was taken into custody, and conveyed to the station-house in
Ratcliffe-highway. He made no effort to deny his guilt, but stated that
the horrid deed had been done while he was intoxicated, and in the midst
of a quarrel when he was highly excited.
On Friday, the 28th of November, the miserable man was indicted for the
murder at the Central Criminal Court. There could be no doubt of his
guilt, and a verdict of conviction was returned.
The learned judge, in passing upon him the sentence of death, remarked,
that the only supposed palliative circumstance in the case was that of
his having been intoxicated at the time of the murder. As a warning to
others, he thought it should be understood that this afforded no
possible excuse. He then passed the usual judgment on the culprit, and
he was removed from the bar. On the 16th of December 1839, the
unfortunate man was executed at the Old Bailey, in obedience to his
sentence.
THE REV. J. R. STEVENS.
CONVICTED OF SEDITION.
Mr. James Rayner Stevens was one of the most violent political preachers
of his day. Originally a member of the body of the Wesleyan Methodists,
and a minister of the particular creed which that respectable sect
professes, he was excluded their church by reason of his interference
with political subjects, in a manner which was deemed unbecoming his
character as one of their clergymen. Already highly popular among the
people of the district in which he resided, for his uniform opposition
to those measures which they deemed harsh and hurtful to their
interests, as well as for a mild and amiable disposition which, it
appears, amidst all his violence on political subjects, he possessed,
they were determined that he should not be without an arena in which he
might display his acknowledged but dangerous powers of eloquence. The
manufacturing inhabitants of Ashton, Dunkenfield, and Staley Bridge
therefore quickly erected for him chapels in each of their respective
districts, and here he continued to exercise his functions as a
preacher, up to the period of his apprehension. As we have already said,
mild, amiable, and charitable in private life, he was a universal
favourite amongst his flock; but he unfortunately sought to gratify
their tastes, at the same time that he obeyed the dictates of his own
feelings, in disseminating doctrines opposed to the maintenance of the
existing law, and subversive of the interests of society. The New Poor
Law was his favourite topic of abuse; and in this he found a ready echo
in the breasts of those who heard him. But from a subject which might be
so easily made calculated to excite dislike towards the Ministers by
whom the law was introduced, he turned to others of a more general
character; and in his discourses in reference to these as well as the
first object of his professed hatred, he was guilty of making assertions
and employing arguments which eventually procured his indictment and
imprisonment on a charge of sedition.
In his sermons Mr. Stevens boldly maintained his principles, and sought
openly to make them known; he contended, not perhaps for their legality,
but that they were such as he had a right to hold and proclaim; and he
frequently loudly called upon the authorities, "if they dared," to
impeach him of his political offences in this respect. This invitation
was given once too often; and at length, on Thursday, the 28th of
December 1838, he was apprehended at Ashton by Goddard and Shackell,
Bow-street officers, on a warrant which had been issued by two
magistrates of Lancashire, and placed in their hands for execution. Mr.
Stevens made no effort to resist the law, and he was immediately taken
to Manchester to be examined by the magistrates there, escorted by a
company of the Queen's Bays. He was lodged in the New Bailey for that
night; but on the next day a public investigation took place.
The charge made against him in the warrant was, that he did, on the 13th
of November, at the market-place at Leigh--for his speech-making was not
confined to his pulpit--with a great number of evil-disposed and
disorderly persons, assemble together in a tumultuous manner with
banners, flags, and ensigns, and that then and there, by loud shouts,
and by the discharge of fire-arms, they terrified the inhabitants of
Leigh; and that he did, by violent and inflammatory language, endeavour
to excite the people so assembled to violence against the persons and
property of divers of her Majesty's liege subjects in Leigh and its
vicinity. This charge was sought to be substantiated by various
witnesses, who, being inhabitants of Leigh, had heard his speech, and
were able to give a general account of its tendency.
