for the Russian and Austrian armies were advancing against Napoleon.
According to his usual custom, the impetuous military chieftain of
France had ventured all risks, for he had boldness and fortune in
addition to his genius; he entered Moravia, and, if Prussia had then
declared herself, it would have been all over with him, as with
150,000 men on his flank, his position would have been utterly lost;
and to obtain this object the most pressing negotiations were going
on at Berlin, England offering subsidies, Russia support, and Austria
a larger share of territory, even in Poland. Hardenberg's opinion was
to decide at once, but was his influence always predominant in the
midst of so much corruption? Among those who sided with him was the
noble-minded Queen, and the brave and generous Prince Louis of Prussia;
but he had to contend with the personal opinion of Count Haugwitz and
the Marquis Lucchesini, both strongly in favour of the French cabinet.
The system of a supine neutrality, therefore, carried the day, and the
utmost Hardenberg could obtain was permission to assure England that
they would protect the independence of Hanover, so far as to allow a
passage to the English troops, should they be attacked or pursued by
Napoleon.
On this subject the Prussian minister wrote a letter to Lord Harrowby,
in which rather a remarkable view was taken of the neutrality; a
certain inclination towards the opinions and sentiments of the
coalition appeared to filter through it, with a considerable degree of
irritation with regard to the French cabinet, which had already failed
to respect the Prussian neutrality.
Baron Hardenberg had been in hopes of obtaining a positive decision,
which would have placed Prussia in the first rank among nations, for
150,000 men directed against the flank of Napoleon would have secured
the victory to Europe, when intelligence was received of the wonders
achieved at Austerlitz. Napoleon was a gambler on an immense scale! His
eagle threw the dice of human destiny from his immense claws, and the
chances had hitherto always been in his favour; but, besides this, did
he not always quarrel with characters inclined to temporise, and who
delayed declaring themselves until victory had decided in favour of one
of the parties? After the battle of Austerlitz was it a time to assume
a threatening attitude, when Austria and Russia were going to treat
with the Emperor of the French on a common footing?
Under these circumstances, then, the position of Baron Hardenberg
became difficult, nay, intolerable, for was he not considered as the
representative of the warlike party and the opponent of Napoleon? How
could the minister of the heroic Queen and Prince Louis of Prussia
remain at the head of the cabinet, when Prussia, prostrate before
Napoleon, seemed almost to solicit pardon for having assumed, however
slightly, an attitude of independence? At that time, Napoleon, who was
incapable of forgiveness, knew well how to ruin a man by dictating
articles for the _Moniteur_, pronouncing thus a sentence against
statesmen whom he wished to get rid of. Buonaparte was an excellent
pamphleteer, and, when he got into a passion, he gave vent in this
manner to his ill-humour, against a king, a minister, or a general.
M. Maret used to write from his dictation in short-hand, and send
it afterwards to the official newspaper, according to his original
profession of a journalist; he, also, possessed a certain knack for
composition.
Upon this occasion Hardenberg was honoured by the capricious abuse of
the Emperor, in consequence of a despatch full of impartiality which he
had addressed to Lord Harrowby, concerning the neutrality of Hanover. A
word from Buonaparte to the court of Berlin was sufficient to procure
the dismissal of the minister, and, having retired from the cabinet,
he the very same day repelled the attacks of the French emperor, who
had accused him of not even being a Prussian. "I am proud," said he,
"of the esteem and confidence of the sovereign and people of Prussia;
I am proud of the opinion of estimable foreigners, and it is with
great satisfaction that I number some Frenchmen among them. I am not
a Prussian by birth, it is true, but I will yield in patriotism to no
native of that country; and I have obtained a right to assert this
fact, both by my services, and by having transferred my patrimony, and
become a proprietor in this country. Though I am not a soldier, I feel
that I should not have proved unworthy, had fate summoned me to bear
arms in defence of my sovereign and his rights, or the dignity, safety,
and honour of the state."
