[1] _The Winter Solstice Ceremony at Walpi_ (_American
Anthropologist_, vol. XI).
[2] These studies were made under the auspices of the Bureau of
American Ethnology.
[3] Most of the people of Sitcomovi are of the _Asa_ and _Honani_
clans, of Tanoan ancestry, but they long ago lost the Tewa language
and their Tanoan identity.
[4] The site of this last settlement of the _Patki_ people, before
they joined those of Walpi, is in the plain about four miles south of
the East Mesa. The ruins of the pueblo are still visible, and the
foundation walls can readily be traced.
[5] The Hano names of these pueblos are--San Juan, ----; Santa Clara,
_Kap'a_; San Ildefonso, _Pocuñwe_; Pojoaque, _P'okwode_; Nambe,
_Nûme_; Tesuque, _Tetsogi_. They also claim Taos (_Tawile_) and
Picuris (_Ohke_), but say that another speech is mixed with theirs in
these pueblos.
[6] The Tewa of Hano call the Hopi _Koso_, and the Hopi speak of the
Hano people as the _Towa_ or the _Hanum-nyûmû_. The word "Moki," so
constantly used by white people to designate the Hopi, is never
applied by the Hopi to themselves, and they strongly object to it. The
dead are said to be _moki_, which enters into the formation of verbs,
as _tconmoki_, to starve; _tcinmoki_, to be very lonesome, etc. The
name _Hano_ or _Hanoki_ is, I believe, simply a combination of the
words _Hano_ and _ki_, "eastern pueblo." The element _hano_ appears
also in the designation for American, _Pahano_, "eastern water";
_pahanoki_, "American house." Both the Asa and the Tewa peoples are
called _Hanum_ clans.
[7] Remains of old reservoirs, elaborately walled, from which water
was drawn by means of a gourd tied to a long pole, are still pointed
out near Tukinovi and are said to have belonged to the _Pe-towa_. Old
Tcasra claims that they were in use in his mother's grandmother's
time.
[8] The troubles following the great rebellion of 1680 drove many Tewa
from the Rio Grande valley to Tusayan.
[9] It is impossible to make this enumeration accurate, hence these
numbers must be regarded as approximations.
[10] It is not unusual to find several names applied to the same
person. Thus, Hani, the chief of the _Piba_ clans at Walpi, is called
Lesma in the Snake kiva. The Walpi call the author Nakwipi, but the
Flute chief at Cipaulovi insists that his name is Yoyowaiamû, which
appellation was given when the author was inducted into the Flute
rites at that pueblo in 1891.
[11] The gap in the East Mesa just at the head of the trail before one
enters Hano. The pueblo of Walpi derived its name from this gap.
[12] Their nomadic enemies raided so near the pueblo of the East Mesa
that the priests were unable to visit their shrines without danger.
The idol of _Talatumsi_, used in the New-fire ceremony, was removed
from its shrine north of Wala on that account.
[13] Later, as the outcome of a petty quarrel near the middle of the
eighteenth century, the _Asa_ women moved to Sitcomovi which they
founded. At present there is only one woman of this clan in Walpi, and
no women of the _Honani_, both of which clans are strong in Sitcomovi.
[14] Ten Broeck in 1852 seems to have been the first writer to adopt
the true name, Hano, of the Tewa pueblo on the East Mesa.
[15] One of the differences in custom between Hopi and Tewa women is
the method of making their coiffures. Unmarried girls of Walpi and
Hano dress their hair in the same manner, with whorls above the ears.
Married women have different ways of wearing their hair in the two
pueblos. During the wedding ceremonies at Hano the mother of the
bride, in the presence of guests, combs her daughter's hair, or that
part of it on the front of the scalp, over the face, so that it hangs
down like a veil. She ties the hair on the back of the head in two
coils, one of which hangs on either side, but the hair before the face
she cuts on a level with the chin, beginning at the top of the ears.
The hair which remains is too short to be done up in coils, and is
simply brushed to one side or the other. Among Hopi married women all
the hair is included in the two coils, and the "bang" is absent.
[16] The names of many Tewa women end in _pobi_, corresponding with
the Hopi _si_, a contracted form of _sihû_, in women's names, as
Hoñsi, Nasiumsi, etc.
[17] Among the Hopi the moon (Tewa _p'o_) is called _müiyaûh_; new
moon, _müiyakatci_; first quarter, _müiyachaunacapti_; full moon,
_müiyanacapti_. An eclipse of the moon is spoken of as _müiyaûh moki_,
"dead moon." There was a total eclipse of the moon visible at Walpi
near the end of December, 1898, when the full moon arose partially
obscured. This, said Sikyatala, was bad for the Americans who dwell in
the far east, but not for the Hopi. A "dead moon," when in the
meridian of the Hopi pueblos, is considered _kalolamai_, "bad."
[18] _The Winter Solstice Ceremony at Walpi_, op. cit.
[19] The _Asa_ people are also called the _Tcakwaina_ clans. The ruins
of their old village, near the western point of Awatobi mesa, are
called Tcakwaina-ki. Its walls do not appear above the surface.
