Denis, M. Pasquier offered his services to the king; he was included in
the first ministry of Talleyrand as keeper of the seals, and exercised
at the same time the functions of minister for the interior, an
appointment of extreme delicacy and difficulty in the crisis of that
period. France was invaded by 700,000 strangers, the public mind was in
a state of constant agitation, and the principles of the restoration
had excited a deplorable reaction in several of the provinces; it thus
became necessary to organise the system of the prefects, to repress
the too ardent zeal occasionally exhibited, prevent the sanguinary
vengeance of parties, and prepare and advance the election of upright
persons of moderate views, in order to heal the wounds of the country.
Nothing is easier than to judge people with severity after a lapse of
years, and when events are long over; and thus the services rendered
by some statesmen in seasons of peril are soon forgotten, or are but
imperfectly appreciated by people, who are in the full enjoyment of
peace and security, and therefore inclined to exercise a mathematical
rectitude in their judgment of facts. If we look back upon the year
1815, after the double invasion and heavy military contributions, we
shall see that it was impossible for a government to display more
exemplary moderation, before the face of a victorious party, to whose
conditions it had been compelled to submit. M. Pasquier followed the
fortunes of Prince Talleyrand; he gave in his resignation and was
succeeded by M. de Barbé-Marbois.
He had however, always been strongly inclined towards the moderate
system which gained the ascendant under the Richelieu ministry,
and shortly after its formation he was appointed one of the
commissioners for the liquidation of the foreign debts; it was a
post of great confidence, for if the laws of honesty were set aside,
enormous fortunes might soon be amassed. M. Pasquier's integrity was
unimpeachable, and he was the worthy colleague of M. Mounier, the most
honest man belonging to the noble Richelieu school.
He was elected by the department of the Seine as their representative,
and on taking his seat in the chamber of deputies, after the ordonnance
of the 3d of September, he was nominated president; from this
parliamentary position, he again passed into the ministry in the month
of January 1817, the Duc de Richelieu having caused him to be appointed
keeper of the seals.
A conciliatory system was predominant in the whole of M. Pasquier's
ministerial conduct at this period, and he was the first to enlarge
at the tribune upon the principles of the liberty of the press and
the responsibility of editors. There was still too much irritation
in people's minds, and the country still too much overwhelmed, to
allow the independence of the newspapers to be safely established
as a principle; books and pamphlets only were free, for a gradual
approach was making towards liberty, and the opinions laid down by M.
Pasquier are still considered as law upon the subject. The degree of
responsibility was perfectly well regulated, and the minister's motives
are clearly explained, and expressed with an elevation of principle and
closeness of reasoning which distinguish the true parliamentary style.
In England statesmen are in the habit of publishing their speeches,
because they form the record of their lives.
When the Duc de Richelieu's ministry was dissolved in the latter part
of the year 1817, M. Pasquier had no hesitation in retiring from office
with the noble negotiator of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. M. Dessolle
was at the head of the new ministry, and M. Decaze naturally filled a
post of the highest importance in it; but the movement which was about
to incline them towards the ideas of the _parti gauche_ was too decided
to make it possible M. Pasquier should join them; and it soon became
apparent to him that the law of elections, although commendable for its
simplicity, was still liable to produce evil results. He possessed very
remarkable influence over the course of affairs, in spite of his having
retired from office; and one of his political habits was always to
compose a memorial upon every situation that occurred, for he liked to
observe men and circumstances as from an eminence, so as to enlighten
those in authority. In the month of October 1819, he presented a
memorial to Louis XVIII. upon the proceedings of the ministry, calling
attention to the faults they had committed and the bad effects of the
law of elections; and he considered the situation of affairs to be such
as to render an immediate change necessary in the government of the
country.
Accordingly when the ministry of M. Decaze decided upon modifying
the law of elections, M. Pasquier was offered an appointment; he did
not resume the situation of keeper of the seals, but undertook the
direction of foreign affairs; our situation with regard to our foreign
relations having assumed a serious aspect, it was necessary they should
be under the charge of a minister quite resolved to resist any tendency
towards a spirit of revolution. M. Decaze lost office after the
assassination of the Duc de Berry; and on the formation of the second
Richelieu ministry, M. Pasquier retained the situation of minister for
foreign affairs, only with the proviso that he was to consult the noble
duke upon points relating to diplomatic matters. The Duc de Richelieu,
from his connexion with the various cabinets of Europe, must have
inspired great confidence in diplomatic proceedings of importance.
