That א reads ΟΣ is admitted.—Not so Codex C, which the excessive

application of chemicals has rendered no longer decipherable in this

place. Tischendorf (of course) insists, that the original reading was

ΟΣ.(949) Wetstein and Griesbach (just as we should expect,) avow the same

opinion,—Woide, Mill, Weber and Parquoi being just as confident that the

original reading was _ΘΣ_. As in the case of cod. A, it is too late by

full 100 years to re-open this question. Observable it is that the

witnesses yield contradictory evidence. Wetstein, writing 150 years ago,

before the original writing had become so greatly defaced,—(and Wetstein,

inasmuch as he collated the MS. for Bentley [1716], must have been

thoroughly familiar with its contents,)—only “_thought_” that he read ΟΣ;

“because the delicate horizontal stroke which makes Θ out of Ο,” was to

him “_not apparent_.”(950) Woide on the contrary was convinced that _ΘΣ_

had been written by the first hand: “for” (said he) “though there _exists

no vestige_ of the delicate stroke which out of Ο makes Θ, _the stroke

written above the letters is by the first hand_.” What however to Wetstein

and to Woide was not apparent, was visible enough to Weber, Wetstein’s

contemporary. And Tischendorf, so late as 1843, expressed his astonishment

that the stroke in question had hitherto escaped the eyes of every one;

“_having been repeatedly seen by himself_.”(951) He attributes it, (just

as we should expect) to a corrector of the MS.; partly, because of _its

colour_, (“_subnigra_”); partly, because of _its inclining upwards to the

right_. And yet, _who_ sees not that an argument derived from _the colour_

of a line which is already well-nigh invisible, must needs be in a high

degree precarious? while Scrivener aptly points out that the cross line in

Θ,—the ninth letter further on, (which has never been questioned,)—_also_

“ascends towards the right.” The hostile evidence collapses therefore. In

the meantime, what at least is certain is, that the subscribed musical

notation indicates that _a thousand years ago, a word of two syllables_

was read here. From a review of all of which, it is clear that the utmost

which can be pretended is that some degree of uncertainty attaches to the

testimony of cod. C. Yet, _why_ such a plea should be either set up or

allowed, I really see not—except indeed by men who have made up their

minds beforehand that ΟΣ _shall be_ the reading of 1 Tim. iii. 16. Let the

sign of uncertainty however follow the notation of C for this text, if you

will. That cod. C is an indubitable witness for ΟΣ, I venture at least to

think that no fair person will ever any more pretend.

[d] _Testimony of_ CODICES F _and_ G _of S. Paul, concerning_ 1 Tim. iii.

16.

The next dispute is about the reading of the two IXth-century codices, F

and G,—concerning which I propose to trouble you with a few words in

addition to what has been already offered on this subject at pp. 100-1:

the rather, because you have yourself devoted one entire page of your

pamphlet to the testimony yielded by these two codices; and because you

therein have recourse to what (if it proceeded from any one but a Bishop,)

I should designate the _insolent_ method of trying to put me down by

authority,—instead of seeking to convince me of my error by producing some

good reasons for your opinion. You seem to think it enough to hurl

Wetstein, Griesbach, Lachmann, Tregelles, Tischendorf, and (cruellest of

all) my friend Scrivener, at my head. Permit me to point out that this,

_as an argument_, is the feeblest to which a Critic can have recourse. He

shouts so lustily for help only because he is unable to take care of

himself.

F and G then are confessedly independent copies of one and the same

archetype: and “both F and G” (you say) “exhibit _ΟΣ_.”(952) Be it so. The

question arises,—What does the stroke above the _ΟΣ_ signify? I venture to

believe that these two codices represent a copy which originally exhibited

_ΘΣ_, but from which the diameter of the Θ had disappeared—(as very often

is the case in codex A)—through tract of time. The effect of this would be

that F and G are in reality witnesses for Θεός. Not so, you say. _That_

slanting stroke represents the aspirate, and proves that these two codices

are witnesses for ὅς.(953) Let us look a little more closely into this

matter.

Here are two documents, of which it has been said that they “were

separately derived from some early codex, in which there was probably no

interval between the words.”(954) They were _not immediately_ derived from

such a codex, I remark: it being quite incredible that two independent

copyists could have hit on the same extravagantly absurd way of dividing

the uncial letters.(955) The common archetype which both employed must

have been the work of a late Western scribe every bit as licentious and as

unacquainted with Greek as themselves.(956) _That_ archetype however may

very well have been obtained from a primitive codex of the kind first

supposed, in which the words were written continuously, as in codex B.

