carried by a power raised

above all struggle and opposition and beyond all change." There we

have, implicit from the beginning, that communion with god, or striving

thereafter, which is essential to worship. It is faith. It is rest.

It is the heart's desire. And it is not fetichism, nor is fetichism it.

{138}

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