From this period the existence of M. Pasquier was divided into two
distinct portions, the one being passed at the tribune, and the other
devoted to business. I am not acquainted with any session when the
debates were more violent or more contested than that of 1820; the
speeches were remarkable for their eloquence, the names of General
Foy, of Camille Jordan, and Benjamin Constant, appeared, beside those
of Casimir Périer and Lafitte; each question was decided by a small
majority, and it was necessary to modify the law of elections, and
determine upon measures rendered indispensable by the circumstances
succeeding the death of the Duc de Berry. The superiority of M.
Pasquier's abilities was evident during this long session, where
he was incessantly in the tribune, opposing, in the most decided
and authoritative manner, the orators of the liberal party. When an
alarming tumult took place in the public square, M. Pasquier appeared
at the tribune to denounce the instigators of the disturbances,
undismayed by the threats and vociferations of the revolutionary
_parti gauche_. He spoke without disguise or circumlocution, and
as to the phrase with which he has been so much reproached, _sur
l'arbitraire_,[29] is it any thing beyond a simple declaration of what
the government was desirous of obtaining, and requested from the power
authorised to grant it? Every thing that was obtained had demanded
incredible efforts, and whatever may have been said of the session of
1820 by those under the influence of party spirit, it was undoubtedly
the finest period of the representative system, recalling the times of
Pitt, Grenville, and Dundas, opposed to Fox, Erskine, and Sheridan.
[29] The law to authorise arbitrary arrests was equivalent to
the suspension of the Habeas Corpus act in England: and it was
originally brought forward by M. Decaze and strenuously supported
by Baron Pasquier. It was proposed that it should continue in force
for one year, and after a debate which lasted for several sittings,
it was passed by a majority of nineteen votes, modified however by
the introduction of a clause forbidding arrests to be made under it
during the night. A law restraining the liberty of the press was
also passed after being most obstinately contested. The majority in
the chamber of peers was only _two_ on this occasion.--_Editor._
M. Pasquier's situation was not less difficult as minister for foreign
affairs; for the revolutionary spirit had declared itself almost
simultaneously in Spain, Naples, and Piémont. France, it is true,
adopted the repressive system, and in this respect agreed with the
plan suggested at the congresses of Laybach and Troppau; nevertheless
the minister for foreign affairs could not overlook the material
interests of France; the Austrians, desirous of marching upon Piémont
and Naples, wanted to occupy definitively both these places, and how
was it possible France should not feel uneasy at the sight of the
German standards unfurled beyond the Alps, and extending even as far as
Savoy? A series of notes passed on this occasion between M. Pasquier
and Prince Metternich; and it was positively decided between the two
ministers, that if the Austrian occupation should be necessary, it
should be strictly limited to such a period, as would neither affect
the consideration nor the importance of France. Metternich faithfully
fulfilled this engagement, and the evacuation of Piémont took place at
the stipulated time.
If you consult any of the persons employed in the foreign office, they
will speak of M. Pasquier's assiduous attention to his work, and of
his perfect capability of bringing a negotiation to the termination he
wished; and they will also tell you he shewed extreme judgment, in all
the great difficulties incident to a situation so liable to constant
change of circumstances.
A complete rupture had taken place with the old liberal system; and
to insure success in this enterprise, the Richelieu ministry had been
obliged to apply to the ultra-royalist party. At the commencement
of the session of 1821, the council decided upon adding MM. de la
Corbière, de Villèle, and Lainé, to the cabinet; it was a great
mistake, it was either granting too much or too little; for, in fact,
what figure could they make in the cabinet as ministers without
appointments, and yet chiefs of the majority? And what was the
consequence? secret dissensions, as might naturally be expected, arose
from the very commencement of the attempted coalition; consultations
were held in the king's council, after which, MM. de Villèle and
Corbière privately expressed their dissatisfaction, and revealed the
designs of the ministry to their colleagues on the _côté droit_ in the
Piet society; quarrels naturally suceeded, which eventually led to the
rupture that took place after the session of 1821.
The royalists, in general, entertained an extreme dislike to M.
Pasquier, and a great part of the _côté droit_ could could not endure
him.[30] All the opposition towards the end of the session was directed
against him, till, at last, his patience was exhausted, and he assumed
a high tone with the Ultras by openly and unhesitatingly declaring
his inclinations and his repugnances, expressing himself with so much
boldness and freedom that the whole of the _parti droit_ declared war
to him. M. Pasquier wanted to have done with the whole business; his
situation fatigued him, and, foreseeing the downfall of the ministry,
he obtained a seat in the upper chamber, being made a peer of France in
the course of the month of November 1821. The ministry of the Duc de
Richelieu had resigned office on the occasion of the address, and the
Duc de Montmorency assumed the charge of foreign affairs.