Such Manuscripts were furnished with neither breathings nor accents:

accordingly, “of the ordinary breathings or accents there are no

traces”(957) in either F or G.

But then, cod. F occasionally,—G much oftener,—exhibits a little straight

stroke, nearly horizontal, over the initial vowel of certain words. Some

have supposed that this was designed to represent the aspirate: but it is

not so. The proof is, that it is found _consistently_ introduced over the

same vowels _in the interlinear Latin_. Thus, the Latin preposition “a”

_always_ has the slanting stroke above it:(958) and the Latin interjection

“o” is furnished with the same appendage,—alike in the Gospels and in the

Epistles.(959) This observation evacuates the supposed significance of the

few instances where ἃ is written _Α_:(960) as well as of the much fewer

places where ὁ or ὃ are written _Ο_:(961) especially when account is taken

of the many hundred occasions, (often in rapid succession,) when nothing

at all is to be seen above the “ο.”(962) As for the fact that ἵνα is

always written _Ι_ΝΑ (or ΪΝΑ),—let it only be noted that besides ιδωμεν,

ιχθυς, ισχυρος, &c., Ιακωβος, Ιωαννης, Ιουδας, &c., (which are all

distinguished in the same way,)—_Latin words also beginning with an_ “I”

are similarly adorned,—and we become convinced that the little stroke in

question is to be explained on some entirely different principle. At last,

we discover (from the example of “sī,” “sīc,” “etsī,” “servītus,”

“saeculīs,” “idolīs,” &c.) that the supposed sign of the rough breathing

_is nothing else but an ancient substitute for the modern dot over the

_“I.”—We may now return to the case actually before us.

It has been pointed out that the line above the ΟΣ in both F and G “is not

horizontal, but rises a little towards the right.” I beg to call attention

to the fact that there are 38 instances of the slight super-imposed “line”

here spoken of, in the page of cod. F where the reading under discussion

appears: 7 in the Greek, 31 in the Latin. In the corresponding page of

cod. G, the instances are 44: 8 in the Greek, 36 in the Latin.(963) These

short horizontal strokes (they can hardly be called _lines_) generally—not

by any means always—slant upwards; and _they are invariably the sign of

contraction_.

The problem before us has in this way been divested of a needless

encumbrance. The suspicion that the horizontal line above the word ΟΣ may

possibly represent the aspirate, has been disposed of. It has been

demonstrated that throughout these two codices a horizontal line slanting

upwards, set over a vowel, is either—(1) The sign of contraction; or

else—(2) A clerical peculiarity. In the place before us, then, _which_ of

the two is it?

_The sign of contraction_, I answer: seeing that whereas there are, in the

page before us, 9 aspirated, and (including _ΟΣ_) 8 contracted Greek

words, not one of those _nine_ aspirated words has _any mark at all_ above

its initial letter; while every one of the _eight_ contracted words is

duly furnished with the symbol of contraction. I further submit that

inasmuch as ὅς is _nowhere_ else written _ΟΣ_ in either codex, it is

unreasonable to assume that it is so written in this place. Now, that

almost every codex in the world reads _ΘΣ_ in 1 Tim. iii. 16,—is a plain

fact; and that _ΟΣ_ (in verse 16) _would be_ Θεός if the delicate

horizontal stroke which distinguishes Θ from Ο, were not away,—no one

denies. Surely, therefore, the only thing which remains to be enquired

after, is,—Are there _any other_ such substitutions of one letter for

another discoverable in these two codices? And it is notorious that

instances of the phenomenon abound. The letters Σ, Ε, Ο, Θ are confused

throughout.(964) And what else are ΠΕΝΟΟΥΝΤΕΣ for πενθουντες (Matth. v.

4),—ΕΚΡΙΖΩΟΗΤΙ for εκριζωθητι (Luc. xvii. 16),—ΚΑΤΑΒΗΟΙ for καταβηθι (xix.

6),—but instances of the _self-same mistake_ which (as I contend) has in

this place turned _ΘΣ_ into _ΟΣ_?

