[46] As an example of the doctrinal identity of the Bogomilian and

Albigensian creeds, I may be allowed to recall a few main features of

the heresy about Toulouse as they struck the Roman Inquisitors in 1178.

The heretics, we are told, declared that there were two Principles: one

Good Spirit, who had created invisible things alone, and only those that

were not susceptible of change and corruption; the other Evil, who had

created the sky, earth, man, and all things visible. That the sacramental

bread and wine were not transubstantiated into the body and blood of

Christ. That they rejected priests, monks, bishops, and sacerdotalism

generally. That churches were an abomination to them. That the laying

on of hands, and that, on adults, was the only true baptism. As to

marriage—‘virum cum uxore non posse salvari si alter alteri debitum

reddat.’ That beggars deserved no alms. That they made use of the

vernacular in their prayers: they were so ignorant of Latin ‘that they

could not speak a couple of words.’ ‘It was necessary,’ says the Cardinal

of St. Chrysogonus, ‘to condescend to their ignorance, and to speak of

the sacraments of the Church, though this was sufficiently absurd, in the

vulgar tongue.’ Their preachers seem to have styled themselves, in the

figurative language common to the Bogomiles as well, ‘Angels of Light.’

The Abbot of Clairvaux states that one of them, doubtless in the same

figurative sense, called himself John the Baptist. This man, their chief

leader, was an aged man, who presided at the nocturnal prayer-meetings

of the sectaries, clad in a tunic or dalmatic. See _Roger of Hoveden’s

Chronicle_, (Prof. Stubbs’s edition, in the Rolls Series, vol. ii. p.

153, &c.)

[47] Of the two divisions of the original Bulgarian Church, that of

Dragoviče, with its more uncompromising dualism, was followed in the

West by the Churches of Toulouse and Albano on the Lake of Garda. The

other Western Churches accepted the modified monotheism of what was known

as ‘The Bulgarian Church’ _par excellence_. This was in the thirteenth

century. At an earlier period, however, the absolute dualism of the

Dragovician Church had triumphed at the heretical Council of St. Felix de

Caraman, near Toulouse. See Jireček, op. cit. p. 213.

[48] ‘Patarenes,’ the name by which the Bogomiles of Bosnia and other

Sclavonic lands are always called by Roman writers, was derived from

‘Pataria,’ a suburb of Milan where heresy first raised its head in Italy.

[49] Jireček, loc. cit. The Armenian influence on Bulgaria and Bosnia,

and the Bogomilian influence on the West, is connected with the spread

of a curious heretical literature, derived from Oriental sources; of

phantastic Apocrypha and spurious Gospels, as well as of works of

Oriental magic, which, disseminated by the more corrupt adherents of the

sect, entered into the mediæval mythology of the West, and have still

left their traces on its folklore as well as on that of the Russians,

Bulgarians, and Serbs. Jireček cites, among other such works, the

favourite Bulgarian legend of St. John Bogoslov, containing a vision

of the Dies iræ, which was brought from Bulgaria in 1170 by Nazarius,

bishop of the Upper Italian Patarenes, and translated by him into Latin.

Another such work is the account of the wanderings of the Mother of God

in hell; but perhaps the most interesting of all, and one which in its

origin seems to be almost purely Sclavonic, is the account—reflecting the

primitive Sclavonic custom of the ‘_Pobratimstvo_’—of how the Sirmian

Emperor, Probus, made Christ his sworn brother.

[50] Radulphi de Coggeshale, _Chronicon Anglicanum_ (in the Rolls Series,

p. 121, &c.) The name ‘_Publicani_,’ by which the Essex chronicler

alludes to them, is a common name for the Bogomiles in the West, and is,

of course, a corruption of Pauliciani, or, perhaps, of a Sclavonic form

of that word. The heretics seem to have spread to England from Flanders,

where they were much oppressed by the Count. From the fragmentary details

which Ralph has given us, they seem to have preserved their Bogomilian

faith in a very pure form. They believed in the Two Principles and the

evilness of matter, rejected Purgatory, prayers for the dead, invocation

of saints, infant baptism, and accepted no scriptures but the Gospels

and Canonical Epistles. Some went so far as to charge them (as Euthymius

had done long before) with praying to Lucifer in their subterranean

meeting-houses. They were ‘rusticani,’ and therefore not amenable to

the argument of authority; by which, I suppose, the preference of the

early Protestants for the _vulgar tongue_ is alluded to. They observed

a vegetable diet, and condemned marriage. From a shameless relation of

Gervase of Tilbury which Ralph reports, it appears that there were holy

women of the sect under vows of perpetual chastity. Gervase himself, a

clerk of the Archbishop of Rheims, coolly related to his monkish friend,

who chronicled the story with pleasing gusto, how, having failed to

seduce a beautiful country girl, he perceived her heresy, accused her

successfully of being a ‘Publican’ before the Inquisition, and feasted

his eyes with her dying agonies at the stake. Girl though she was, she

died without a groan, ‘instar,’ as even the monk cannot refrain from

adding, ‘martyrum Christi (sed dissimili causa) qui olim pro Christiana

religione a paganis trucidabantur.’ The tragedy, even as told by Ralph,

is of an intense pathos, and deserves immortalising. How beautiful

is that innocence and how unutterable the villainy which provokes an

under-current of humanity even in a monkish narrator! After relations

like this, the conduct of Henry II. to the Oxford ‘Publicans’ will appear

almost merciful: he merely gave orders that they should be branded on

the forehead with a red-hot key and thrust forth from the city, and that

nobody should give them food or shelter. The notices of the Publicani,

Albigenses, and other Bogomilian sects who gained a footing in England,

both by way of Flanders and Guienne, never seem to have attracted the

attention they deserve from English historians. Yet the hatred born

by the orthodox against these Bulgarian intruders has added a word of

reproach to the language.

[51] Nor is this the place to enquire how far, in the Languedoc at all

events, the spread of these doctrines may have been aided by survivals

of an earlier Gnosticism. What, for example, became of those _Gnostici_

who had established themselves in the end of the fourth century in Spain

and parts of the south of Gaul? (See Sulpicius Severus, _Sacræ Historiæ_,

lib. ii.)

[52] By means of two merchants of Zara, Matthew and Aristodius,

who brought the Patarene doctrines from Bosnia to Spalato. Thomas

Archidiaconus, c. 24, quoted in Wilkinson’s _Dalmatia_.

[53] With the exception of the Croats, who perhaps hardly came under the

denomination of Balkan Sclaves.

[54] _Hist. Maj. ad annum_ 1223 (Rolls Series, vol. iii. p. 78); and

compare Ralph of Coggeshale’s account (Rolls Series, p. 195). Jireček

(op. cit p. 214) refers to a diploma of Innocent IV. in 1244, which

reveals an intercourse between Bosnia and the _Waldenses_ he cites

Palacky and Brandl in the _Čas. matice moravské_, 1, 2.

[55] His residence is fixed as ‘on the borders of the Hungarians and

between the limits of Bulgaria, Croatia, and Dalmatia,’ which indicates

the position of Bosnia with sufficient exactitude.

[56] The style of Bartholomew, the vicar of the Roman antipope, was,

according to Matthew Paris, ‘servus servorum sanctæ fidei;’ according to

Ralph of Coggeshale, ‘servus servorum hospitalis sanctæ fidei.’ Ralph

writes ‘Poios’ instead of ‘Porlos.’

[57] Raynaldus, _Annal. Eccles._ sub anno 1233.

[58] The Prince himself is described as ‘King of the Ruthenians, and

Ban of Sclavonia.’ See Farlati, op. cit. and _Spicilegium Observationum

Historico-Geographicarum de Bosniæ Regno_, Lugd. Bat. 1737.

[59] Yet the historian of Latin Christianity might have spared a line

to chronicle the struggles and sufferings of these early Protestants of

Bosnia, to whom even the cultured sons of Provence turned for spiritual

guidance.

[60] Raynaldus, _Annal. Eccles._ s. a. 1238.

[61] Raynaldus, s. a. 1246. Ninosclav had succeeded Zibisclav as Ban.

[62] Farlati, _Episcopi Bosnenses_.

[63] Under the Franciscan ‘Vicar of Bosna’ we now read of the following

_Custodiæ_, viz. Dulmna, Greben, Bosna Civitas, Ussora, Machovia,

Bulgaria, Corvinum, and Rascia.

[64] Farlati, _Ep. Bosn._

[65] Waddingus, _Annales Minorum_ (Ed. Fonsecæ), tom. vii. sub. anno 1325.

[66] Presbyter Cosmas. Just the same account of the _apparent_ innocence

of the Bogomiles appears in Euthymius: ‘They bid those who listen to

their doctrines to keep the commandments of the gospel, and to be meek

and merciful, and of brotherly love. Thus they entice men on by teaching

all good things and useful doctrine, but they poison by degrees and draw

to perdition.’

[67] Anonym. Acutheanus (in Farlati).

[68] Raynaldus, _Annal. Eccles._ sub anno 1369. The Franciscan Mission

had complained to the Pope of Tvartko the same year, as protector of

the Patarenes and ‘persecutor of that true son of the Church,’ his

brother, Stephen Wuk. In 1370 the Pope writes to the bishops of Ragusa,

Spalato, and ‘Dirrhachio’ to put the Patarenes under ban. In 1372, from

a letter of Pope Gregory XI. to the Vicar of the Minorites in Bosnia, we

learn that, in view of the continuance of the heresy in Bosnia, Rascia,

‘Bassarat,’ and the neighbouring regions, he granted them many privileges

of building religious houses in those countries; ‘Bourich, belonging to

the noble Nicolas de Altomanich’ in Rascia, and the ‘Contrata de Glas’ in

the dominion of the King of Hungary, being specified. Waddingus, _Annales

Minorum_, sub anno 1372.

[69] Farlati, _Ep. Bosn._

[70] Waddingus, _Annales Minorum_, tom. xiii. sub anno 1462.

[71] See Farlati, _Ep. Bosn._; and _Spicilegium_, &c. _de Regno Bosniæ_.

[72] Raynaldus, _Annal. Eccles._ sub anno 1450.

[73] Laonicus, _de Rebus Turc._ lib. x.; Gobelinus, lib. ii.; and

Johannes Leunclavius. The Sultan is said to have made use of the

authority of the captured king to obtain the seventy cities, but the

account given of the betrayal of Bobovac shows that the Bogomiles were

the real cause of the quick submission.

[74] I have already noticed the early branching off of a Bogomilian

church which rejected _Dualism_ pure and simple. Herr Jireček remarks

this compromising tendency, and observes that an Italian adherent of the

sect, Giovanni di Lugio, taught the real humanity of Christ and accepted

the Old Testament: while others conceded free will.

[75] Waddingus, _Annales Minorum_, sub anno 1478. There is also a

curious passage in Raphael of Volaterra, who appears to have written his

_Geographia_ towards the end of the fifteenth century. He says (_Geog._

p. 244, ed. Lyons, 1599), ‘In Bosnia, Rascia, and Serbia the sect of

the Manichees is still followed. They say there are two _Principia

Rerum_—one good, one evil. Nor do they acknowledge the Roman Pope, nor

Christ “_Omousion_.” They have monasteries (cœnobia) in hidden mountain

valleys, where go matrons who have escaped from certain diseases.’ These

matrons say that for a certain period they act as menials to holy men in

accordance with a vow: ‘Atque ita inter monachos mixtæ una vivunt; quæ

quidem labes adhuc durat.’