Mr. James Johnson, a linendraper, proved that on the day in question a
meeting was held at the market-place in Leigh of between two and three
thousand persons, at which the prisoner was present and made a speech.
He described the general effect of the speech. The prisoner, he said,
referred principally to the factories and the existing poor laws. He
condemned the practices in the factories, and advised the people to arm
themselves, and to get guns and pikes and hang them over their
chimney-pieces; they were to have them ready, and then he would come
over, and they should appoint him their leader, and he would tell them
what they were to do. When the grand attack was made, they were to go to
the factories with a dagger in one hand and a torch in the other. He
referred to a particular instance of the alleged mal-treatment of a boy
at the factory of Mr. Jones, and he talked of tarring and feathering Mr.
Jones, and sending him as a present to the commissioners. During the
meeting pistols were fired, and the people shouted. Mr. Stevens checked
the firing of pistols, saying that there was too much cracking. He said
that he had not done "cracking" yet, and that they might crack again by
and by. The witness added, that he saw as many as twenty pistols among
the crowd; and he also observed a person walking about with a pike, upon
which a loaf and a herring were impaled.
William Coward, a constable of Leigh, gave a longer account of the
speech than Mr. Johnson. He said that when he first went to the spot,
Mr. Stevens was addressing the meeting on the condescension of our Lord
in this world. He subsequently quitted this point and went to other
subjects. He quoted the passage, "Vengeance is mine; I will repay, saith
the Lord;" and he added--"What I mean to say is, that God has perhaps
raised you up to fire these buildings (alluding to the houses round
about), and perhaps even that venerable church, which our forefathers
have erected." He advised the people to take away their families from
church, and to save their pennies to buy pikes, and guns, and pistols.
At night there was another meeting by torch-light, at which Stevens
again spoke in the same strain as that which he had employed in the
morning. He spoke about the soldiers and officers, and said that there
was nothing to fear in that quarter, for that the officers had admitted
his writings into their mess-rooms, and that the soldiers had listened
to his preaching, and loved to hear him. He spoke of the hardships which
the people underwent, and declared that if he lived at Leigh, he would
collect the people in parties of from six to twelve, and go to the poor
law guardians and bring out one of their number; then he would take his
coat and waistcoat and shirt off, and, having got a barrel of tar, he
would cover him with it, and he would give him a pillow of feathers, and
feather him, and then he would say, "Go to roost, thou devil!" At this
meeting the same system of pistol-firing was kept up which had been
maintained in the morning, and there were pikes to be seen, and many of
the people carried torches. The witness added, that he had since seen
between one and two hundred pikes in the cottages of the poor people,
which had doubtless been procured at the instigation of Mr. Stevens's
speech. The inhabitants of Leigh and its neighbourhood were much alarmed
at the occurrences of the meetings. The witness declared his regret at
being compelled to give evidence against a person whom he had known so
long as Mr. Stevens, because he had been acquainted with him when he was
esteemed a highly respectable member of the body of Wesleyans; but he
felt bound to state what he had seen, for he was convinced that since
Mr. Stevens had been in the habit of going to Leigh, there was more
irritation among the people than he had ever known before. Arms had been
collected, and he knew one or two smithies which were wholly employed in
making pikes. These were made principally of steel, and they were
fourteen or fifteen inches long; at one end was a screw, so that they
might be fixed into a staff, and at the other the point was exceedingly
sharp. Gentlemen in the neighbourhood had been threatened to have a pike
or a ball through their bodies; and the people, on going to various
shops to buy bread, had declared that they would "fetch the next at the
point of the pike." The witness further stated, that there were banners
at the meeting, on one of which was the inscription, "The murders of
Peterloo shall never be forgot."
Both witnesses were cross-examined by Mr. Stevens with great tact and
ingenuity, and eventually the conclusion of the proceedings was
postponed until the following Thursday, Mr. Stevens in the meanwhile
being admitted to bail.