[30] He was accused of great political tergiversation, and M.
Vaublanc, a keen royalist, designated him as "a man who never left
one administration till he had prepared to enter another, who never
deserted one set of friends till he had looked out for another more
in favour at court, and who had skipped into successive cabinets
with that ease which marked all his movements."--_Editor._
M. Pasquier took his seat in the upper chamber, at that time a
powerful institution possessed of hereditary rank, property, and the
_majorats_. The prospects of the young peerage were very great, and
evidence was soon afforded of what they were capable of doing, by
their constant opposition to the faults and ill-judged proceedings
of the restoration. M. Pasquier, placing himself on the same benches
as the statesmen of the Richelieu party, made a point of speaking
upon every subject that came before the house, and the judgment
and deep thought which characterised his discourses, caused them
to exercise great influence over the chamber. He spoke against the
rights of primogeniture, the creation of the three per cents, and the
law of sacrilege; and his speeches were often the means of deciding
the question by their influence on the majority obtained. He placed
himself in constant and direct opposition to the Villèle cabinet, which
occasioned a strange advance in revolutionary ideas, by the constant
injury it inflicted upon the interests and affections of modern France.
There was not quite the same vehemence of debate in the chamber of
peers as in that of the deputies, but it attained to more certain
results. There was a degree of quiet, and at the same time great
political judgment, in the discussions, not allowing themselves to
be carried away by the spirit of party, but continuing so steadily
to advance towards the downfall of M. de Villèle's ministry, that
we may safely assert, the retirement of the royalist cabinet of the
restoration was owing to their efforts. It must be confessed, this
opposition was rather against the order of things; an aristocratic
power which opposed the elements of an aristocratic constitution,
was not in good keeping; but the fault lay with the party of the
restoration, which interfered too hastily with the new ideas and
prejudices prevalent in France.
The chamber of peers obtained a complete triumph; although weakened
by successive promotions,[31] its influence over the elections of 1827
was very great. The Martignac ministry was formed upon the principles
of the Richelieu administration, that is to say, with the upright
intentions that characterised the statesmen of that noble school.
M. Pasquier naturally assumed his proper degree of ascendancy over
that administration; the bond of recollections and of similarity of
principles united him with M. Portalis, the keeper of the seals; and
it was repeatedly proposed that he should resume the charge of the
foreign office, his name having even been suggested by the council of
the ministers after the retirement of M. de la Ferronays. Charles X.
however negatived the appointment when the list of the candidates was
presented to him, for he did not wish to have any man of importance
in a ministry which could only be of transitory duration; and certain
prejudices, dating from the year 1815, which had never been effaced
from the king's mind, first made him prefer M. de Rayneval, and
afterwards, finding the influence of that able diplomatist upon the
two chambers not sufficiently powerful, M. de Portalis was appointed
minister for foreign affairs.
[31] At the same moment that he dissolved the chamber of deputies,
the king created seventy-six new peers, all of them people devoted
to the government.
The formation of the Polignac ministry occasioned great uneasiness
to the political party, which was always composed of men of eminent
talents, and desirous of the establishment and preservation of order;
they observed with great anxiety the impending crisis, and they
dreaded the fatal struggle likely to be attempted by the party of the
restoration. All these experienced minds were well acquainted with
Charles X.; they knew that with all the advantages of his chivalrous
disposition, his undoubted uprightness of mind, his thoroughly
French character, he still had an unfortunate inclination for _coups
d'état_, and extravagant actions that might compromise the safety of
his government. The _corps diplomatique_ were equally uneasy, and
confidential communications took place between them and the political
party, expressing their sense of the danger and agitation likely to be
caused by a _coup d'état_; they were consequently less surprised than
alarmed by the promulgation of the _ordonnances_ of July. The political
party held itself in reserve during the popular crisis, and when order
was a little restored, it confined itself to giving a monarchical bias
to society, as the only means of preserving France from a foreign or
domestic war. As soon as the charter had restored the balance of power,
and the monarchical form of government, M. Pasquier was appointed
president of the chamber of peers.
He had hardly taken his seat before he had to encounter the trial of
the ministers of Charles X., the chamber of peers having been converted
into a court of justice. We must look back upon the feelings of that
time, and remember the storm of passion that roared around,--the tumult
that was excited! Those parties who seek their own advantage in every
thing wanted to profit by the solemnity of these trials to occasion
disorder; this sovereign people, these heroes of the barricades,
thirsted after the blood of the imprudent ministers of Charles X.;
shouts and yells were heard recalling the days of horror of the first
revolution, the national guard was devoid of energy, and the troops of
the line discouraged by the check they had received at the barricades.