[76] Besides the evidence on this point which I have gathered from other

sources, I may notice a most interesting allusion to the Bogomiles or

Patarenes who had turned renegades, and a direct testimony that they

went over wholesale to Islâm, in J. Bapt. Montalbano, _Rerum Turcarum

Commentarius_, written certainly before the year 1630 (when it was

published in the Elzevir _Turci Imperii Status_). After mentioning the

Catholic inhabitants, the writer goes on to say, ‘Est aliud eo in regno

(sc. Bosnæ) hominum genus _Potur_ appellatum, qui neque Christiani sunt,

neque Turcæ, circumciduntur tamen, pessimique habentur.’ ‘Potur’ is

evidently a Sclavonised form of Patarene. The writer goes on to say of

these ‘Poturs’ that they, ‘to the number of many thousand,’ offered to

renegade from the Christian faith to that of Mahomet if Sultan Soliman

would grant them indemnity, and release them from tribute. Soliman,

says the writer (a Bolognese Doctor), thereupon doubled their tribute,

and enrolled their children among the Janissaries, and ‘hence they are

despised by both Turks and Christians.’ But this whole account evidently

bears witness to the wholesale renegation of the Bogomiles. Further

on the same writer, who had visited the country, bears witness to the

continuance of Protestantism in Turkish Bosnia in the sixteenth century.

‘Eos inter,’ says he, of the inhabitants, ‘Calvinistæ Arrianique multi.’

[77] I am indebted for this fact to Mr. W. J. Stillman, the excellent

correspondent of the _Times_ in the Herzegovina, who gives an account

of these refugees in a letter from Ragusa dated Oct. 19, 1875, which

I may be allowed to quote as illustrating the more recent sufferings

of this interesting sect, and the sad case of the Christian refugees

of Bosnia and the Herzegovina generally. ‘The people of Popovo were

tranquilly engaged in their fields and houses, when the troops—Regulars

and Bashi-Bazouks—came up; the latter killed the first they came upon

where they found them (one of them, the brother of a villager who had

appealed successfully to the Pashà at Trebinje against the extortions of

the Agas some months ago, being cut to pieces alive), and all the rest

fled in panic. The good _curé_ of Ossonich is doing all he can for them;

but there are only eighty-five houses in this village, and he has 2,125

souls of the Popovites on his register for succour. Of these 300 were out

on the mountain-side on the night of the worst storm we have had this

season. One woman with a new-born babe was so exhausted in her flight

that she went to sleep, sitting on a rock nursing her child, fell off

in her sleep, and was found by one of the other peasants next morning

still sleeping, with her babe at her bosom, in a pool of water which had

fallen during the storm. The _curé_ tells me that these people are mainly

Bogomilites, remains of an ancient sect once widely spread in Bosnia and

identical with the Albigenses.’ I observe that Jireček, quoting Kosanović

(Glasnik 29, (1871), 174), alludes to a rumour that in the valley of the

Narenta and near Creševo, ‘there are still Christians who neither submit

to Franciscans, nor Popes, nor Imâms, but govern themselves according

to old traditions, which an Elder delivers to the rest.’ I hope at

some future period to be able to say more on the present state of the

Bogomiles.

[78] See p. 214. There seems, however, to be some discrepancy as to

dates. According to Schimek (op. cit. p. 76), Czar Dūshan only annexed

Bosnia in 1347, whereas the date of the Armorial is 1340. The Ban,

Stephen Kotromanović, retained a small part of his dominions on the

Hungarian frontier. Dūshan placed the rest under the despot Lazar of

Rascia. On Dūshan’s death in 1355 the Ban recovered the whole of Bosnia,

including a part of Serbia beyond the Drina and the grave of St. Sava at

Mileševo, where he built a Franciscan Monastery, and where he himself was

buried in 1357.

[79] Spicilegium, &c., _De Bosniæ Regno_, p. 51; Farlati, _Ep. Bosn._ &c.

Schimek (op. cit. p. 84).

[80] Henceforth he is generally known as Stephen Myrza.

[81] Thoemmel, _Vilajet Bosnien_, p. 12.

[82] For an account of the collection of Bishop Strossmayer I am entirely

indebted to Canon Liddon, who visited Diakovar in the summer of this

year. As a slight monument of mediæval art in Bosnia I may refer the

reader to the Great Seal of King Tvartko III. engraved on the title-page

of this book.

[83] See p. 384 for the Župa Canawlovska and the Roman aqueduct from

which it derived its name. Tribunja or Terbunja is, of course, Trebinje,

the Roman Terbulium.

[84] Jireček (op. cit. p. 338), who brings out clearly the prominent part

played by King Tvartko in the last great South-Sclavonic struggle against

the Turks.

[85] Rački, _Pokret na Slavenskom jugu, koncem XIV. i pocetkom XV.

stolieca_ (cited in Jireček, loc. cit.)

[86] The English reader will find a full and graphic account of the

battle of Kóssovo Polje (or the field of Thrushes) in _The Slavonic

Provinces of Turkey in Europe_, by G. Muir Mackenzie and A. P. Irby, ch.

xv. Some extracts from some of the Servian _Pjesme_ on this subject are

translated by Sir John Bowring in his _Servian Popular Poetry_. There is

also an interesting account of the battle in Knolles’ _Turkish History_,

1610, which shows how great was already the poetic influence on the

story. ‘The brightness of the Armor and Weapons,’ writes our English

historian, ‘was as it had been the Lightning, the multitude of Launces

and other horsemen’s staves shadowed the light of the Sun. Arrows and

darts fell so fast that a man would have thought they had poured down

from Heaven. The noise of the Instruments of War, with the neighing of

Horses and outcries of men was so terrible and great that the wild Beasts

of the mountains stood astonied therewith; and the Turkish Histories,

to express the terror of the day (vainly say) that the Angels of Heaven

amazed with that hideous noise for that time forgot the heavenly hymns

wherewith they always glorifie God.’ It is possible that the thunder of

cannon was now heard for the first time in the Balkan peninsula. In 1383

the Venetians had sold King Tvartko a _Falconus_.

[87] Zinkeisen, (I. 290) cited in Jireček (op. cit. p. 344).

[88] See p. 106.

[89] Also known as Tvartko II.

[90] See pp. 105, 106.

[91] Spicilegium, &c., _De Bosniæ Regno_, p. 7.

[92] See deed of Stephen Dabiscia to Goiko Mergnjavić (translated on p.

223) in return for services performed: ‘Quando venit Paiasit cum Turcis

et stetit in Naglasincis et destruxit Bosnam.’

[93] According to the Spicilegium he assumed the title _Princeps Bosnæ_

et dominus Jayczæ. When under Ostoja’s suzerainty he styled himself

‘_Supremus Vayvoda Regni Bosnæ et Vicarius Regum Vladislai et Ostojæ_.’

According to Schimek (op. cit. p. 25) his land extended from the middle

of the vale of Bosna along the Croatian border.

[94] Stephen assumed the style _Liber Princeps et Dominus Bosnæ, Ussoræ,

Salæ atque plurium aliorum locorum, atque Chelmi Comes_.

[95] From him the noble Venetian family of Cozzas derives its origin.

[96] It seems to me probable that the title accorded by Frederick was

Duke of _Primorie_ (which is now incorporated in the County of Chelm),

and that the name Duke of St. Sava was rather a popular piecing together

of this and his other title of ‘Keeper of the Sepulchre of St. Sava.’

In 1446 he is called _Herzegh Sancti Sabbæ_ by the Bosnian king in the

account of the Conventus of Coinica; but if we may judge from the Italian

style used by his son, the refugee duke, he called _himself_ Duke of

Primorie. Stephen Cosaccia’s son calls himself ‘_Duca Primorschi, Signor

di Hum, e Guardiano del Sepolchro del beato Sava_.’

[97] Herzegovina, the adjectival form of Herzega—literally ‘the

ducal’—land being understood.

[98] Stephen Cosaccia’s father, Sandalj Hranić, in addition to his

original heritage of Chelm, had been ceded lands beyond the Drina by

Ostoja. Stephen himself succeeded in annexing from Tvartko’s successor

the districts of Duvno, Rama, and Ljubuška. On the other hand Sandalj

had parted with Ostrovizza to the Venetians, and the Župa Kanawlovska

to Ragusa. See _L’Herzégovine, Étude Géographique, Historique, et

Statistique_, par E. de Sainte-Marie.

[99] For Mostar and its bridge see p. 347, &c.

[100] Schimek (op. cit. p. 100).

[101] This is illustrated by a curious fact. A deed (described by

Schimek, op. cit. p. 117) is still extant in the Imperial Archives at

Vienna, in which King Thomas, in return for services in reconciling him

to his Hungarian suzerain, grants John Hunyadi an annuity of 3000 ducats.

In this document, _datum in Castro Bobovacz, feria quarta post festum

Pentecostes (3 Junii) An. Dom. 1444_, Thomas still makes use of the

seal of his predecessor Tvartko III. A representation of this seal from

Schimek is given on the title-page of this book.

[102] See p. 307.

[103] Schimek (op. cit. p. 119, note 2), on what authority I know not,

asserts that the _Electi omnium comitatuum regni nostri nobiles_, who

attended at the ‘Conventus,’ were the Elders of the Patarene (Bogomilian)

clergy, ‘und die Edlen (nobiles) scheinen, nach der polnischen Art, die

Landboten gewesen zu seyn.’

[104] Datum sub castro nostro regali de Bobovatz in oppido Sutischæ, die

xxiv Julii, A.D. 1457 (in _Spic. De Bosniæ Regno_).

[105] This appears from a curious document, dated that year, by which

King Stephen Thomas engages not to introduce the Turks into Hungary. ‘Nec

iisdem Turcis in tenutis nostris, apud manus nostras existentibus a Drino

usque fluvium Ukrina, vadum seu navigium præstabimus.’ It does not appear

whether these were actual settlers, or a Turkish garrison quartered on

the dominions of the Bosnian King.

[106] Other accounts make Mahomet disguise himself as a merchant; others

transfer the scene to Jaycze; and, according to another version, the

Bosnian King was not Stephen Thomas, but his son Tomašević.

[107] Proceres Regni.

[108] Præfecti.

[109] This summons is preserved in the monastery of the Holy Ghost at

Foinica, and is given in Balthasar Kerselich, _De Regnis Dalmatiæ,

Croatiæ, Sclavoniæ, notitiæ præliminares_, Zagrab, _s. a._ In my first

edition I had followed the wrong chronology of Farlato and referred it to

Stephen Thomas, but there can be no doubt that it is, as Schimek points

out, the act of Tomašević.

[110] Schimek (op. cit. p. 144).

[111] Variously described as Radovil Večinćić, Radić, Radac, and, in

latinised forms, Radazes and Rastizes.

[112] For the fall of the Bosnian kingdom and the Banat of Jaycze I have

compared the accounts of Johannes Leunclavius, Laonicus, _De Reb. Turc_,

lib. x.; Gobelinus, lib. ii.; Isthvanfius, and Bonfinius.

[113] A few towns on the Bosna and Save, where, as nearer Hungary,

the strength of the Bogomilian malcontents would be weakest, are said

(Schimek, op. cit. p. 109) to have resisted, but were soon reduced by the

Beg Omer from Thessaly, and laid waste with fire and sword.

[114] Schimek beheads Tomašević at Blagai after the Herzegovinian

campaign.

[115] So too in the Languedoc the strength of the heretics seems to

have lain with the industrial population of the times, and one of the

names applied to them, _Tisserands_, shews that they made many converts

among the weavers. This illustrates what I have already noticed, the

connexion between Bogomilian propagandism and commercial intercourse.