The termination of this examination was awaited with great interest by a
large number of Mr. Stevens's friends, and upon his liberation he was
received with the greatest enthusiasm. On the following Sunday he
preached as usual at Staley-bridge, without making any allusion to what
had passed. In the evening he was proceeding to his chapel at Ashton,
where he was informed that the congregation was so great that fears were
entertained lest the building should fall; and eventually the service
was read and the sermon delivered in the market-place by moonlight, no
fewer than ten thousand persons being collected to witness this
extraordinary scene.
On Monday evening Mr. Stevens attended a tea-party at Hyde, where one
thousand persons were assembled. He took a review of the past year, and
dwelt on the prospects of the future. He said that the factory system
was doomed; and that the poor-law could not much longer continue to
exist. He declared that it was so much opposed in Ashton, that a board
of guardians could not be formed; and pointing to a flag which was
suspended against the wall, he said that rather than it should be
established, they should marshal themselves under it, and following the
standard-bearer they would shout its motto,
"For children and wife
We will war to the knife:
Down with the bastiles,
And Stevens for ever!"
On Tuesday evening a meeting was held in Manchester at which Mr. Feargus
O'Connor and others addressed the people, urging them to attend the
examination of Mr. Stevens in thousands and tens of thousands, but
peaceably and without banners, in order to show their gratitude to their
benefactor.
On Thursday at least four thousand persons were assembled outside the
New Bailey, but their conduct was orderly, although they appeared to
take great interest in the fate of their favourite. Mr. Stevens was in
attendance precisely at the hour appointed, and he was loudly cheered,
but there was no appearance of riot. There was one additional witness
now examined, whose evidence was a mere repetition of that of Johnson
and Coward, and on this charge Mr. Stevens was ordered to stand
committed to take his trial at the next Liverpool Assizes. He was
informed that there were other charges which might be brought against
him with reference to the organisation of illegal societies; and it was
also intimated to him, that he would be liberated upon his putting in
bail to the amount of 2000_l._ for his appearance when called upon. The
crowd immediately dispersed, and in the evening Mr. Stevens was
discharged from custody.
On Thursday the 15th of August 1839, Mr. Stevens was put upon his trial.
The indictment alleged the same offence as that which had been stated in
the warrant, and it was fully supported by the same evidence which we
have already detailed. At the conclusion of the trial, a verdict of
"Guilty" was returned, and Mr. Stevens was sentenced to eighteen months
imprisonment in Knutsford House of Correction, and was ordered on his
discharge to give bail, himself in 500_l._, and two sureties in 250_l._
each, that he should keep the peace for five years.
Mr. Stevens was subsequently removed to Chester Castle, from whence, on
the 1st of February 1841, he was discharged. This liberation took place
eight days earlier than the term of his sentence; but, in consequence of
the death of his father, the Rev. John Stevens, Lord Normanby kindly
consented to the remission of the few days, to enable him to attend the
last sad duties to the deceased.
THE BIRMINGHAM RIOTS--1839.
These disgraceful riots, involving the destruction of property to a very
great extent, occurred on the evening of Monday the 15th of July 1839,
and were the result of a long course of agitation created by the
exertions of a body of men called Chartists, to obtain the adoption by
Parliament of certain popular reforms of the constitution of the
country, by which they conceived that the poorer classes of Englishmen
might procure for themselves a better system of representation, and,
therefore, a larger share of the government of the country than they had
hitherto possessed. Throughout the history of every civilized state it
is to be observed, that there are always parties whose desires of reform
or alteration of the existing law more than keep pace with the changes
which the legislature deems it fit to make. The violence of the views
entertained by these persons, usually tends to render the immediate, or
even the ultimate granting of their wishes, incompatible with the
maintenance of those rules by which society is governed, so that
whatever may be the eventual estimation in which, in the process of
time, or by reason of the occurrence of events, their views may be held,
a necessity exists for their being presently discouraged and checked. Of
a class such as we have alluded to, are the Chartists. Denominated from
the charter, upon the procurement of which they base their faith, their
principles will be best comprehended by a recital of the articles of
their creed; and as these have been described by themselves in a
petition which they have presented to parliament, we shall have recourse
to their own statement of their views, in preference to repeating in
general terms that which is, in the ordinary acceptation, the
ground-work upon which they proceed.