There was a degree of asperity in these expressions as uttered by a
man who had given up the direction of affairs, without the hope of
resuming it. He resigned his portfolio to Count Haugwitz, under the
influence of the Marquis Lucchesini and the secretary, M. Lombard,
and then, encompassed by the attachment of the Prussian army, and the
enthusiasm of the universities, he retired into the country, like a man
to whom the present time is devoid of interest. Some very significant
proceedings, however, were going on in Prussia; the government had
adopted extremely moderate measures, and both the king and the cabinet
were desirous of maintaining the conditions of the French alliance:
but there was a movement among the people, an energetic expression of
national feeling, which would not allow this condition of quiet and
peace to be maintained in the state.
This double situation affords an explanation of the events, and many of
the faults, of this period; the tergiversations of the cabinet, which
appeared constantly to have an inclination towards public opinion, and
then again, especially after the battle of Austerlitz, returned to
their former dread of the Emperor. At length the king, pressed by the
people, roused himself, and manifested a chivalrous disposition in
accordance with the spirit of the nation, and more especially of the
universities; and it reached such a pitch, that, after the retirement
of Hardenberg, the people flew to arms in a hasty and adventurous
manner, and without sufficiently calculating the course they were
to pursue. And who was to conduct this war? Count Haugwitz, already
devoted to France, and the secretary Lombard, both creatures of
Napoleon! One would have said treachery was already determined upon.
Nothing could surpass the campaign of Jena, no praise be too great for
that admirable military movement directed by the Eagle of Austerlitz.
But were these splendid victories due entirely to the brilliant and
energetic courage of the imperial army? had not a series of faults been
committed by their opponents? and were those who directed the cabinet
of Berlin perfectly faithful and devoted to the interests of Prussia?
After the disasters of Jena so many acts of secret treason came to
light, that Hardenberg, under the influence of Queen Louisa and the
Emperor Alexander, was again placed at the head of foreign affairs,
for an inclination to resist the power of France had now sprung up.
This new situation of the cabinets of Russia and Prussia requires
some explanation, because it formed the basis of the intimate union,
which at a later period led to the ruin of the French empire. The
dissatisfaction before entertained by the cabinet of St. Petersburg
against Prussia proceeded entirely from the position of indifferent
neutrality assumed by the latter ever since the treaty of Basle; and
all the endeavours made by England, Austria, and Russia to induce the
cabinet of Berlin to break through this mischievous situation had met
with a refusal, for neutrality appeared to be the fundamental principle
of the Prussian political system. It was, therefore, satisfactory to
see Prussia willing to engage in hostilities, though at _the eleventh
hour_, for her position by that means became clear and decided; and it
was of little consequence if they had been unsuccessful in the campaign
of Jena, provided the spirit of their government was in favour of
war; if, in short, there was a degree of unity and vigour capable of
supporting the coalesced cabinets.
Baron Hardenberg thus became the representative of the alliance between
Russia and Prussia. Frederic William having been obliged to evacuate
Berlin, had fallen back with the ruins of his army upon the Russian
troops, and then commenced the campaign in the midst of wintry snows,
the fiercely-contested and sanguinary battle of Prussisch-Eylau,
where first paled the star of Napoleon! Friedland, however, saved the
audacious eagle, as Austerlitz had preserved it two years before, and
treaties were again had recourse to. Who can express the humiliating
conditions dictated by the victor to Prussia? Who describe the cold
sarcastic conduct of the fortunate soldier towards the heroic queen,
the idol of the universities?
Baron Hardenberg, being again compelled to retire, resigned his
portfolio to the new cabinet formed by Napoleon, from which every mind
possessed of any degree of independence or elevation was excluded.
Prussia became almost a department of France, traversed in every
direction by military roads; the whole population of some districts was
carried away by the generals of Buonaparte, with blows and violence;
the universities were closed, and the provinces reduced to the last
extremity; while such heavy military contributions were imposed, that
they wrung from the peasant his last hard-earned crown, and even
his plough and his oxen. People must not treat a country thus, when
they are desirous of governing it; they should recollect that the
superiority of a power does not result from violence, but from the
moral ascendancy produced by protection and support.