It is interesting to notice that the Bogomiles who still survive in the

district of Popovo have retained certain mechanic arts that have died out

among the rest of the Bosnian and Herzegovinian population.

[116] Including Ragatica, Cernica, Kecka, and Michiac.

[117] The Venetians at different times succeeded in extending their

dominion over parts of Herzegovina. The coast-land (_Primorie_),

including Macarska, Castelnuovo, &c., passed definitely into their

hands in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, to become at a later

period the inheritance of Austria. The Venetians at one time extended

their suzerainty over the Popovo Polje, Gacko and Piva. In 1694 their

Proveditor-General in Dalmatia, Delfino, took Gabella Citluk (Počitelj);

and their general, Marcello, pursued the Seraskier to Nevešinje. At

this time the Christian inhabitants of the districts of Trebinje,

Popovo, Klobuć, and Grahovo (i.e. of much the same area as that of

the latest Herzegovinian outbreak) rose against the Pashàs and Agas,

and the Mussulman inhabitants. By the peace of Carlovitz in 1699 the

Herzegovinian towns of Citluk, Gabella, Cattaro, Castelnuovo, and Risano,

with Knin and Zengg and other places, were left in the hands of the

Venetians; and the only remaining strips of Herzegovinian coast-land, the

narrow _enclaves_ of Klek and Sutorina, were left to the Turks by English

influence and Ragusan precaution, which feared Venetian contact.

[118] The Duke’s son.

[119] Possibly rather _restored_. A convent and royal residence (the

two were generally combined by the Sclavonic princes) had certainly

existed at Sutisca much earlier, and as far back as 1278 a Ban, Stephen

Kotromanović, dates a diploma ‘from our palace of “Suttisca.”’ The

convent reared by the pious Thomas and his Queen was destroyed by the

Turks, but the Franciscans obtained permission to rebuild it, and set

a great cross there, which according to their own account (Relation

of Bosnian Monks in Farlati) was made by St. Bernardin, ‘and is most

formidable to demons and drives off airy tempests.’ Perhaps it acted as a

lightning-conductor.

[120] This account is taken from the relation of Bosnian monks ‘On the

Present State of Bosnia,’ supplied to Farlati in 1769. I have assumed

above that the picture of King Thomas still exists.

[121] Her mother was Helena Comnena, wife of Stephen Cosaccia.

[122] Waddingus, _Annales Minorum_, sub anno 1475.

[123] Waddingus, op. cit. sub anno 1478.

[124] See frontispiece to this Historical Review of Bosnia. I have copied

my illustration of the monument of Queen Catharine, from a representation

of it as existing in 1677, in Alphonsi Ciacconii _Vitæ et Res Gestæ

Pontificum Romanorum et S. R. E. Cardinalium ab Augustino Oldoino

recognitæ_, &c., tom. iii. col. 41 (Romæ, 1677). I do not know whether

the monument is still existent.

[125] Ciacconius, loc. cit.

[126] Foinica also appears to have belonged to Mathias. See the

interesting diploma of 1469, by which he cedes it to Tomko Mergnjavić,

given on p. 224.

[127] Niklas Ujlak was made titulary king, and assumed the style

_Nicolaus Dei Gracia Rex Bosniæ_. See diploma of 1464, given by

Kerczelich, _Histor. Eccl. Zagrab._ cap. xiii. p. 183 (cited by Schimek).

With Nicklas’ death even the titulary kingship of Bosnia died out, and

his son, in a diploma of 1492, styles himself simply _Dux Boznæ_.

[128] Literally ‘a little egg,’ the diminutive of ‘_Jaje_,’ an egg.

[129] Waddingus, sub anno 1478.

[130] See p. 115.

[131] _Kraljevo Polje_, perhaps ‘Field’ in the old English sense, would

be a better rendering of _Polje_. According to one account, it was the

scene of the execution of the last king of Bosnia.

[132] _Tormenta Curulia._

[133] J. Bapt. Montalbano, _Rerum Turcicarum Commentarius_, s.v. _Bosnæ

Regnum_.

[134] A very interesting account of ‘the War in Bosnia,’ during the years

1737-9, has been left us by a native Bosnian historian, Omer Effendi, of

Novi, which was printed by Ibrahim in Turkish, and was translated into

English by C. Fraser, and published by the ‘Oriental Translation Fund’ in

1830.

[135] Thoemmel, _Vilajet Bosnien_.

[136] Of course there are plenty of accounts of border warfare carried

on between Bosnian Pashàs and Agas and the Imperialists and Venetians,

many of which have been collected by Schimek, whose work—which professes

to be a political history of Bosnia—is absolutely silent as to the inner

relations of the province for the last two centuries of Bosnian history

after the conquest, which he professes to describe. A more confused

and purposeless tissue of wars and rumours of wars it is impossible to

conceive. The difficulty of obtaining trustworthy materials for the

history of Bosnia after the Turkish conquest has led me to confine my

sketch of this period to a few general remarks. I hope to discuss the

subject more fully at some future opportunity.

[137] J. Bapt. Montalbano, loc. cit. The writer had visited Bosnia,

apparently in the days of the Banat of Jaycze.

[138] See p. lxxx.

[139] To this westward and northward immigration of Serbs and Rascians I

am inclined to attribute the peculiarity of many of the Bosnian _Piesme_,

the half mythical heroes of which are taken rather from the history of

the Serbs proper than of the Bosnians.

[140] _Die letzten Unruhen in Bosnien_ (translated into English by Mrs.

Alexander Kerr, and published in Bohn’s series).

[141] I am indebted to Canon Liddon for this valuable information. On

such occasions the bishop generally takes his text from the Sermon on the

Mount.

[142] M. de Ste. Marie.

[143] Ami Boué. In corroboration of this I may cite the testimony of an

English traveller, Edmund Spencer:—‘While attending the Parliamentary

debates of the Skuptchina, I was much struck with the self-possessed,

dignified air of the almost unlettered orators, who were earnest

without violence, impassioned without intemperance, depending rather

on the force of their arguments than the strength of their lungs and

theatrical gesticulations, to win the attention of their auditors. The

Serbs resemble us in more than one particular: they have the same dogged

resolution, the same love of fair play, the same detestation of the use

of the knife, together with no inconsiderable portion of that mixture of

the aristocratic and democratic in their character which so especially

distinguishes the Anglo-Saxon race.’ The last remark is now peculiarly

applicable to the Bosnian branch of the Serbs.

[144] M. Yriarte, _Bosnie et Herzégovine_, p. 245.

[145] Franz Maurer, ‘Reise durch Bosnien, die Saveländer und Ungarn.’

Berlin, 1870, p. 45.

[146] See Brachet, ‘Dictionnaire Etymologique de la Langue Française,’

and Wedgewood’s ‘Dictionary of English Etymology.’

[147] See, for instance, the Croat man in the engraving on p. 4.

[148] The Italian Testo, the Spanish Tjesto, and French Têt, came rather

from the Latin Testum; while Testa, among the Romance population of Gaul,

supplied the word for a head, tête. But in East Europe Testa does not

seem to have developed this secondary meaning, as the Wallacks use Cap

(Caput) for ‘head;’ and therefore _Testa_ may still have retained its

sense of ‘a pot.’

[149]

‘Fistula cui semper decrescit arundinis ordo,

Nam calamus cera jungitur usque minor.’—Tibullus II. v. 31.

[150] This, however, may be connected with the Croatian word _Fuk_, which

is used to express the howling of the wind, the whirring of birds’ wings

and other sounds, and can hardly be a derivative from Fistula.

[151] γαμήλιον αὔλημα. See Chappell, ‘History of Music,’ vol. i. p. 277.

[152] Chappell, loc. cit. p. 301.

[153] See Diez, _Etymologisches Wörterbuch der romanischen Sprachen_.

[154] Venice strove to make the connection political; from 1115 to 1358

A.D. her Doges maintained the title of Dukes of Croatia.

[155] Vuk Karadjić was not a Croat, but a Serb.

[156] Called by Germans and Germanizers, Carlstadt.

[157] Thus our forefathers knew the Romans as Rom-Weallas. Wales and

Welsh still preserve their name for Roman Britain and its inhabitants.

The Romance population of the Netherlands is known as Walloon. Italy is

still Welschland to the German. It is, however, quite wrong to suppose,

as good writers do, that the Wallacks got their name from a German

population. They certainly were first called Vlach by their Sclavonic

borderers. Vlach is also said to be Sclavonic for shepherd.

[158] _Slavonia_ and _Slavonian_ are used throughout this book to denote

the Austro-Hungarian province and its people. The branch of the Aryan

Family of which these, the Serbs, Croats, &c., are severally members, I

call _Sclaves_, and their tongue _Sclavonic_.

[159] For the charter of Rudolf to Karlovac, in 1581, and its

confirmation by Ferdinand III., see _Balthazar Kerselich, De Regnis

Dalmatiæ, Croatiæ, Sclavoniæ, Notitiæ Præliminares, Zagreb. s. a._ p.

392, &c.

[160] If we understood the peasants correctly, it was called Terg;

and if so, is almost identical in name with _Torg_, the Swedish for a

market-place. Terg in Croatian means generally ‘wares;’ Tirgovac, a

merchant or dealer; Tirgoviste, a market.

[161] The house-father and house-mother are not necessarily man and wife;

nor, though generally chosen with respect to age, are they always the

oldest members of the community.

[162] The usual word for brigand, &c., in Eastern Europe. The word is

said to be Magyar originally, and to signify ‘the unmarried.’ It was

originally applied to youthful Free-lances—‘_Knights Bachelors_’—and has

been compared with the derivation of Cossack, which has the same meaning.

In Hungary the population of certain towns are known as Hajduks, and the

towns are called Hajduk towns.

[163] Belenus, the Celtic Apollo, and tutelary god of Aquileja.

[164] From whom the earlier title of the city _Flavia Siscia_ may have

been derived.

[165] Ausonius, _De Claris Urbibus_. The order of eminence given by the

rhetorician to the great cities of the empire is evidently perverted

by pedantry and provincial favouritism. Neither Siscia, Sirmium, nor

Nicomedia is mentioned. Illyria has, at least, as much right to be heard

on this question of precedency as Aquitaine!

[166] Very few _tituli militares_ have been discovered at Siscia. The

camps originally established here and at Pætovio were soon moved on to

Aquincum and Brigetio. See Mommsen, _Corpus Inscriptionum_, vol. iii. pt.

1, where he insists on the _civil_ character of Siscia.

[167] Prudentius, Peristephanon vii.

[168] The inscription was

CERERI‖AVG SAC‖Q. IVLIVS‖MODERATVS‖B. PROC‖VSLM.

It is given in the _Corpus Inscriptionum_, vol. iii. pt. I. No. 3944. The

vase, however, beside the _patera_, is not mentioned there.

[169] Balthasar Kerselich, _De Regnis Dalmatiæ, Croatiæ, Sclavoniæ

Notitiæ præliminares_; and see _Danubian Principalities, by a British

Resident of Twenty Years in the East_, vol. i. p. 88.

[170] See p. 85.

[171] The usual name given to the residence of a Turkish official.

[172] According to some accounts _Dobor_, a village further down the

Bosna, was the scene of this conspiracy and its _dénouement_. But

_Doboj_, whose great castle was certainly the scene of the tragedy of

1408, seems the more probable reading. It seems to me possible that Doboj

was first called Dobor like the lower village, and that the name Doboj or

_Dvoboj_ was afterwards affixed to it by reason of its having been the

scene of these two struggles. Towns run a good deal in couples in Bosnia,

and there may well have been a _Veliki_ and _Mali_ Dobor.