The petition to which we refer was presented by Mr. Attwood to the House
of Commons on the evening of Friday the 14th of June, and was the result
of numerous meetings held in Birmingham and elsewhere, at which the
principles of the charter were advocated. It was denominated the
"National Petition," and bore the signatures of a vast number of
individuals appended to it; and it was so bulky in its form as to
require to be conveyed into the house upon a platform constructed for
the purpose.
It was in the following terms:--
"Unto the honourable the Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Ireland in Parliament assembled, the petition of the undersigned,
their suffering countrymen,
"Humbly sheweth,--That we, your petitioners, dwell in a land whose
merchants are noted for enterprise, whose manufacturers are very
skillful, and whose workmen are proverbial for their industry. The land
itself is goodly, the soil rich, and the temperature wholesome; it is
abundantly furnished with the materials of commerce and trade; it has
numerous and convenient harbours; in facility of internal communication
it exceeds all others.
"For three-and-twenty years we have enjoyed a profound peace. Yet, with
all these elements of national prosperity, and with every disposition
and capacity to take advantage of them, we find ourselves overwhelmed
with public and private suffering.
"We are bowed down under a load of taxes which, notwithstanding fall
greatly short of the wants of our rulers; our traders are trembling on
the verge of bankruptcy; our workmen are starving; capital brings no
profit, and labour no remuneration; the home of the artificer is
desolate, and the warehouse of the pawnbroker is full; the workhouse is
crowded, and the manufactory is deserted. We have looked on every side,
we have searched diligently, in order to find the causes of a distress
so sore and so long continued. We can discover none in nature or in
Providence.
"Heaven has dealt graciously by the people; but the foolishness of our
rulers has made the goodness of God of none effect. The energies of a
mighty kingdom have been wasted in building up the power of selfish and
ignorant men, and its resources squandered for their aggrandisement. The
good of a party has been advanced to the sacrifice of the good of the
nation; the few have governed for the interest of the few; while the
interest of the many has been neglected, or insolently and tyrannously
trampled upon.
"It was the fond expectation of the people that a remedy for the greater
part, if not for the whole, of their grievances would be found in the
Reform Act of 1832. They were taught to regard that Act as a wise means
to a worthy end; as the machinery of an improved legislation, where the
will of the masses would be at length potential. They have been bitterly
and basely deceived. The fruit which looked so fair to the eye has
turned to dust and ashes when gathered. The Reform Act has effected a
transfer of power from one domineering faction to another, and left the
people as helpless as before. Our slavery has been exchanged for an
apprenticeship to liberty, which has aggravated the painful feeling of
our social degradation, by adding to it the sickening of still deferred
hope.
"We come before your honourable house to tell you, with all humility,
that this state of things must not be permitted to continue; that it
cannot long continue without very seriously endangering the stability of
the throne and the peace of the kingdom; and that if, by God's help and
all lawful and constitutional appliances, an end can be put to it, we
are fully resolved that it shall speedily come to an end.
"We tell your honourable House, that the capital of the master must no
longer be deprived of its due profit; that the labour of the workman
must no longer be deprived of its due reward; that the laws which make
food dear, and those which, by making money scarce, make labour cheap,
must be abolished; that taxation must be made to fall on property, not
on industry; that the good of the many, as it is the only legitimate
end, so must it be the sole study of the Government.
"As a preliminary essential to these and other requisite changes, as
means by which alone the interests of the people can be effectually
vindicated and secured, we demand that those interests be confided to
the keeping of the people.
"When the state calls for defenders, when it calls for money, no
consideration of poverty or ignorance can be pleaded in refusal or delay
of the call.