But at the side of the public government of Prussia, bowed down before
the wrath and violence of Napoleon, a number of secret associations
had been brought into existence, by the oppression of the conquerors;
and taking the Fatherland for their watchword, they only awaited a
crisis for vengeance. After the death of their noble-hearted queen
these associations greatly increased, and the most eminent among the
patriots, as well as the statesmen out of favour, participated in them,
for the salvation of the country was at stake. It is incontestable that
Hardenberg was the _mind_ of this national conspiracy, as Blucher and
Gneisenau were its _sword_; this secret and magnificent undertaking,
this moral resistance, advanced with indescribable and undeviating
energy, during the period which elapsed between 1808 and 1811, and
then, by a capricious will of the Emperor Napoleon, Hardenberg was
again destined to receive a mark of confidence from his sovereign, and
the government of Prussia was once more placed in his hands. I consider
this to have been the most critical period for Northern Germany; the
provinces, constantly traversed by French troops, were completely in
the power of their generals, and that fine country was now nothing but
a magazine of forage, provisions, and money for the French troops.
In the midst of these disastrous circumstances, the minister applied
himself particularly to reinstating some little degree of order in the
complicated administration of Prussia; he relieved the people as far as
it was possible, and above all, he endeavoured to reorganise the army,
firmly, but not openly, for this Napoleon would not have permitted,
but by a military system which constantly summoned the young soldiers
to their duties, and then shortly afterwards restored them to their
families and their homes; a plan which permitted him to have a fine
army in preparation for future events, at a very moderate expense.
The system of military reserves is essentially Prussian, because it
realizes the double idea of a considerable army in time of war, and
a limited contingent during peace; by this means every Prussian is a
soldier.
If at this time the Emperor treated Prussia with some little degree of
respect, if he even called for the concurrence of Baron Hardenberg, it
was because, being then almost on the eve of undertaking a campaign
against Russia, he was desirous of engaging Prussia in it as an
auxiliary; and as the cabinet was already devoted to him, Buonaparte
sought to enlist popular opinion in his favour, by means of their
favourite minister. And here a question may be asked, of great
importance to history. How came Hardenberg to affix his signature to
the secret treaty which placed the Prussian army under the orders of
Napoleon? Had he really and in good faith entered into the alliance?
or had he only signed it with the determination of breaking through
its conditions at the first check experienced by the French arms? It
is necessary we should recollect, that with Napoleon there were no
discussions, no considering the various clauses of a treaty; and the
correspondence of M. de Saint-Marsan with M. Maret, with the notes and
explanations of the Prussian minister with the French ambassador, are
sufficient to carry conviction that nothing was free or spontaneous on
this occasion: every thing was submitted to from the most imperious
necessity; there was no choice given of acceptance or refusal, but
Prussia placed her army and her treasury at the disposal of the
conqueror, because he had said, _It is my will_.
Now in these necessities, imposed by misfortune, did no gleam of hope
remain? In politics, no alliances are durable but those resting upon a
perfect agreement of views and interests. When two people unite because
they are free and happy, because they feel a mutual esteem and regard
for each other, because they reciprocally afford and receive important
services, then, depend upon it, these alliances are durable, these
treaties will be carefully carried out. But suppose, on the contrary,
a people vanquished and humbled--a king of Prussia, the descendant of
Frederic the Great, to whom M. Maret insolently writes, "that he must
sign a military and diplomatic convention, under pain of captivity;"
does such a treaty as that form an alliance? is the convention which
delivers up Berlin to the French army, a treaty between friends and
allies? or could the plan which parcelled out the Prussian army, into
divisions under French marshals or generals, be a free, upright, or
durable proceeding? Surely not: this reconciliation could only be
momentary; it was imposed by main force, and with the decline of power
it must come to an end.