[173] Martial, _Ep._ lib. iv. 64.

[174] I assume that the Castrum Tessenii of the Chronicles mean Tešanj.

[175] This curious impress of Mahometanism on Bosnian Christianity may be

illustrated by other facts. Pilgrimages to Jerusalem are undertaken by

Christians almost as frequently as pilgrimages to Mecca by Mahometans.

The performance of such is reckoned as honourable among the rayahs as

among the Turks, and the Christian pilgrims assume the same title of

Hadji. The Holy Sepulchre is often known by the name Tjaba, which is

nothing but the Arabian Caaba!—_See_ Ranke, ‘Die letzten Unruhen in

Bosnien, 1820-1832,’ (in Bohn’s translation, p. 314.)

[176] For the story of Marko Kraljević or ‘Kings’ son Marko,’ and the

Cycles of Serbian poetry, see ‘The Slavonic Provinces of Turkey in

Europe,’ by G. Muir Mackenzie and A. P. Irby, p. 87, &c.

[177] Wessely, quoted in Introduction to ‘Servian Popular Poetry,’

translated by Sir John Bowring.

[178] Let any English reader who thinks these encomiums overdrawn procure

the faithful and beautiful translations of Sir John Bowring, cited above,

and judge for himself.

[179] Miller.

[180] ‘Servian Popular Poetry,’ translated by J. Bowring, p. 219.

[181] ‘A Voyage into the Levant. A Briefe Relation of a Iourney lately

performed by Master _Henry Blunt_, Gentleman, from _England_ by the

way of _Venice_ into _Dalmatia_, _Sclavonia_, _Bosnah_, _Hungary_,

_Macedonia_, _Thessaly_, _Thrace_, _Rhodes_, and _Egypt_, unto _Gran

Cairo_.’ The Third Edition. London: 1638; p. 8. The giant size of the

Bosniacs also struck the Bolognese doctor J. Bapt. Montalbans who visited

Bosnia in the 16th century. v. _Rerum Turcarum Commentarius_,—_Bosnæ

Regnum_.

[182] An officer of the general staff who was employed by the Austrian

Government to draw up a map of Bosnia, and followed this up by his

‘Studien über Bosnien und die Herzegovina,’ partly an itinerary, partly a

statistical account, but meagre and disappointing. Franz Maurer, ‘Reise

durch Bosnien,’ is equally loud in his denunciations of the Major’s map.

[183] Had Milton viewed a scene like this? or was his sublime simile for

the fallen Angels a pure creation of his imagination?

‘Yet faithful how they stood

Their glory withered; as when heaven’s fire

Hath scathed the forest oaks or mountain pines,

With singed top their stately growth, though bare,

Stands on the blasted heath.’—_Par. Lost_, i. 612.

[184] Asplenium Trichomanes.

[185] Clausilia laminata.

[186] Omer Effendi of Novi, op. cit. p. 85.

[187] Bryum ligulatum.

[188] As, for instance, some rough Roman sarcophagi found at York, and

now in the garden of the Philosophical Society of the town.

[189] There are at present about 3,000 Jews in Bosnia, resident mainly in

Serajevo, Travnik, Banjaluka, and Novipazar. See Thoemmel, _Beschreibung

des Vilajet Bosnien_, p. 108.

[190] _Dalmatia and Montenegro_, by Sir J. Gardner Wilkinson, F.R.S.,

vol. ii. p. 181, &c. For some in Narenta Valley, see p. 31.

[191] The coincidence between the appearance of the moon on these

monuments and on the Bosnian arms had already suggested itself to me

before I was aware that it had also struck Sir Gardner Wilkinson.

[192] The moon and stars were favourite symbols on Mithraic gems and

monuments, which are nowhere more plentiful than in Illyria, if I

may judge from personal experience. They were also in vogue with the

Gnostics. According to Manes the moon was a purgatory of good spirits;

their immediate haven after death. See King’s _Gnostics and their

Remains_. But, for a more probable explanation of the moon and stars on

Bosnian arms and monuments, see page 219.

[193] Euthymius Zygabenus, _Panoplia_. Presbyter Cosmas, Harmenopulus,

and Anna Comnena give the same account. See my _Historical Review of

Bosnia_.

[194] Raph. Volat. 1-8.

[195] See the introductory _Historical Review of Bosnia_.

[196] The respective numbers at the last official return were:—Greeks,

576,756; Mahometans, 442,050.

[197] See p. 222.

[198] In Bosnia even the parochial duties are performed by monks of

this order, who discard the monastic dress and wear the ordinary civil

costume, including cutlasses and pistols. Every three years the chapter

of the order (the Provincial, that is, of the Minorites, with a custos

and four definitors) elects a ‘mission for the cure of souls,’ and the

monks who are doing service an secular priests are either confirmed in

their office or exchanged for others. The head or ‘Quardian’ of every

monastery is also priest for his district. Thus the parish churches

are completely dependent on the Franciscan brotherhood, each monastery

possessing so many churches. This at Gučiagora has nine; that at Sutiska,

the largest in Bosnia, as many as twenty-two churches. As parish priests,

however, the brothers find their allegiance somewhat divided between

the Vicar Apostolic of Bosnia and the Provincial of their order. See

Thoemmel, _Beschreibung des Vilajet Bosnien_, p. 96, &c.

[199] Gustav Thoemmel, op. cit. pp. 94-6, gives statistics showing

the improved state of the Roman Catholic Church in Bosnia since the

establishment of the Austrian Consulate-General in Serajevo. Writing

in 1867, he says that in 1850 there were only forty-one parsonages in

Bosnia, now sixty-nine. Up to 1860 only the three old monasteries of

Sutiska, Foinica, and Kreševo existed; since then three more have been

founded, namely this at Gučiagora, one at Gorica, near Livno, and one at

Siroki-brieg, in the Herzegovina, six hours west of Mostar. In 1850 the

Roman Catholic population was 160,000, in 1874 it had risen to 185,503.

[200] Gustav Thoemmel, _Beschreibung des Vilajet Bosnien_. Wien, 1867, p.

101.

[201] According to the last census there were 576,756 Bosniacs of the

Orthodox Greek Church, and only 185,503 Roman Catholics.

[202] I am indebted to Canon Liddon for this fact.

[203] Since the new constitutional laws of July, 1865, Travnik has become

the seat of Government for one of the seven circles, or Mutasarifliks,

into which the Vilajet of Bosnia (including Herzegovina) is divided. The

Mutasarìf is an officer superior to the Kaïmakàm as the Kaïmakàm to the

Mudìr. The Mutasarifliks answer to the German _Kreise_, the Kaïmakamliks

(districts under Kaïmakàm) to _Bezirke_.

[204] Omer Effendi of Novi, whose writings were edited and printed by

Ibrahim in Turkish, and were translated into English by C. Fraser in 1830.

[205] See Roskiević.

[206] I take this anecdote from the author of _The Danubian

Principalities_ (vol. ii. p. 326), to whom Omer Pashà related it.

[207] See A. von Hilferding, _Bosnien,—Reise-Skizzen aus dem Jahre 1857_,

p. 12 (translated from the Russian).

[208] In the French translation (Paris, 1674), which is the only copy I

have by me. P. 76.

[209] The old name of Travnik appears to have been Herbosa. (See Farlato,

_Illyricum Sacrum_, t. iv.) I notice a serious error in Dr. Spruner’s

_Historisch-Geographisches Hand-Atlas_, where Travnik is made identical

with Bobovac, the old seat of Bosnian bans and kings, which is 40 miles

to the west, near Vareš.

[210] It is curious that the Italian word should pass current in Bosnia.

[211] See page 118.

[212] Of what place I am uncertain. He was only visiting Foinica, which

itself does not possess so exalted a functionary.

[213] In the original Bosnian, as written into Latin characters for me

by one of the monks, it ran—Rodoslovje Bosanakoga aliti Iliričkoga, i

Srbskoga vladanja, zai edno postavlieno po Stanislaú Rubčiću popu, na

slavu Stipana Nemanjiću, Cara Srblienak Bosniakak, (1340.)

[214] Hunc codicem ab immemorabili tempore, nempe a captivitate Regni

Bosniæ, studiose conservatum esse a Reverendis Fratribus Franciscanis

Familiæ Foinicensis.

[215] Query, a monastic error for St. Mark.

[216] I refer to the Church of _Giurgevi Stúpovi_, whose dome still rises

on a hill above Novipazar. A description of it will be found in _Travels

through the Slavonic Provinces of Turkey in Europe_, by G. Muir Mackenzie

and A. P. Irby. London, 1866, p. 309.

[217] I find this erroneous theory put forth by the author of the

_Spicilegium Observationum Historico-Geographicarum de Bosniæ Regno_,

Lug. Bat. 1736, p. 84. He supposes that this change must have taken

place about 1463, when Mahomet subdued the Duchy of St. Sava, and quotes

Varennes to the effect that the original arms of Bosnia were an arm of

offence—Varennes himself having mistaken the arms of Primorie for those

of Bosnia. The Bosnian arms, however, appear to have changed. Thus, in a

MS. armorial in the Bodleian Library, the date of which seems to be about

1506, they are given as—Quarterly, first and fourth, gules, a crown or;

second and third, azure, a heart argent. This may have been the arms of

the _titulary_ Kingdom of Bosnia, erected by Mathias when Upper Bosnia

was in the hands of the Turks. Compare also the arms on the monumental

slab of Queen Catharine of Bosnia.

[218] The Ban Legeth, who reigned at the end of the tenth century.

Risano, Castelnuovo, &c., on the Bocche di Cattaro, belonged directly to

Bosnia till King Tvartko ceded his immediate sovereignty over them to the

Duke of St. Sava.

[219] ‘There can be no doubt,’ says Sir Gardner Wilkinson, ‘that the

crescent on the Turkish arms is an old Byzantine emblem copied by the

Moslems on their invasion of the provinces of the empire.’ It had been

chosen of old, so the story goes, by Byzantium because she had been saved

from a night attack of Philip by the moon coming out and revealing the

approach of the enemy. See _Dalmatia_, &c. vol. ii. p. 184. The Osmanlìs

must have borrowed the device from their Saracenic predecessors.

[220] Of course it is not meant to connect either family with the royal

races of France or England.

[221] This is given by Thoemmel, _Vilajet Bosnien_, p. 92, from whom I

take its substance.

[222] ‘Indicia vetustatis et nobilitatis familiæ Marciæ vulgo Marnavitzæ,

Nissensis.’ Per Joannem Tomkum ejusdem generis collecta. Romæ typ. Vat.

1632. Whether this book is still attainable I know not; its contents are

copied as curious by Balthasar Kerselich in the seventeenth century. See

_De Regnis Dalmatiæ_, &c. p. 295, _et seq._

[223] ‘In Naglasincis:’ no doubt—Nevešinje, near Mostar. See ‘Historical

Review of Bosnia.’

[224] ‘Dedi et donavi et descripsi Goico Marnaitio, Voinicum et

Godaliensem Campum in Imoteschio territorio prope Possussinam, et illi

et illius posteritati, et postremæ posteritati in sæcula sæculorum.

Amen.’ Posusje, near Imoschi, seems to be the ‘Possussina in territorio

Imoteschio.’

[225] It was translated into Latin in 1629, and witnessed by the Pope.

To avoid fraud two translations of the original document were prepared,

one by the interested Tomko, and the other by a certain Father Methodius

Terlecki.