My lord Bishop, I have submitted to all this painful drudgery, not, you

may be sure, without a sufficient reason. _Never any more must we hear of

_“breathings”_ in connexion with codices_ F _and_ G. The stroke above the

ΟΣ in 1 Tim. iii. 16 has been proved to be _probably the sign of

contraction_. I forbear, of course, to insist that the two codices are

witnesses _on my side_. I require that you, in the same spirit of

fairness, will abstain from claiming them as certainly witnessing _on

yours_. The Vth-century codex C, and the IXth-century codex F-G must be

regarded as equivocal in the testimony they render, and are therefore not

to be reckoned to either of the contending parties.

These are many words about the two singularly corrupt IXth-century

documents, concerning which so much has been written already. But I

sincerely desire,—(and so I trust do you, as a Christian Bishop,)—to see

the end of a controversy which those only have any right to re-open (_pace

tuâ dixerim_) who have _something new to offer on the subject_: and

certain it is that the bearing of F and G on this matter has never before

been fully stated. I dismiss those two codices with the trite remark that

they are, at all events, but one codex: and that against them are to be

set K L P,—_the only uncials which remain_; for D (of “Paul”) exhibits ὅ,

and the Vatican codex B no longer serves us.

[fe] _Testimony of the_ CURSIVE COPIES: _and specially of_ “Paul 17,” “73”

_and_ “181,” _concerning_ 1 Tim. iii. 16.

Next, for the cursive Copies. You claim without enquiry,—and _only because

you find that men have claimed them before you_,—Nos. 17, 73, 181, as

witnesses for ὅς. Will you permit me to point out that no progress will

ever be made in these studies so long as “professed Critics” will

persevere in the evil practice of transcribing one another’s references,

and thus appropriating one another’s blunders?

About the reading of “Paul 17,” (the notorious “33” of the Gospels,) there

is indeed no doubt.—Mindful however of President Routh’s advice to me

always “to verify my references,”—concerning “Paul 73” I wrote a letter of

enquiry to Upsala (July 28, 1879), and for all answer (Sept. 6th) received

a beautiful tracing of what my correspondent called the “1 Thim. iii. 16

_paraphe_.” It proved to be an abridged exhibition of 21 lines of

Œcumenius. I instantly wrote to enquire whether this was really all that

the codex in question has to say to 1 Tim. iii. 16? but to this I received

no reply. I presumed therefore that I had got to the bottom of the

business. But in July 1882, I addressed a fresh enquiry to Dr. Belsheim of

Christiania, and got his answer last October. By that time he had visited

Upsala: had verified for me readings in other MSS., and reported that the

reading here is ὅς. I instantly wrote to enquire whether he had seen the

word with his own eyes? He replied that he desired to look further into

_this_ matter on some future occasion,—the MS. in question being (he says)

a difficult one to handle. I am still awaiting his final report, which he

promises to send me when next he visits Upsala. (“Aurivillius” says

nothing about it.) Let “Paul 73” in the meantime stand with a note of

interrogation, or how you will.

About “Paul 181,” (which Scholz describes as “vi. 36” in the Laurentian

library at Florence,) I take leave to repeat (in a foot-note) what (in a

letter to Dr. Scrivener) I explained in the “Guardian” ten years ago.(965)

In consequence however of your discourteous remarks (which you will be

gratified to find quoted at foot,(966)) I have written (not for the first

time) to the learned custos of the Laurentian library on the subject;

stating the entire case and reminding him of my pertinacity in 1871. He

replies,—“Scholz fallitur huic bibliothecæ tribuendo codicem sign. ‘plut.

vi. n. 36.’ Nec est in præsenti, nec fuit antea, neque exstat in aliâ

bibliothecâ apud nos.”... On a review of what goes before, I submit that

one who has taken so much pains with the subject does not deserve to be

flouted as I find myself flouted by the Bp. of Gloucester and Bristol,—who

has not been at the pains to verify _one single point_ in this entire

controversy for himself.

_Every other known copy of S. Paul’s Epistles_, (written in the cursive

character,) I have ascertained (by laborious correspondence with the

chiefs of foreign libraries) concurs in exhibiting Θεὸς ἐφανερώθη ἐν

σαρκί. The importance of this testimony ought to be supremely evident to

yourself who contend so strenuously for the support of Paul 73 and 181.