[20] The particular ceremony of the _Pakab_ peoples is the _Momtcita_,
a single day's rite which occurs just after the _Soyaluña_, under
direction of Pautiwa. Connected with this ceremony are the
performances of the "stick swallowers" or _Nocoto_ priests who were
thought to be extinct at Walpi, but Eewa is chief of the _Nocotana_
priests, and the society includes Wikyatiwa, Talahoya, Sikyaventima,
and others. They still practice stick-swallowing. Pautiwa is chief of
the _Kalektaka_, a warrior priesthood. He belongs to the Eagle clan of
the _Pakab_ phratry, which may be related to the _Awata_ or Bow clan
of the former pueblo of Awatobi.
[21] Tcoshoniwa is generally called by a nickname, Tcino, "Bald-head,"
or "Curly-hair," a sobriquet to which he strongly objects. He is one
of the oldest men of Sitcomovi, belongs to the _Patki_ clan, and was
formerly the _kimoñwi_ or governor of Sitcomovi. Hani, of the _Piba_
(Tobacco) clan, is political chief of Walpi; and Anote, also of the
_Piba_ clan, is chief of Hano. All the pueblos have _kimoñwis_ or
governors, and the office dates from early times; but these pueblo
chiefs have no authority over pueblos other than their own.
[22] The orientation of the Hano kivas is not far from that of the
other East Mesa kivas, or about north 44º west.
[23] The chief kiva had a small stove, an innovation which was greatly
appreciated by the writer.
[24] So named by the Hopi; the Tewa call him Tem[)e], At Hano almost
everyone has a Hopi and a Tewa name.
[25] Son of Kutcve and Kotcampa of the _Kolon-towa_, or Corn clan;
commonly called "Esquash" by Americans.
[26] The corn-husk packet of meal seems to be wanting in Zuñian,
Keresan, and Tanoan prayer-sticks, but it is almost universally
present in those of the Hopi. The Tanoan prayer-stick is called
_o'dope_.
[27] A cephalic horn is an essential organ of the Great Snake, and is
always represented in pictography and on graven or other images of
this being. Note the similarity of his Tewa name to the Spanish word
_abajo_, "below."
[28] This is the first time songs have been noted while an altar was
being put in place.
[29] This was a four-stranded string of cotton, as long as the
outstretched arm, measured from over the heart to the tip of the
longest finger. It is supposed to be a roadway of blessings, and the
trail of meal is the pathway along which, in their belief, the benign
influences of the altar pass from it to the kiva entrance and to the
pueblo.
[30] Pocine is a youth not far from seventeen years of age. His
marriage ceremony was studied by the writer a week before the
_Tûñtai_.
[31] The triangle among the Hopi is almost as common a symbol of the
rain-cloud as the semicircle. It is a very old symbol, and is
frequently found with the same meaning in cliff-houses and in ancient
pictography.
[32] It was found in studying the four lightning symbols on this Tewa
altar that sex is associated with cardinal points as in the Walpi
Antelope altar. The lightning of the north is male, that of the west
female, the south male, and the east female. The same holds with many
objects in Hopi altars; thus the stone objects, _tcamahia_, of the
Antelope altar follow this rule. In the same way plants and herbs have
sex (not in the Linnean meaning), and are likewise associated with the
cardinal points.
[33] This sprinkling of corn seeds upon the meal picture of a Hopi
altar is mentioned in an account of the Oraibi Flute ceremony. The
evident purpose of this act is to vitalize the seeds by the
accompanying rites about the altar.
[34] Called _omowûh-saka_, "rain-cloud ladders."
[35] _Smithsonian Report_, 1895, pl. lvii.
[36] _The American Anthropologist_, vol. XI, page 1.
[37] The Tewa, like the Hopi, recognize six ceremonial
directions--north, west, south, east, above, and below. The sinistral
circuit is one in which the center is on the left hand, while the
dextral circuit has its center to the right. The older term,
"sunwise," for the latter circuit, etymologically means one ceremonial
circuit in the northern hemisphere and an opposite in the southern. On
this and other accounts the author has ceased to use it in designating
circuits.
[38] For the increase of rabbits.
[39] This zigzag framework had appended to one end a carved imitation
of a snake's head, and as it represents the lightning this association
was not incongruous. Similar frameworks are carried in the dance by a
man impersonating Püükoñ, the War god, and at certain other times when
lightning is symbolized.
[40] In asking why albino Hopi are found at the Middle Mesa and not on
the East Mesa, it was unexpectedly learned that in some ceremonies a
white prayer-stick is made at the former mesa, and that albinism was
due to want of care by the father in making these offerings while his
wife was pregnant. The author has never seen the white _paho_ of the
Middle Mesa, and does not know when it is made nor its shape and use.
[41] All Hopi priests are very solicitous that sketches of the _Patki_
altar in the _Soyaluña_ should not be shown to Tewa men or women, and
the Tewa men begged me to keep silent regarding their altars while
conversing with the Walpi chiefs. There is a very strict taboo between
the two peoples at the time of the Winter Solstice ceremony, which is
more rigid than at other times.
[42] The _Tuwa_ (Sand) or _Kükütce_ (Lizard) clan lived at Pakatcomo
with the _Patki_ people, according to their legends.
[43] _Journal of American Folk-lore_, 1892, pl. II, figs. 1-4. These
_moñkohus_ of the Kwakwantu society, representing horned snakes,
should not be confounded with those carried by other societies,
typical forms of which are shown in figures 5-8. In the article quoted
it was not stated that the effigies with heads represent _Palülükoñs_.
The effigy on the massive club borne by the chief of the Kwakwantu
also represents the Great Snake.