[226] In Kerselich, ‘Pagus Huonice,’ a misprint for Foinicæ.

[227] At the village of Dušina.

[228] Gučiagora, which is the centre of another Roman Catholic district,

may be added to these. The waters of the Lašva, which runs through this

neighbourhood, contain gold, for which its sands were formerly washed.

But I noticed another trace of _Ragusan_ mining influence in the name of

the spur of Mt. Vlašić, which overlooks the monastery. This is called

_Mt. Mossor_, a name given in the Dalmatian coast-lands to mountains

where gold existed, and which will recall the Mossor that rises above

Almissa in Dalmatia. The derivation is simply ‘_Mons Auri_,’ the gold

mountain.

[229] Præpositus Thesaurorum Dalmaticorum.

[230] The Serbs or members of the Greek Church are most imbued with

_patriotic_ ideas, it is true; but these aim rather at a re-establishment

of a Serbian Empire, or a Democratic government of some kind, with, or

without, a princely figure-head. The _Provincially_ historic party are

the Roman Catholics, or rather their instructors, the monks.

[231] See, for the original French, Stubbs’ _Select Charters_, p.

461. I have followed Professor Stubbs’ translation, substituting only

‘wheresoever’ for ‘whereas.’

[232] To such a conclusion I am led by an examination of several similar

monuments given in Montfaucon—_L’Antiquité Expliquée_. A monument of

this kind is alluded to by Isaac Disraeli (_Curiosities of Literature_)

in ‘The Skeleton of Death,’ where the contrast between the Classical and

Mediæval representations of death is drawn out.

[233] Dr. Blau (formerly Prussian Consul at Serajevo), who has worked

at the Roman remains in Bosnia, does not mention any in this vicinity,

and even thinks it worthy of mention that he could hear of no Roman

remains near Illidzje. See papers in _Monatsbericht der k. preuss.

Acad. der Wissensch_. Dec. 1866, Nov. 1867, and Aug. 1870. Dr. Blau has

especially explored the remains at Tašlidzje or Plevlje (about half

way between Serajevo and Novipazar), where he has discovered twenty

inscriptions and other antique fragments. The existence of a Roman

Municipium here is shown by two monuments—one recording a decree of the

_Decuriones_; another mentioning the _Duumviri_. On these and other

Bosnian inscriptions one can trace the development of a kind of Illyrian

_Romance_ dialect. _Masimile_ appears for _Maximillæ_, _Amavilis_ for

_Amabilis_, and another reads _Filie defunte_.

[234] The Roman baths at Novipazar are briefly described by Roskiević,

op. cit. p. 75.

[235] Dr. Blau identifies Banjaluka with the Roman station AD LADIOS.

[236] Banjaluka = Luke’s bath.

[237] Omer Effendi, of Novi, compares the climate of Bosnia to that of

Misr and Sham (Egypt and Syria). Op. cit. p. 85.

[238] Damascus is described by Easterns as ‘a pearl set round with

emeralds.’

[239] Engel, _Geschichte des Freistaates Ragusa_. See Roskiević, p. 175.

The Ragusans worked mines in Mt. Jagodina, where the present Turkish

citadel of Serajevo is. Traces of these are still to be seen.

[240] Blunt, _Voyage into the Levant_, p. 8. Anno 1634.

[241] Eugenii _Heldenthaten_, cited in Spicilegium, &c.

[242] See Ranke’s _Bosnia_, ch. 1, and especially ‘_The Danubian

Principalities_,’ vol. ii. p. 345.

[243] Miss Irby and Miss Johnston are at the present moment engaged,

amid the barbarous wilds of Slavonia, in alleviating the urgent needs

of the Bosnian refugees, with a philanthropy and devotedness worthy of

the land which can number among its daughters a Mrs. Fry and a Florence

Nightingale. Those who, by subscribing to the ‘Bosnian and Herzegovinian

Fugitives’ Orphan Relief Fund,’ have aided their efforts, will be glad

to learn that these practical manifestations of English sympathy have

rescued hundreds from incalculable misery, and produced a profound

impression on all South-Sclavonic peoples.

[244] See ‘Bosnia in 1875,’ an interesting paper by Miss Irby in the

_Victoria Magazine_ for Nov. 1875.

[245] The Cattle-tax is of three kinds: the _Porez_, or from fifteen

to twenty piastres on every head of large cattle; the _Resmi Agnam_,

of two piastres on every head of small cattle; and the _Donuzia_, or

hog-tax. To these pastoral imposts may be added the _Travarina_ or

_Herbatico_, four piastres for every head of neat cattle pastured in

mountain forests claimed by the State; four piastres levied on every plot

of ground planted with _Broc_, a flower which produces a red dye much

used in Bosnia; a tax of four piastres on every beehive; the _Rad_, or

labour-tax, of about twenty-five piastres; Corvée on public roads; and

the _Komore_, or forced loan of horses.

[246] ‘The tax in lieu of military service, which is paid by all

non-Mussulmans, weighs very heavily on the poor, who have to pay, equally

with the rich, twenty-eight piastres for every male. In the poorest and

most miserable family this sum must be paid for the male infant who has

first seen the light a few hours before the visit of the tax-gatherer.

I have heard the bitterest complaints of the cruelty of this tax on the

young children of the rayah.’—Miss Irby, loc. cit. p. 79. In principle

this tax (known as _Bédélat Askarié_) is only levied on males between

the ages of sixteen and sixty. In practice it is levied on old men of

eighty as well as infants in arms, and often amounts to thirty piastres.

A round sum is demanded from every village, and the _Knez_, or Mayor,

has to divide it as best he may; but the sum demanded by the Government

is always out of all proportion to the number of those who are legally

called on to pay it.

[247] The tithe or ‘dime’ was converted into an eighth a few years ago,

(to pay the expense of the Sultan’s European tour), by the imposition of

an extra two-and-a-half per cent., which, by an artifice common to the

thimble-rigging financiers of Stamboul, was called ‘a temporary aid.’

Since the revolt this aid has been given up by the _Iradè_ of October 10,

1875.

[248] See on this device of extortion, M. Yriarte’s _Bosnie et

Herzégovine, souvenirs de voyage pendant l’insurrection_. Plon, Paris,

1876, p. 199.

[249] To show that these and other tortures are by no means new in

Bosnia, I may be allowed to cite a curious passage from a book on

Turkish _Manners and Customs_, and having especial reference to the

Turkish border-province of Dalmatia, written in the sixteenth century

by a citizen of Zara, Messer Luigi Bassano, and entitled _I Costumi et

i Modi particolari de la vita de Turchi_. Roma, 1545. Ch. xxxiii. is

headed ‘_Modo che usano d’impalare, e d’altre sorti de Morti, e torture

che danno_.’ After giving the most ghastly details as to the method of

impalement, and instancing the case of a certain Capitan Lazero Albanese,

who had been recently captured on the Dalmatian-Herzegovinian frontier,

and had suffered in this way, the writer continues:

‘_Usano oltro l’impalare anchora l’inganciare sopra le forche,

dove sono tre ganci fatti à modo d’una falcetta da mietere il

grano, ma grosse tanto che possin sostenere un’huomo, e qui

s’appiccha chi v’è condennato, e vi pende per molti giorne

miserabilmente. Appicchano anchora con una fune sottile e

lunga, tal che l’appiccato tocca quasi terra co piedi, con

tutto che la forcha sia alta. Soglion’ anchora ligare l’huomo

tra due tavole, e con quelle dal capo dividerlo per il mezzo

con una siega. Usano tormentare lardando, hor con pece hor con

lardo, metter celate rouide in testa, metter’i temperatoi sotto

l’ungna, cacciare un’ asciugatoio, di quei che loro usano da

cingersi, bagnato d’aceto giu per la gola e retirarlo poi su

à poco à poco, e questo è un tormento crudelissimo. Sogliono

tal’hora ligare un’huomo per un piede nudo à una colonna,

attorno la quale fanno assai buon fuoco, l’ultimo rimedio, poi

che il ligato è caldo, è di muoversi hor di la, hor di qua,

ma poi che non puo piu, stanco e sforzato mancare, e morire,

arrostito e rosso, com’un Gambero._’

Recent accounts of impalement in Bosnia have been received with

incredulity by a portion of the English public, and that although the

Turkish denials were absolutely worthless. For my own part I am credulous

enough to believe that the impaled figure seen by Canon Liddon and Mr.

McColl was not a scarecrow; and further, that Bishop Strossmayer was

well-informed in stating that this was by no means an isolated case.

The recent instances attested by Miss Irby’s friends now set the matter

beyond dispute. Impalement was common in Bosnia during the disturbed

times immediately preceding the Crimean war, and the supposition that a

time-honoured institution like this should in a few years’ time have died

out in the most conservative country in Europe, is, _à priori_, extremely

improbable. Barbarities like these are characteristic of a certain stage

of society, and need excite no surprise. Many of the tortures still

practised in Bosnia are an inheritance from præ-Turkish times, and should

be considered in connection with the general survival there of feudalism

under a Mahometan guise.

[250] The Rev. W. Denton, _The Christians in Turkey_, p. 44. Hilferding

(_Ruskaja Besiéda_, quoted by M. Yriarte, op. cit.) gives a frightful

account of how a Bosnian landlord, a Beg, extorted money from six rayahs

by suspending them over a fire of maize-stalks. ‘_Les six raïas ne

furent rendus la liberté qu’à moitié asphyxiés, après que la douleur

leur eut arraché la promesse de donner tout ce qu’ils possédaient._’ In

the forthcoming work of Mr. Stillman, the _Times’_ correspondent, on the

‘Insurrection in the Herzegovina,’ the reader will find (p. 9) an account

of horrible instances of judicial torture perpetrated on a rayah family

near Trebinje, in the period immediately preceding the revolt. Two were

put in long wooden boxes like coffins and rolled down hill: others were

stood upright with their heads in a hole in the floor of the prison which

allowed them to rest on their shoulders, and splinters of wood were then

driven under their finger-nails.

[251] Dervish Pashà has since been removed from the Vilajet of Bosnia.

[252] For the organisation of the Greek Church in Bosnia, see Thoemmel,

op. cit. p. 102.

[253] According to the official reports of 1874, there were 576,756

Christians of the Greek Church in the Vilajet of Bosnia (which includes

the Herzegovina). The total population was 1,216,846, of whom 442,050

were Bosnian Mussulmans; 185,503 Roman Catholics; 3,000 Jews; 9,537

Gipsies.

[254] Even in Greece, where the state of the Greek Church is said to

be somewhat better, the simony is as rampant, and most humiliating

disclosures are now (1876) taking place.

[255] For these facts, and some further statistics, I am indebted to

Thoemmel. The ordinary price of a cure of souls is from twenty to thirty

ducats.