But because, in my judgment, this practical unanimity of the manuscripts

is not only “important” but _conclusive_, I shall presently recur to it

(viz. at pages 494-5,) more in detail. For do but consider that these

copies were one and all derived from yet older MSS. than themselves; and

that the remote originals of those older MSS. were perforce of higher

antiquity still, and were executed in every part of primitive Christendom.

How is it credible that they should, one and all, conspire to mislead? I

cannot in fact express better than Dr. Berriman did 140 years ago, the

logical result of such a concord of the copies:—“From whence can it be

supposed that this general, I may say this universal consent of the Greek

MSS. should arise, but from hence,—That Θεός is the genuine original

reading of this Text?” (p. 325.)

In the meantime, you owe me a debt of gratitude: for, in the course of an

enquiry which I have endeavoured to make exhaustive, I have discovered

_three_ specimens of the book called “_Apostolus_,” or “_Praxapostolus_”

(_i.e._ Lections from the Epistles and Acts) which also exhibit ὅς in this

place. One of these is Reg. 375 (our “Apost. 12”) in the French

collection, a _Western_ codex, dated A.D. 1022.(967) The story of the

discovery of the other two (to be numbered “Praxapost.” 85, 86,) is

interesting, and will enliven this dull page.

At Tusculum, near Rome,—(the locality which Cicero rendered illustrious,

and where he loved to reside surrounded by his books,)—was founded early

in the XIth century a Christian library which in process of time became

exceedingly famous. It retains, in fact, its ancient reputation to this

day. Nilus “Rossanensis” it was, who, driven with his monks from Calabria

by invading hordes, established in A.D. 1004 a monastery at Tusculum, to

which either he, or his successors, gave the name of “Crypta Ferrata.” It

became the headquarters of the Basilian monks in the XVIIth century.

Hither habitually resorted those illustrious men, Sirletus, Mabillon,

Zacagni, Ciampini, Montfaucon,—and more lately Mai and Dom Pitra. To

Signor Cozza-Luzi, the present learned and enlightened chief of the

Vatican library, (who is himself “Abbas Monachorum Basiliensium Cryptæ

Ferratæ,”) I am indebted for my copy of the Catalogue (now in process of

publication(968)) of the extraordinary collection of MSS. belonging to the

society over which he presides.

In consequence of the information which the Abbate Cozza-Luzi sent me, I

put myself in communication with the learned librarian of the monastery,

the “Hieromonachus” D. Antonio Rocchi, (author of the Catalogue in

question,) whom I cannot sufficiently thank for his courtesy and kindness.

The sum of the matter is briefly this:—There are still preserved in the

library of the Basilian monks of Crypta Ferrata,—(notwithstanding that

many of its ancient treasures have found their way into other

repositories,(969))—4 manuscripts of S. Paul’s Epistles, which I number

290, -1, -2, -3: and 7 copies of the book called “Praxapostolus,” which I

number 83, -4, -5, -6, -7, -8, -9. Of these eleven, 3 are defective

hereabouts: 5 read Θεός: 2 (Praxapost.) exhibit ὅς; and 1 (Apost. 83)

contains an only not unique reading, to be mentioned at p. 478.

Hieromonachus Rocchi furnishes me with references besides to 3 Liturgical

Codices out of a total of 22, (Ἀποστολοευαγγέλια), which also exhibit

Θεός.(970) I number them Apost. 106, 108, 110.

And now, we may proceed to consider the VERSIONS.

[f] _Testimony of the_ VERSIONS _to the reading of_ 1 Tim. iii. 16.

“Turning to the ancient Versions” (you assert) “we find them almost

unanimous against Θεός” (p. 65). But your business, my lord Bishop, was to

show that some of them witness _in favour of_ ὅς. If you cannot show that

several ancient Versions,—besides a fair proportion of ancient

Fathers,—are clearly on your side, your contention is unreasonable as well

as hopeless. What then do the VERSIONS say?

(_a_) Now, it is allowed on all hands that the LATIN Version was made from

copies which must have exhibited μυστήριον ὅ ἐφανερώθη. The agreement of

the Latin copies is absolute. The Latin Fathers also conspire in reading

“_mysterium quod_:” though some of them seem to have regarded “quod” as a

conjunction. Occasionally, (as by the Translator of Origen,(971)) we even

find “quia” substituted _for_ “quod.” Estius conjectures that “quod” _is_

a conjunction in this place. But in fact the reasoning of the Latin

Fathers is observed invariably to proceed as if they had found nothing

else but “DEUS” in the text before them. They bravely assume that the

Eternal WORD, the second Person in the Trinity, is _designated_ by the

expression “_magnum pietatis sacramentum_.”