In addition to this, the Prussian government could no longer control
the people of Germany, indignant at the humiliations they were called
upon to submit to. That Hardenberg was acquainted with the proceedings
of the secret societies, does not admit of a doubt, neither is it less
certain that he permitted their developement, in order afterwards to
avail himself of them, as a powerful instrument against the oppression
of France; but a circumstance one cannot comprehend is, that it should
not have occurred even to the inferior mind of M. de Saint-Marsan,
and the very moderate capacity of M. Maret, that at the first reverse
experienced by the grand army, all these alliances would be got rid
of, as something troublesome and offensive--in fact, as a yoke to be
cast off. To what a degree of humiliation was the House of Frederic now
reduced! Prussia, in a suppliant attitude, had solicited an alliance
with the Buonaparte family, and Hardenberg, the principal negotiator,
had received a cold refusal! Was it possible all this should be
forgotten? On one side was the recollection of their young and heroic
queen, who had died broken-hearted, insulted in the public papers,
and calumniated in pamphlets; and on the other, was a people ground
down by oppression, but undertaking its own preparations for the day
of independence; while to the insolence of the chief we must add all
the harshness of his generals, and of the people employed in levying
contributions. I do not wish here to mention proper names, but if any
men are still living who were then employed in the local administration
of Prussia, let them speak, and say, whether the system to which
Prussia was subjected, was one possible for her to maintain, in spite
of all the hopes of liberty inspired by the general rising in Europe?
and whether it was not natural the conflagration of Moscow should be
succeeded by other flames?
The most important events in Prussia commenced from this period. The
fatal campaign of Moscow being concluded, the French army, a miserable
swarm of fugitives, fell back upon the frontiers of Prussia, so lately
traversed under different auspices! The corps of Marshal Macdonald was
compelled to retreat from the siege of Riga, and the brave and faithful
chief brought back with him the Prussians, especially the division
of York, long under the influence of the principles inculcated by
Schill. News suddenly arrived that the Prussians refused to fight, and
General York addressed a respectful letter to the Marshal, declaring
his intention of maintaining a perfect neutrality with the Russian
armies. This defection extended to all the Prussian troops, and excited
surprise, though it had long been in preparation; in fact, both
officers and soldiers were all strongly imbued with the doctrines
of Schill, Stein, and the secret societies; and Prussia, ripe for
independence, obtained it at last: a bright dawn had begun to appear,
and wherefore should she not avail herself of it?
Such being the state of popular opinion in Prussia, let us now inquire
what was the spirit of the cabinet conducted by Baron Hardenberg. He
had evidently been well acquainted with the existence of the secret
societies, and the edicts of Breslau, issued on the 3d and 9th of
February, which gave a military organisation to the _Tugendbund_, were
drawn up and signed by him; and admirable indeed were these patriotic
papers, calling upon all the sons of Germany to take up arms in defence
of the Fatherland! It is necessary to read them, fully to understand
the pitch excitement had now reached in Germany; all the young men
between the ages of seventeen and twenty-four, were to take up arms,
and form volunteer corps, clothed in the dress that had been worn by
Schill and Stein, that is, the short frock girded with a leathern belt,
and the little cap usually worn by students. No youth could be married
unless he had performed this service, nor could he fill any public
situation unless he had discharged his duty to his country; without
this there was no hope for him, either in the path of ambition or of
love. The patriotic edicts were signed by Hardenberg, who was desirous
of placing himself at the head of popular feeling in Prussia. They were
thus worded:--"The dangers with which the state is threatened demand
an immediate augmentation of our military force, at the same time that
the state of our finances forbids any increase of our expenditure. The
subjects of Prussia have always been distinguished for their attachment
to their king and country, and they require nothing to direct them to
a determined object but a favourable occasion, which may enable our
brave youth to display the courage which leads them to join the ranks
of the ancient defenders of their native land, and acquit themselves
at their side, of their first and noblest duties. It is with this
object, that his majesty has been pleased to command the formation of
detachments of yagers, intended to be annexed to the battalions of
infantry and the regiments of cavalry of which the army is composed,
so as to summon to military service those classes of the inhabitants
of the country who are not compelled to it by the laws, and yet whose
means permit them, to clothe and equip themselves at their own expense,
and to serve the state in a manner compatible with their situation
regarding the civil government. It will also afford an opportunity to
young men of education to distinguish themselves, and become some day
clever officers, or non-commissioned officers."