"Required as we are, universally, to support and to obey the laws,
nature and reason entitle us to demand, that in making the laws, the
universal voice shall be implicitly listened to.
"We perform the duties of freemen; we must have the privileges of
freedom.
"We demand Universal Suffrage.
"The suffrage, to be exempt from the corruption of the wealthy and the
violence of the powerful, must be secret.
"The assertion of our right necessarily involves the power of its
uncontrolled exercise.
"We ask for the reality of a good, not for its semblance.
"We demand the Ballot.
"The connexion between the representatives and the people, to be
beneficial, must be intimate. The legislative and constituent powers for
correction and for instruction ought to be brought into frequent
contact. Errors, which are comparatively light when susceptible of a
speedy popular remedy, may produce the most disastrous effects when
permitted to grow inveterate through years of compulsory endurance. To
public safety, as well as public confidence, frequent elections are
essential.
"We demand Annual Parliaments.
"With power to choose, and freedom in choosing, the range of our choice
must be unrestricted. We are compelled, by the existing laws, to take
for our representatives, men who are incapable of appreciating our
difficulties, or who have little sympathy with them; merchants who have
retired from trade, and no longer feel its harassings; proprietors of
land, who are alike ignorant of its evils and their cure; lawyers, by
whom the honours of the senate are sought after only as a means of
obtaining notice in the courts. The labours of a representative, who is
sedulous in the discharge of his duty, are numerous and burdensome. It
is neither just, nor reasonable, nor safe, that they should continue to
be gratuitously rendered.
"We demand that, in the future election of members of your honourable
house, the approbation of the constituency shall be the sole
qualification; and that, to every representative so chosen, shall be
assigned out of the public taxes a fair and adequate remuneration for
the time which he is called upon to devote to the public service.
"Finally, we would most earnestly impress on your honourable house, that
this petition has not been dictated by any idle love of change; that it
springs out of no inconsiderate attachment to fanciful theories; but
that it is the result of much and long deliberation, and of convictions,
which the events of each succeeding year tend more and more to
strengthen. The management of this mighty kingdom has hitherto been a
subject for contending factions to try their selfish experiments upon.
We have felt the consequences in our sorrowful experience--short
glimmerings of uncertain enjoyment swallowed up by long and dark seasons
of suffering. If the self-government of the people should not remove
their distresses, it will at least remove their repinings.
"Universal suffrage will, and it alone can, bring true and lasting peace
to the nation; we firmly believe that it will also bring prosperity.
"May it, therefore, please your honourable house to take this our
petition into your most serious consideration, and to use your utmost
endeavours, by all constitutional means, to have a law passed, granting
to every male, of lawful age, sane mind, and unconvicted of crime, the
right of voting for members of parliament; and directing all future
elections of members of parliament to be in the way of secret ballot;
and ordaining the duration of parliaments so chosen shall in no case
exceed one year; and abolishing all property qualifications in the
members; and providing for their due remuneration while in attendance on
their parliamentary duties.
"And your petitioners," &c.
During a considerable period antecedent to the preparation and
presentation of this petition, the agitation which prevailed at
Birmingham and throughout the neighbouring manufacturing districts was
of a highly dangerous and mischievous character. Excited by the
inflammatory harangues of their leaders, the people had not been averse
to follow the advice which was given them, and to provide arms, ready to
meet and repel any attack which might be made upon them, or to secure
and maintain those privileges to which they deemed themselves to be
entitled. Of the Chartists there were two classes; one, the more
violent, whose hopes or designs were based upon "physical force," in
preference to the quiet consideration and discussion of the question at
issue; the other, who viewed "moral force" as presenting the more
favourable means of procuring a determination of the existing evils.
Pikes and other arms, as may be supposed, were the weapons of the
former, while arguments of a more peaceable character, aided by the
employment of such means as abstinence from labour, and the maintaining
of a period "sacred" to the Charter, were the measures by which the
latter sought to obtain their end.