(_b_) It is, I admit, a striking circumstance that such a mistake as this

in the old Latin should have been retained in the VULGATE. But if you ever

study this subject with attention, you will find that Jerome,—although no

doubt he “professedly corrected the old Latin Version by the help of

ancient Greek manuscripts,” (p. 69,)—on many occasions retains readings

which it is nevertheless demonstrable that he individually disapproved. No

certain inference therefore as to what Jerome _found_ in ancient Greek

MSS. can be safely drawn from the text of the Vulgate.

(_c_) Next, for the _Syriac_ (PESCHITO) Version. I beg to subjoin the view

of the late loved and lamented P. E. Pusey,—the editor of Cyril, and who

at the time of his death was engaged in re-editing the Peschito. He

says,—“In 1 Tim. iii. 16, the Syriac has ‘_qui manifestatus est_.’ The

relative is indeterminate, but the verb is not. In Syriac however

μυστήριον is masculine; and thus, the natural way would be to take

μυστήριον as the antecedent, and translate ‘_quod manifestatum est_.’ _No

one would have thought of any other way of translating the Syriac_—but for

the existence of the various reading ὅς in the Greek, and the

_possibility_ of its affecting the translation into Syriac. But the

Peschito is so really a translation into good Syriac, (not into

word-for-word Syriac,) that if the translator had wanted to express the

Greek ὅς, in so difficult a passage, _he would have turned it

differently_.”(972)—The Peschito therefore yields the same testimony as

the Latin; and may not be declared (as you declare it) to be

indeterminate. Still less may it be represented as witnessing to ὅς.

(_d_) It follows to enquire concerning the rendering of 1 Tim. iii. 16 in

the PHILOXENIAN, or rather the HARKLEIAN Version (VIIth cent.), concerning

which I have had recourse to the learned Editor of that Version. He

writes:—“There can be no doubt that the authors of this Version had either

Θεός or Θεοῦ before them: while their marginal note shows that they were

aware of the reading ὅς. They exhibit,—‘_Great is the mystery of the

goodness of the fear_ (feminine) _of _GOD_, who-was-manifested_

(masculine) _in the flesh_.’ The marginal addition [ܗܘ before ܕܐܬܓܠܝ (or

ܘܗ before ܝܠܓܬܐܕ)] makes the reference to GOD all the plainer.”(973) See

more below, at p. 489.

Now this introduction of the word Θεός into the text, however inartistic

it may seem to you and to me, is a fatal circumstance to those who would

contend on your side. It shows translators divided between two rival and

conflicting readings: but determined to give prominence to the

circumstance which constituted the greatness of the mystery: viz. GOD

INCARNATE. “May I suggest” (adds the witty scholar in his Post-script)

“that there would be no mystery in ‘a man being manifested in the flesh’?”

The facts concerning the Harkleian Version being such, you will not be

surprised to hear me say that I am at a loss to understand how, without a

syllable expressive of doubt, you should claim this version (the

“Philoxenian” you call it—but it is rather the Harkleian), as a witness on

your side,—a witness for ὅς.(974) It not only witnesses _against_ you,

(for the Latin and the Peschito do _that_,) but, as I have shown you, it

is a witness on _my_ side.

(_e_) and (_f_). Next, for the Versions of LOWER and UPPER EGYPT.