The spirit of Prussia was now thoroughly roused and up in arms. At the
same time Baron Hardenberg was engaged in a negotiation with M. Maret,
who did not perceive that the Prussian cabinet was merely following the
stream--that it was, in fact, no longer the king who governed, but the
people, and that the people were boiling with indignation. Generally
speaking, the functionaries of the empire did not attach sufficient
importance to public opinion; the greater part of them, forsooth, were
too great people, men of too illustrious birth, as every one is aware,
and they looked down upon the mass of the nation! These men, born of
the people, raised by them--some being old newspaper-writers, others
scriveners, or retired attorneys--considered themselves, by the grace
of God, such great lords and princes, that they paid no attention to
the vast power which gives laws to kings and states. When Hardenberg
wrote that he was desirous of forming the plan of an alliance, even
after the campaign of Moscow, M. Maret's mind was quite at ease on
the subject of Prussia; and the diplomatic despatches give sufficient
evidence of the perfect ignorance that existed at Paris as to the
approaching movement at Berlin: they did not observe that fresh ideas
were becoming developed, and that the cabinet was no longer master of
the country. "What is going to happen?" wrote M. de Saint-Marsan to
the Prussian minister; and, as his sole answer, the latter despatched
General Krusemarck and Prince Hatzfeld to Paris, bearing soothing
words. "Prussia is desirous of maintaining peace, and the French
alliance is pleasing to her, but she requires fresh conditions." Read
this note from Hardenberg to M. de Saint-Marsan, which describes
perfectly the situation of Prussia, a situation M. Maret had not
understood:--"It has occurred to the king, that nothing would more
advance the great work than a truce, according to which the French and
Russian armies would retire to a certain distance, and establish lines
of demarcation, leaving an intervening country. Would his imperial
majesty be willing to enter into such an arrangement? Would he consent
to resign the charge of the fortresses of the Oder, of Pilau, and of
Dantzic (with regard to the latter, conjointly with the Saxon troops,
as agreed by the treaty of Tilsit), to the troops of the king, and
withdraw his army beyond the Elbe, provided the Emperor Alexander
should withdraw his beyond the Vistula? The king has commanded General
Krusemarck and Prince Hatzfeld to inquire into the intentions of his
imperial majesty on this head; and he has made similar proposals to
the Emperor Alexander, as concerning an idea emanating entirely from
himself, and which can in no way compromise the resolution which your
sovereign, his imperial majesty, may come to on this point. According
to what is decided upon at present, the king will regulate his ulterior
proceedings."
Although Hardenberg's language was somewhat timid, matters were,
nevertheless, in a state of progression. In her first position, the
situation of Prussia was that of an ally; in the second, that of
a neutral power: would she stop there? The arrival of the Emperor
Alexander at Breslau decided the king upon following the popular
movement, and the court of Berlin pronounced in favour of the
coalition; information being conveyed to M. Maret, in a paper drawn
up by Hardenberg, that Prussia had declared war. This remarkable
exposition of their causes of complaint against Napoleon contains, more
especially, a summary of pecuniary grievances, unheard-of violations of
the various clauses of the treaty, and recollections of the harsh rule
of the French generals. One circumstance, however, is omitted, although
it occupied the first place in the mind of the Prussian minister, viz.
that the country was weary of foreign dominion. The _Tugendbund_ had
arisen, like an ancient German warrior, armed at all points.
Hardenberg quickly followed up this first despatch by a second,
addressed to General Krusemarck at Paris, who transmitted it to M.
Maret. "The Emperor of Russia offers a noble and faithful friendship
to Prussia, while Napoleon has thrust away his ally, not even having
condescended to enter into any explanation with her. Prussia has
endured all the insolence unsparingly heaped upon her by the conqueror;
all her fortified places have been seized by the French troops; Berlin
has been occupied, and 94 millions levied upon the country. These
circumstances render further hesitation impossible; honour commands us
to draw the sword, and never will we sheath it until an honourable and
advantageous peace has been obtained."