[256] Lest this account of the Fanariote Hierarchy, as it exists in

Bosnia should appear incredible to my readers, I may be allowed to appeal

to Herr Kanitz’s description of the spiritual rule of these same gentry

in Bulgaria, now happily terminated by the resolute action of their

Bulgar flock. Herr Kanitz, who is a most candid and impartial observer,

and has the advantage of twelve years’ residence in the country, finds

no word for them but Spiritual Pashàs. Four thousand ducats (2,000_l._)

was a tolerably cheap price for a bishopric in Bulgaria, and the bishops,

even of the poorest dioceses, sucked as much as 1,500_l._ a year from

their flocks. When the Porte proposed the erection of school-houses for

the Christians, the Fanariote Hierarchy stood out against this liberal

measure, and embezzled their educational fund to build new churches in

their usual swaggering style. ‘What need have you of better schools?’

asked the Archbishop of Nish of his congregation. ‘Do you want your

children to become unbelieving heretics?’ True to their Grecizing policy,

these Angels of Darkness burnt all the monuments of old Bulgarian

literature that they could lay hands on, and imposed Greek services on

congregations who could not understand a word. Of their moral influence I

will let Herr Kanitz speak—in German:

‘_Die schlimmste Demoralisation wurde in directester Weise in

die Familien hineingetragen. Weder Frauen noch Jungfrauen waren

vor den Gelüsten des höheren Klerus aus dem Fanar sicher. Die

dem Grossvezier im Jahre 1860 vorgebrachten Anklagen in allen

Städten, die er durchzog, überstiegen, was die Abscheulichkeit

und Zahl betrifft, alle Begriffe. Unter vielen Thatsachen sei

hier nur erwähnt, dass der Griechische Bischof von Sarköi

von dem griechischen Arzte dieser Stadt beschuldigt wurde,

13- bis 14-jährige Mädchen der dortigen Schule geschändet

zu haben. Zu diesen Verheerungen in der Unmündigen Jugend

ihrer Sprengel gesellte sich ein anderer, nicht minder

schwerer, sehr häufig gegen die fanariotische Geistlichkeit

erhobener Vorwurf: ihre Begünstigung des Kindesmordes im

Mutterschoosse._’—Donau-Bulgarien und der Balkan, I. Band, p.

129.

Herr Jireček, in his recent _Geschichte der Bulgaren_, corroborates these

facts, and adds others even more gross (_see_ p. 513). Brought to bay

at last by the sturdy opposition of the Bulgarian people, the Fanariote

bishops got rid of some of their principal opponents by poison. See

Jireček, op. cit, p. 555.

[257] Both Maurer and Roskiević were able to visit this mosque. For

further details I will refer the reader to their descriptions, to which I

am indebted.

[258] I am indebted to Miss Irby for this fact. Were the Bosnian Jews to

return to Spain, we should have a strange illustration of the fable of

the ‘Seven Sleepers’!

[259] Maurer, who gives an account of the commercial frauds practised by

the Serajevan Jews.

[260] ‘Bosnia in 1875.’ See _Victoria Magazine_ for November, 1875.

[261] _Pretyla_, which means originally fat, is also used for

beautiful!—Hilferding.

[262] King, op. cit., connects the abundance of Gnostic remains in the

Gothic part of France, with the triumph of the Albigensian and other

heresies of the same area. The same may perhaps be true of the Bogomiles

of Bosnia.

[263] This stone is now in the garden of the French Consulate. It reads

I.O.M.‖TONITRA (T)‖RORI A/R‖MAXIMVS‖VI (?) P. AVGG‖_SALVTI_. The (?)

means that an uncertain letter is missed out. The _Saluti_ is doubtful.

I saw several Roman coins in the silversmiths’ shops, and in some cases

Ragusan coins found with them—another evidence of the way in which the

Ragusans may be said to have stepped into the shoes of the Romans in

these parts.

[264] _Bosnie et Herzégovine_, p. 241.

[265] Also a thunder-bolt. See King’s _Gnostics and their Remains_.

[266] Ami Boué.

[267] Fritillaria.

[268] Hralimir in the first half of the eleventh century had married the

sister of the Bosnian Ban Niklas, his vassal.

[269] Farlato appears to have obtained this from a Vladmirović, a member

of the same noble family as the bishop who, in the capacity of secretary,

drew up the document for the king.

[270] In pago nostro de Cogniz.

[271] In generali congregatione.

[272] Proceribus.

[273] The Bogomiles are meant.

[274] Sedis Regiæ.

[275] Herzegh Sancti Sabbæ.

[276] Castra.

[277] Aulæ.

[278] It is interesting to observe the Byzantine influence on the Bosnian

court and civilization which this charter incidentally reveals. It seems

connected with the flourishing state of the Eastern Church in Bosnia at

this time, and is further evidenced by the titles of the court officials.

[279] Or Dapifers.

[280] The best stone houses in Turkey are said to be in the Herzegovina.

[281] The little river Rama—which is the first stream in Bosnia, after

crossing the frontier from the Herzegovina by the Narenta valley

highway—is interesting from having given the name Rama to the whole

country before it was known as Bosnia.

[282] As a parallel instance to this, I may mention that in parts of

Upper Albania, according to Ami Boué, the Mahometan women are to be seen

unveiled.

[283] See p. 96.

[284] This part of the road is known as Klanac, a name used in Bosnia

to signify an ‘overhanging place,’ or a road hewn along the side of a

precipice. At this point we re-cross the Herzegovinian frontier.

[285] Their height above sea-level is circ. 6,000 feet.

[286] See King’s _Gnostics and their Remains_, who cites Boccaccio.

[287] For the benefit of any future traveller who may wish to _sleep_

at the Casino, I may mention that a sure preservative against certain

_fauna_ of the country is to be found amongst its _flora_. Our Consul

kindly supplied us with some Herzegovinian flea-plant, by scattering

which, previously reduced to chaff, about the bed, a magic circle is

formed round the body of the sleeper, which is fatal to every noxious

insect that attempts to cross it.

[288] See the report of a _Foreign Consul_ in the _Times_ of December 15,

1875, for a more detailed account of the insurrection and its causes. I

must refer my readers to this. _A personage_ who was also in a position

to obtain authentic information on this subject, has communicated an

interesting account of the origin of the insurrection in the Narenta

Valley to the _Pesther Lloyd_; and many details, proving the falsity

of these Turkish statements, have been published by the distinguished

gentleman who has been acting as the _Times’_ correspondent in the

Herzegovina.

[289] See p. 256, &c.

[290] The rayahs in their ‘Appeal’ say of these ‘Giumrukers’:—‘They go

in procession from house to house, and from plantation to plantation,

and prolong the time as they please, in order to feed gratuitously. But

for fear they may have put down too little, the round is repeated twice

again, on the pretext of correcting any mistake that may have been made.

Then they are in the habit of sending other searchers after the first, on

the pretence of finding out any trickery on the part of these, as if they

were not all accomplices; and they give themselves airs of patronage, and

would make it appear that they are acting with a scrupulous regard for

justice and the public welfare. So that the people are ever in the midst

of inconceivable injury and abuse of authority.’

The Herzegovinian rayahs have such a good cause that it is a pity that

a tone of undignified vituperation should run through the greater part

of their appeal to the civilized Powers. Indeed, I should have supposed

that the document in question had been drawn up by an old woman, did I

not find internal evidence of a monkish pen! The passage quoted above is

comparatively moderate.

[291] The _Metayer_ system is mostly in vogue. In general the tiller

of the soil has to furnish the implements of agriculture. See on this

M. de Sainte Marie (who was for some time French Consul at Mostar),

_L’Herzégovine, étude géographique, historique et statistique_, p. 102,

&c.

[292] M. Yriarte, who visited Bosnia and the Herzegovinian frontier

shortly after our return, with the object of reporting on the causes

and progress of the insurrection, estimates the total number of the

insurgents in Bosnia and the Herzegovina at about 15,000 men, of which

2,000 were auxiliaries of kindred race from beyond the frontier. Of these

he sets down 1,000 as Montenegrines, who had come in defiance of their

own Government, and divides the rest among the Sclaves of Dalmatia,

Croatia, Slavonia, and the Free Principality of Serbia; to which he

adds a few Italians, and an infinitesimal contingent of Poles, Russians

and Frenchmen.—_Bosnie et Herzégovine, souvenirs de voyage pendant

l’insurrection_, p. 277. I am indebted to M. Yriarte for an account of

the organization of the _Čotas_ in Herzegovina.

[293] Captured shortly after this was written by Austro-Hungarian

authorities on _Turkish_ soil, and now (1876) languishing, not in a

Turkish, but an _Austrian_ dungeon! Ljubibratić, however, was born in

Lower Herzegovina.

[294] Though, since this was written, many of the Roman Catholics have

deserted the national cause. According to the consular report quoted,

the sole wish of the Franciscan monks all along was to make a display

of the extent, and consequent value, of their influence among the Latin

population.

[295] The lines in which Claudian (_In Ruf._ lib. ii. v. 45, &c.)

describes the sufferings of the inhabitants of these lands (_plaga

Pannoniæ miserandaque mœnia Thracum, arvaque Mysorum_) subject to the

annual incursions of the barbarians, are hardly less applicable now than

they were then! Claudian’s lines may, perhaps, be translated:—

The devastating course each year renews,

Each year his ravaged fields the peasant views,

Nor weeps he, now, the havoc of the foe—

Long use has stolen e’en the sense of woe!

[296] This movement of Dervish Pashà may, however, have been not such a

matter of his own discretion as he wished to make out. Its announcement

synchronizes suspiciously with his removal from the Governor-generalship

of Bosnia by the Porte, and this account may have been devised to conceal

his discomfiture from the consular body.

[297] Since writing this I observe that the derivation of Mt. Porim had

also struck M. de St. Marie.

[298] Though authorities differ as to whether it is the ancient Andetrium

(otherwise Mandertium), Saloniana or Sarsenterum. By the Sclaves it was

originally called Vitrinica.

[299] The coins I saw were silver and brass. There were one or two Greek

of Dyrrhachium, and besides Consular and Imperial Roman denarii, there

were many third-brass coins dating from the time of Gallienus to that of

Constantius II., but the series broke off so abruptly with Constantius,

that one would think that the Roman settlement must have been destroyed

about the middle of the fourth century. At Siscia, on the other hand,

Roman coins were common till the time of Honorius.

[300] I take this measurement from Sir Gardner Wilkinson, who visited

Mostar about thirty years ago, and then took accurate plans of the

bridge. See _Dalmatia_, vol. ii. p. 58, &c. On the piers of the abutment

at the east end of the bridge Sir Gardner deciphered two Turkish

inscriptions, one of them bearing the date 1087 A.H. (1650 A.D.), the

second year of Sultan Mahomet, probably referring to repairs made in his

reign.

[301] ‘VIRTUS ROMANA QUID NON DOMAN? SUB JUGUM, ECCE, RAPITUR ET

DANUVIUS,’ was the inscription on Trajan’s bridge over the Danube.

[302] _Most_ = bridge; _Star_ = old.

[303] Though it is probably hardly true to say that he founded Mostar.

[304] Cokorilo. His account was originally published in Russian, and

has since been translated into German in the Bautzen series entitled

_Türkische Zustände_.

[305] A village of Herzegovina, not _the Cerna Gora_ or Montenegro.

[306] This word is applied by the Mahometan Sclaves of the Herzegovina to

the rayahs. For its other uses see p. 35.

[307] But the monk should have mentioned that some, at least, of these

were the trophies of war with the Montenegrines, who adorned their

Vladika’s palace at Cettinje with the same barbarous spoil. The Bosnian

arms, with their impaled Moors’ heads, are perhaps a witness to the

antiquity of this practice in these countries. Sir Gardner Wilkinson

tried to persuade Ali Pashà to give up the practice, and even attempted

a mutual agreement between the Pashà and the Vladika on the subject,

but Sir Gardner hardly appreciated the character of the man with whom

he was dealing. When the author of _Dalmatia and Montenegro_ visited

Mostar he only saw five heads on the palace, but as these were over the

tower, there may have been far more. The monk mentions that over 1,000

Christians were executed in the Herzegovina under Ali Pashà’s government,

and, during the same space of time, only three Mahometans! Ali Pashà used

also to impale rayahs.