“We are content” (you say) to “refer our readers to Tischendorf and

Tregelles, who unhesitatingly claim the Memphitic [or Coptic] and the

Thebaic [or Sahidic] for ὅς.”(975) But surely, in a matter of this kind,

my lord Bishop—(I mean, when we are discussing some nicety of a language

of which personally we know absolutely nothing,)—we may never “be content

to refer our readers” to individuals who are every bit as ignorant of the

matter as ourselves. Rather should we be at the pains to obtain for those

whom we propose to instruct the deliberate verdict of those who have made

the subject their special study. Dr. Malan (who must be heartily sick of

me by this time), in reply to my repeated enquiries, assures me that in

Coptic and in Sahidic alike, “the relative pronoun always takes the gender

of the Greek antecedent. But, inasmuch as there is properly speaking no

neuter in either language, the masculine does duty _for_ the neuter; the

gender of the definite article and relative pronoun being determined by

the gender of the word referred to. Thus, in S. John xv. 26, the Coptic

‘_pi_’ and ‘_phè_’ respectively represent the definite article and the

relative, alike in the expression ὁ Παράκλητος ὅν, and in the expression

τὸ Πνεῦμα ὅ: and so throughout. In 1 Tim. iii. 16, therefore, ‘_pi

mustèrion phè_,’ must perforce be rendered, τὸ μυστήριον ὅ:—not, surely, ὁ

μυστήριον ὅς. And yet, if _the relative_ may be masculine, why not _the

article_ also? But in fact, we have no more right to render the Coptic (or

the Sahidic) relative by ὅς in 1 Tim. iii. 16, than in any other similar

passage where a neuter noun (_e.g._ πνεῦμα or σῶμα) has gone before. _In

this particular case_, of course a pretence may be set up that the gender

of the relative shall be regarded as an open question: but in strictness

of grammar, it is far otherwise. No Coptic or Sahidic scholar, in fact,

having to translate the Coptic or Sahidic back into Greek, would ever

dream of writing anything else but τὸ μυστήριον ὅ.”(976) And now I trust I

have made it plain to you that _you are mistaken_ in your statement (p.

69),—that “Ὅς is _supported by the two Egyptian Versions_.” It is

supported by _neither_. You have been shown that they both witness against

you. You will therefore not be astonished to hear me again declare that I

am at a loss to understand how you can cite the “Philoxenian, _Coptic and

Sahidic_,”(977)—as witnesses on your side. It is not in this way, my lord

Bishop, that GOD’S Truth is to be established.

(_g_) As for the GOTHIC Version,—dissatisfied with the verdict of De

Gabelentz and Loebe,(978) I addressed myself to Dr. Ceriani of Milan, the

learned and most helpful chief of the Ambrosian Library: in which by the

way is preserved _the only known copy_ of Ulphilas for 1 Tim. iii. 16. He

inclines to the opinion that “_saei_” is to be read,—the rather, because

Andreas Uppström, the recent editor of the codex, a diligent and able

scholar, has decided in favour of that “_obscure_” reading.(979) The

Gothic therefore must be considered to witness to the (more than)

extraordinary combination;—μέγΑΣ ... μυστήριον ... ὍΣ. (See the footnote 4

p. 452.)

I obtain at the same time, the same verdict, and on the same grounds, from

that distinguished and obliging scholar, Dr. John Belsheim of Christiania.

“But” (he adds) “the reading is a little dubious. H. F. Massmann, in the

notes to his edition,(980) at page 657, says,—‘_saei_ [qui] is altogether

obliterated.’ ”—In claiming the Gothic therefore as a witness for ὅς, you

will (I trust) agree with me that a single _scarcely legible copy_ of a

Version is not altogether satisfactory testimony:—while certainly

“_magnus_ est pietatis sacramentum, _qui_ manifestat_us_ est in

corpore”—is not a rendering of 1 Tim. iii. 16 which you are prepared to

accept.

(_h_) For the ÆTHIOPIC. Version,—Dr. Hoerning, (of the British Museum,)

has at my request consulted six copies of 1 Timothy, and informs me that

they present no variety of text. _The antecedent, as well as the relative,

is masculine in all._ The Æthiopic must therefore be considered to favour

the reading μυστήριον; ὅ ἐφανερώθη, and to represent the same Greek text

which underlies the Latin and the Peschito Versions. The Æthiopic

therefore is against you.

(_i_) “The ARMENIAN Version,” (writes Dr. Malan) “from the very nature of

the language, is indeterminate. There is _no grammatical distinction of

genders_ in Armenian.”

The Revision Revised Three Articles Reprinted from the "Quarterly Review." I. The New Greek Text. II. The New English Version. III. Westcott and Hort's New Textual Theory. To Which is Added a Reply to Bishop Ellicott's Pamphlet in Defence of the Revisers and Their Greek Text of the New Testament: Including a Vindication of the Traditional Reading of 1 Timothy III. 16. · 第 32 / 45 段