[308] For _Vlach_ see p. 36. Here it is applied by a native Mahometan

in the sense of a Giaour-Turk, or Christian generally. Omer Pashà was a

renegade, the son of a Christian, and to this the taunt alludes.

[309] Of these 3,000 to 3,500 are of the Greek communion, which possesses

two churches; 400 to 500 are Roman Catholics, who have a chapel; the rest

are Mahometans.

[310] Sir Gardner Wilkinson, who made an excursion to Mostar during his

Dalmatian travels, met with similar adventures. ‘Some,’ says he, ‘of the

Mostar women go without their mask and pull the cloth _feregi_ over their

heads, holding it tight to their faces, and peeping out of a corner with

one eye, who, when pretty, frequently contrive to remove it “accidentally

on purpose.”... I am bound to say that they were often very pretty, and

with very delicate complexions.’

[311] See Sir J. Bowring, _Serbian Popular Poetry_, p. 36.

[312] In a climate such as that of the lower Narenta the traveller must

be careful to take abundant doses of quinine, or he will be struck down

at once with malarious fever.

[313] Slow! slow!

[314] An account of these events, to which I am indebted, was

communicated to the _Pesther Lloyd_.

[315] I venture to assume an etymologic connexion between the Dalmatian

_Narbona_ and the _Narbo Martius_ of Southern Gaul. If we had not

the testimony of ancient writers to the fact that there was a Celtic

ingredient in ancient Illyria, we should surely be justified in assuming

it from the names of some of the cities. Orange seems to repeat itself

in the Illyrian _Arauso_; Anderida in Andretium; and Corinium gives us a

Cirencester in the neighbourhood of Zara. Epulus, the name of an Illyrian

king, is curiously suggestive of the Eppillus of British coins. This

Narbona has certain analogies of position with its Gallic homonym. Of

course the ancient name of the Narenta—_Naro_—is also connected with that

of the city. This city is called Narbona by both Ptolemy and Polybius,

but accounts of its origin differ. According to one it was a Phœnician

colony; according to others its founders were Phrygian or Thracian.

The chief authority on Narbona or Narona is Dr. Lanza, in his _Saggio

storico-statistico-medico sopra l’antica Città di Narona_, Bologna,

1842, which I only know through the summary in Neigebaur’s _Süd-Slaven_.

For the inscriptions of course the Illyrian volume of the _Corpus

Inscriptionum_ is now the authority; but in elucidating and first calling

attention to these much credit is due to Dr. Lanza, Major Sabljur, and

Sir Gardner Wilkinson, who gives fac-similes of thirty-three in his work

on Dalmatia. Some Naronan inscriptions were published at Ragusa, in 1811,

in the _Marmora Macarensia_.

[316] Viddo seems to answer to the Vid or Vit in the Rügen deities

Sviantovid, Rugevit, and Porevit, in which names it is variously

interpreted as ‘warrior’ or ‘sight,’ Sviantovid being ‘holy sight’ or

‘holy warrior.’ In Illyria _Vid_ means ‘sight.’ It is possible that this

Vid is connected with another Sclavonic god Woda, who has been compared

with Woden.

[317] San Vito is curiously like Sviantovid.

[318] A tempest is also called _Fortunale_.

[319] They were mostly oblate spheroids, formed of three layers, and when

broken showing an agate-like section.

[320] Kohl, _Dalmatien_.

[321] In my account of Ragusan history I have chiefly followed Appendini,

_Storia di Ragusa_, which is the chief authority; Engel, _Geschichte des

Freistaates Ragusa_; Chiudina (as given in Neigebaur’s _Süd-Slaven_); and

Kohl’s _Dalmatien_; and the most recent work on the subject, _Ragusa,

Cenni Storici_, compilati da Stefano Skurla, Canon Onor., Profess.

Ginnasiale (Zagabria, 1876). For English readers Sir Gardner Wilkinson in

his _Dalmatia_, and Mr. A. A. Paton in his _Danube and Adriatic_, have

given such excellent accounts of Ragusan history that I only give here a

general sketch of it, in which I have tried as much as possible to avoid

treading in the footsteps of English fellow-investigators.

[322] Professor Mommsen visited Epidaurus and took down most of the

inscriptions for the Illyrian volume of the _Corpus Inscriptionum_. I

have no wish to give more than a general description of the antiquities

of Epidaurus here, as I hope to give a full account of my epigraphic

gleanings elsewhere.

[323] In the _Monumenta Macarensia_, Rhacusæ, 1810, p. 47, is a votive

inscription reading I.O.M.S. ‖ MAXIMVS ‖ LAPIDARI ‖ VS EX VOTO ‖ ARAM

POS., found at Narona (Viddo). Is it possible that this was raised by a

_Lapidary_ in our sense of the word? May not the coarser craft have been

combined with the more refined? Mediæval architects were often goldsmiths

as well.

[324] _Adiantum Capillus-Veneris._

[325] Or serpent.

[326] It is, perhaps, worth noticing that the two _St. Hilaries_, of

Arles and Poitiers, are signalised in ancient iconography as slayers of

serpents or dragons.

[327] _De Administrando Imperio._ The derivation _Roccosa_ or _Reclusa_

might be suggested. Ragusa appears in early writers under various forms,

Lavusa, Labusa, Labuda, Labusædum, Rausium, Rangia, Rachusa, &c.

[328] Sir Gardner Wilkinson and others called it ‘oak-wood,’ forgetting

that _Dubrava_ and _Dub_ mean ‘oak-wood,’ and ‘oak’ only as their

secondary meaning, and primarily signify a wood and tree generally.

Remains of the original pine-wood still covered the mountain side till

the French destroyed it about the year 1806, when they swept away the

freedom of the Republic. See Kohl’s _Dalmatien_, vol. ii. p. 45.

[329] Alas! that I should have to record that the statue dates at least

eight centuries later than Orlando’s time. This statue, which originally

stood before the Church of S. Biagio, was thrown down in 1825 by a

hurricane, when the following inscription was found on a brass plate

beneath its pedestal: MCCCC.... III. DI MAGGIO ‖ FATTO NEL TEMPO DI PAPA

MARTINO QUINTO ‖ E NEL TEMPO DEL SIGNOR NOSTRO ‖ SIGISMONDO IMPERATOR

ROMANORUM ‖ ET SEMPER AUGUSTUS ET RE D’ONGARIA ‖ E DALMATIA ET CROATIA

ETC. FÒ MESSA ‖ QUESTA PIETRA ET STENDARDO QUI ‖ IN HONOR DI DIO E DI

SANTO BLASIO ‖ NOSTRO GONFALON. LI OFFICIALI.... It is interesting to

notice that the Ragusan account of Orlando as ‘Governor of Bretagne’

agrees with the contemporary Einhard’s account of the historical Roland.

The historian of Charles the Great calls him ‘Hruodlandus Brittannici

limitis præfectus.’ Orlando’s exploits are associated with other towns of

the eastern coast of the Adriatic. Sir Gardner Wilkinson mentions that

the magnificent harbour of Pola is called ‘Orlando’s house.’ The probable

design of the statue of Roland at Ragusa was, as in the free German

cities, to signify her independence of external authority.

[330] A full account of these events is given by Sir Gardner Wilkinson

from Appendini.

[331] Giacomo da Evora, who published his poems in 1596, writes of

Cœur-de-Lion’s Cathedral at Ragusa:

‘Aurea templa micant regis monumenta Britanni

Quo nullum majus Dalmata vidit opus.’

[332] Perhaps the earliest testimony to the municipal government of

Ragusa in the Middle Ages is a diploma of the Byzantine Emperors Basil

and Constantine VI., dated 997, addressed ‘Vitali Archiepiscopo et

Lampridio præsidi civitatis, una cum omnibus ejusdem civitatis nobilibus.’

[333] As the _Segretaria_, _Cancelleria_, _Notaria_, _Dogana_,

_Tesoreria_, and _Annona_.

[334] Or Maggior Consiglio.

[335] Decrees and letters to foreign princes from this body are signed

‘Il Rettore e Consiglieri della Repubblica di Ragusa.’

[336] E.g., to head a procession to the Cathedral. Such days were

scrupulously marked in the Ragusan almanacks—‘_Oggi sua serenità si porta

al duomo._’

[337] For criminal causes there was a tribunal of four judges; for civil

causes four consuls—_consoli delle cause civili_.

[338] There was, indeed, a serious squabble in 1763 between the old and

new nobility, the Salamanchesi and Sorbonnesi, but it evaporated in high

words.

[339] ‘Domine Pater Omnipotens, qui eligisti hanc Rempublicam ad

serviendum tibi. Elige, quæsumus, gubernatores nostros secundum

voluntatem Tuam et necessitatem nostram, ut Te timeant et tua sancta

Præcepta custodiant, et nos verâ caritate diligant et dirigant. Amen!’ I

take this from Kohl, who copied it from the beginning of the _Specchio

del Maggior Consiglio_.

[340] _De situ oræ Illyrici_, lib. i.

[341] The _Congregazione dei Preti_ was instituted here in 1391 for the

relief of poor priests.

[342] The senate erected a foundling hospital here in 1432.

‘_Considerando di quanta abbominazione et inhumanità era il gettar delle

creature humane piccole, le quali molte fiate non erano raccolte, nè

secondo humanità e bisogno sovvenute._’ This institution was called

‘Ospitale della Misericordia.’ In 1347 the Republic built a Poor-house,

‘_Ospitale ad consolationem et suffragium pauperum cunctorum._’ In 1540

an Infirmary for the poor was added.

[343] This law had to be repeated in 1466 with graver penalties; and

unless the slave-dealer could recover those he had sold from captivity

within a fixed term, he was to be hanged.

[344] Appendini makes it actually Orchan, but Engel’s account is the only

one reconcilable with the date 1370.

[345] There is an interesting correspondence between Ragusa and Cardinal

Pole on the subject of Ragusan merchants settled in England, and a letter

is extant from the cardinal to the Ragusan senate, dated July 11, 1558.

[346] _Merchant of Venice_, Act I., sc. i., where Salarino is speaking of

Antonio’s ‘argosies.’

[347] Often wrongly derived from Argo. Possibly the word arrived to us by

way of Spain.

[348] Between 1530 and 1535.

[349] See Skurla, op. cit. p. 54.

[350] Representations of these effigies as they still existed in

Appendini’s time, will be found in his _Storia di Ragusa_.

[351] Appendini has occupied a volume of his _Storia di Ragusa_ with the

literary history of this single city.

[352] Or in their Sclavonic forms _Gundulić_ and _Pulmotić_.

[353] As, for instance, ‘Danitza the daughter of Ostoja,’ ‘Paulimir and

Zaptisclava.’

[354] See Mr. A. A. Paton’s ode ‘To the Shade of Gondola,’ in his

_Researches on the Danube and Adriatic_, where the English reader will

find a brilliant notice of Gondola. Mr. Paton says:—‘The elastic vigour

of Ariosto, and the smoothness, the elegance, and completeness of Tasso,

seem to mingle their alternate inspirations in the genius of Gondola.’

[355] Skurla, op. cit. p. 70.

[356] An inscription on it shows that it was erected in 1438 by the

Neapolitan architect Onofrio di Giordano: ‘Rhaguseorum Nobilium

providentia et amplissimi Ordinis jussu, coacto argento publico.’

[357] Below this is the date, 1506, and the name of the maker,

Giambattista d’Arbe, who made it ‘to the honour and glory of St. Blasius.’

[358] The date seems tolerably fixed from the resemblance of these coins

to those of Stephen Uroš. See _Della Monetazione Ragusea_, Studi di

Vincenzo Adamović, p. 17. The administration of the Mint was entrusted to

three senators called Zecchieri.

[359] Civitatis Raguseæ Nobiles Providentissimique Cives Blasii Martyris

Pontif. q. SS. Præcl. hujus Epidauræ Raguseæ Patroni auspicante Numine,

ad prid. Idium Sextilium Aug., Faustum Feliciss.que Diem, ex S.C. et

Amplissimi Ordinis decretis, Atrium Prætorianum hoc Insigne ut Publ.

Civit. aulam et Senatoriam Ædem Optumis Curanib. (sic) V. Vir. Optimm.

in omnem opportunum præsentem et Posteritatis Usum Ære publico Dicandum

Exornandumque Dedere. K. A. A.D. MCCCCXXXV SIGISMVNDI IMP. A. II.

[360] Many of the Ragusan archives have been carried off by the Austrians

to Vienna. What still remain are practically inaccessible, since, to

obtain permission to view them, an order is required from the Governor

of Dalmatia at Zara! Among the archives are the Rolls of the Consiglio

de’ Pregati, for the years from 1301 to 1802; of the Maggior Consiglio,

from 1415 to 1806; of the Minor Consiglio, from 1415 to 1805; _Lettere

e Commissioni di Levante_, from 1339 to 1802; _Lettere e Commissioni di

Ponente_, from 1566 to 1802; many _Lettere e Relazioni_ of Ragusan nobles

at foreign courts; and many _Trattati Turchi_, relations of ambassadors

to the Sublime Porte, and negotiations with neighbouring Pashàs. There is

also a kind of Ragusan Domesday book—the _Libro Matizza_.

[361]

Munera diva patris, qui solus Apollinis artes

Invenit medicas per secula quinque sepultas,

Et docuit gramen quod ad usum quodque valeret,

Hic Esculapius celatus, gloria nostra,

Ragusii genitus, voluit quem grata relatum

Esse deos inter veterum Sapientia patrum,

Humanas laudes superaret nata quod omnes:

Quo melius toti nemo quasi profuit orbi.

According to De Diversis (as cited by Signor Skurla) the conceit which

originally identified the sculpture of the alchemist with Æsculapius is

due to a Cremonese noble, Niccolò Lazziri, to whom the above lines are

also attributed.

[362] ‘Sire, io sono abbastanza ricco, per non accettar ricchezze; sono

re sulle mie caracche, per non cercar onori; sono cittadino libero di

Ragusa mia patria, per non cercar titoli; qual memoria della sovrana

vestra grazia cedetemi quest’ asciugamano.’ Skurla, op. cit. p. 16.

[363] Or Di Bona.

[364] Of Marino Caboga and his embassy Mr. Paton gives an excellent

account in his _Danube and the Adriatic_, vol. i. p. 224, &c.

[365] D. O. M. Nicolao de Bona, Joannis filio, singularis prudentiæ

senatori, qui, gravissimis Reip. temporibus, gravissimâ legatione

sponte susceptâ, ad vicinum Bossinæ proregem per vim (sic) Silistriam

ad Turcarum Imperatorem transmissus, ibi diuturno in carcere pro Patriæ

Libertate catenatus obiit, morte ipsâ animique constantiâ immortalitatem

nominis in omnem posteritatem promeritus. Hoc ex Sen. Con. monumentum

honoris et memorie positum, Anno MDCLXXVIII. Underneath this is written:

Qui lapis veterem Aulam Senatoriam incendio et variis casibus corruptam

diu ornaverat in vestibulo ædium civicarum positus est ex Consilii

Publici Sententiâ, MDCCCLXX.

[366] We experienced some difficulty in obtaining access to the _Cappella

delle Reliquie_, as three keys have to be obtained: one from the bishop,

one from the commune, and one (I think) from the Government.

[367] Progonović was commissioned to make it by the Archbishop, Timoteo

Maffei, who wished to present it in person to Matthias Corvinus, but died

in 1471 before he could accomplish his journey. The Archbishop left it to

his grandson, who sold it to the Republic. See Skurla, op. cit. p. 100.

We did not witness ourselves the effect of pouring water into the basin.

[368] I have followed Signor Skurla’s Italian rendering of the old

Serbian original.

[369] I communicated this account of the refugees to the _Graphic_ of

Oct. 9, 1875, and with it the illustration of which the frontispiece is a

reduced copy.

[370] If my theory is correct (see p. 390). The peasants about Cattaro

wear the same kind of girdle set with stones.

[371] Another interesting evidence of the Turkish influence on Old Ragusa

is to be found in the names and values of her coins under the Republic.

Thus the _Mischlin_ or _Vižlin_ is derived from the Turkish _Altmishlük_;

and the _Altiluk_ or _Artilucco_ is the Turkish _Altilük_.

[372] _Voyage into the Levant_, p. 98.

[Illustration: SKETCH MAP OF THE VILAYET OF BOSNIA including THE

HERZEGÓVINA OR SANDJAKATE OF MOSTAR, but excluding RASCIA or the

Sandjakate of Novi-pazar.

_To illustrate the Itinerary described in this Book._ Prepared from the

Austrian Official Survey _With additions & Corrections_.]

LONDON: PRINTED BY

SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE

AND PARLIAMENT STREET

OPINIONS OF THE PRESS.

‘A work which at the present time no intelligent Englishman can overlook.’

ENGLISH INDEPENDENT.

‘This is an opportune publication, of much interest at present in

connection with the Servian rising.’

NATURE.

‘Of this book we can say, as the author does of Ragusa, “it far surpasses

our most sanguine expectations.”’

THE ACADEMY.

‘One of the freshest, and most opportune, and instructive books of travel

that has been published for some time.’

EXAMINER.

‘The numerous sketches and illustrations found throughout this volume

help to bring most vividly before the reader the costumes of the people

and the aspect of the country. _Through Bosnia and the Herzegovina_ is a

book which will well repay reading.’

THE FIELD.

‘This well-written, interesting, and seasonable book discusses the

north-western districts of Turkey in a scholarly and lucid style, with

the pen of a competent writer, to whom description is clearly no hard

or irksome task, and who displays judgment and original thought in the

exercise of his literary calling.’

PALL MALL GAZETTE.

‘In the present deplorable state of political affairs in the East, a book

of travels descriptive of two provinces of European Turkey, which are now

in rebellion against the sway of the Sultan, and written by an able and

observant eye-witness, has more than ordinary interest.... Throughout

the book the Author gives ample proof of a tourist endowed with quick

observation and the happy faculty of vividly reproducing what he sees

and hears.... Mr. EVANS’S book is very able, instructive, and readable;

and students of history will gladly make acquaintance with its lucid and

interesting pages.’

MORNING POST.

‘This is a most opportune contribution to the geography, customs,

and history of a country which has suddenly emerged from the dimmest

obscurity into the full glare of European observation. A few months

ago it would not have been easy to find anyone who knew exactly where

Bosnia, or even Servia, was situated, or what was the character of

their inhabitants, or the nature of their relation to the Porte; and,

though this ignorance has since been partially dispelled by the pressing

interest of the events that have happened there, and the still more

important issues to which these events are probably the prelude, we are

still very grateful to anyone who will enable us to see and understand

these countries more distinctly. This has been very effectively done

for a single district by Mr. EVANS.... These are but samples of the

curious information which is to be gained from this book. It is, besides,

extremely well written and very amusing, and we confidently recommend it

to all who desire to gain some knowledge, at the present critical moment,

of the outlying provinces of the dissolving Turkish empire.’

GUARDIAN.

‘This is a most interesting volume, and its publication at the present

time is exceedingly opportune, as it gives information which may be

relied on, accompanied by excellent engravings and woodcuts, and may

help to form a public sentiment in England in reference to the war in

the East, which it seems to us can only end in the overthrow of the

hateful Turkish power in Europe. The Author and his brother had planned

to visit these districts before the outbreak, from special curiosity to

see a race of Sclavonic Mahometans; and it was during their walk through

the country, under the protection of an autograph letter from the

Governor-General and Commander-in-Chief of the Turkish forces, that the

insurrection burst out into a flame. They travelled on foot, encamped in

the open air, in the forest or on the mountain, as necessity required,

mingled with the inhabitants in friendly and pleasant intercourse. They

have recorded the results of their visit in a form that may assist

in the solution of difficult political problems, interest those who

take pleasure in foreign travel, and strengthen the sympathy which, in

free Protestant England, is gradually but steadily being awakened by

the stragglers for freedom in these unhappy countries.... A valuable

historical review of Bosnia is found at the beginning of the volume,

which will enable the reader to trace the political history of these

lands through their many changes and degradations to the present time.

Truly the darkness that now rests upon them is a darkness that may be

felt, but the deepest darkness is that which precedes the dawn.’

LITERARY WORLD.

‘Many volumes of travel have been published which profess to describe the

aspects of those South Slavonic lands in which the insurrection against

the Turkish power, has now for more than a year been aflame; but we have

not met with any that deserves to be compared with the book which lies

before us. Mr. EVANS combines a variety of qualities, every one of which

contributed its share to the excellence of his work, but which even

taken singly are not too commonly found among writers of travel, and

in well-harmonised union are still more rare. Sound scholarship, wide

historical and archæological reading, an intimate previous knowledge of

other Slavonic populations, and an appreciation of the peculiar merits

of the Slavonic character prepared Mr. EVANS for an investigation into

the state and prospects of Bosnia, which was the more valuable because it

had been projected long before even the first outbreak in Herzegovina,

and was carried out without any idea that the troubled scenes amid

which it was conducted involved the large political issues subsequently

apparent. But, other travellers with similar advantages of knowledge

and prepossession might have missed the most important of Mr. EVANS’S

observations. To have passed through the Slavonic provinces of Turkey in

a travelling carriage, along the main roads, from city to city, and to

have been the guest of Pashà after Pashà, would have been the ordinary

fate of the English traveller, and such an experience would have revealed

little or nothing of the character and condition of the rayahs. Mr.

EVANS, to the amazement of the Turkish officials, and not a little to

their embarrassment, made up his mind to penetrate across the country

on foot, and to see close at hand the common life of the Christian

peasants. In this purpose he persevered, in spite of the remonstrances

and menaces of puzzled and suspicious Turks, and his success has secured

us a most important mass of testimony bearing upon that phase of the

Eastern Question which Europe can no longer put aside. Moreover, a

refined and educated taste has enabled Mr. EVANS to reproduce, for the

benefit of his readers, the sensations of pleasure aroused by grand

or tender scenery, by historical associations and dim suggestions of

antiquity, by those beauties of nature in tree and flower, and even

insect life that escape the careless eye. For Mr. EVANS is something of

a botanist and an entomologist as well as an antiquary and a scholar.

He is as ready to call our attention to interesting mountain forms, to

the delicate beauty of the flora, and to the moths and butterflies that

revel among these blossoms, as to a trace of Roman inheritance in the

form of a jar, or to an apposite allusion in Claudian or Ausonius. His

style, it must be added, is vigorous and well sustained, often pleasantly

touched with humour, and sometimes approaching to eloquence. Few indeed

will take up Mr. EVANS’S volume who will decline to read it through, and

even those who feel no active curiosity about Slavonic society, or who

turn from the Eastern Question as an interminable tangle of inconsistent

theories, cannot refuse to interest themselves in this record of travel

through scenes that have now obtained for themselves a permanent place in

history.’

THE TIMES.

London, LONGMANS & CO.