Matters were in this state, when the chamber of peers was called upon
to deliberate in the midst of tumult and disorder, and history will
confess that it proved itself worthy of better times, by refusing to
sanction the sanguinary vengeance so loudly demanded by the populace.
Some degree of strength of mind and courage was required, when crowds
of people, agitated like a troubled sea, threatened to invade the
Luxembourg and assassinate all the members of the chamber; nevertheless
the peers resisted, and a sentence of imprisonment alone was
pronounced, which could hardly be considered as a punishment, because
in seasons of political troubles, if people escape with their lives,
there is no doubt that in due time the popular fury will subside, and
permit their restoration to liberty and civil existence. The prudence
and talents of M. Pasquier did admirable service to the cause of
justice and order at this juncture.
It was no doubt to reward the spirit of moderation evinced by the
peers on this occasion, that the parties made haste to deprive them
of their right to hereditary succession. The first blow aimed at the
importance of this assembly was evidently the clause in the charter,
which annulled the peerages created by Charles X. The peerage was thus
deprived of its indelible character, it was now no more than an office
capable of being revoked, and of which one might be deprived almost
like a prefecture; what sort of aristocracy could be formed of such
elements? The next step was to take away the hereditary transmission
of the peerage, _majorats_ were abolished, it was reduced to a mere
office for life, without power or influence upon the government. From
the time the peers consented to vote away their hereditary rights,
they became a mere council of elders, a kind of chapel of ease to the
chamber of deputies; the chamber of peers was converted into a sort of
noble hospital, where the wounded among the old political or military
ranks might seek repose. The chamber of peers no longer possessed
inviolability, hereditary rank, or property; from henceforth it could
no longer be an aristocratic body capable of resisting a democratic
impulse, but its sole greatness must consist in the superiority of
intelligence, the extensive experience, and great political ability it
possessed, and which no other body could dispute with it.
Parties were not yet overcome, and a despairing effort had been made
by the republican party in the streets of Paris: the sword of justice
still hung suspended over many of the accused, and in virtue of the
charter all these offences were referred for trial to the chamber of
peers. It was said at that time in the newspapers, and even at the
tribune, that these trials would not take place; "It was impossible,"
repeated they, "that the accused should be summoned before an old
worn-out body, like the chamber of peers." I must mention that
M. Pasquier's personal opinion had in the first instance been in
favour of an amnesty, and he wrote a memorial in which his motives
were clearly explained, but when the government decided that course
to be impossible, he comprehended the full extent of his duty as
a magistrate. People may recollect the firmness, the gravity, the
patience, even the haughtiness exhibited by the president of the court,
during these debates; he retained his superiority over these excited
and straightforward minds, and over the hearts of the young men who
were animated by patriotism and elevation of feeling. Not a single
sentence of death was pronounced, all the punishments were mild, and
the prisoners were able to profit by the amnesty shortly afterwards
granted to the solicitations of M. Pasquier.
The trial of Fieschi was going on almost at the same time, after the
atrocious crime which had filled Paris with horror and bloodshed.
History will, perhaps, deprecate the too great consideration exhibited
towards Fieschi, and blame the undue attention shewn to that sanguinary
mountebank, who declaimed at the bar of justice like a street orator.
One of the prisoners alone had something remarkable in his appearance
and character; this was the aged Morey, a faithful specimen of the
old Jacobins, whose erroneous opinions are deserving of pity, because
he sealed them with his blood. This abuse was remedied in the affair
of Alibeau, by assigning a subordinate rank to that miserable trial,
with which the chamber of peers was burdened. On this occasion the
scene was restrained within due proportions, the reward of celebrity
was no longer conferred upon all those who dreamed of murder and
assassination, and the alteration produced so good an effect, that
during the last trial, that of Meunier, public curiosity was scarcely
excited, and the crime was abandoned to its proper obscurity.
The great exertions M. Pasquier was compelled to make injured his
health, but had no effect upon the great qualities of his mind, or
upon the activity and skill in the management of affairs, which always
particularly distinguished men of the political party. I believe no
circumstance of importance has occurred during the last seven years,
upon which he has not been consulted. It is said he exercised great
influence on the formation of Casimir Perier's ministry; at all events,
his habit of preparing memorials, and of examining closely into all the
circumstances likely to produce any striking effect upon public life,
has often decided the resolutions of government, and his connexion with
the cabinet, and with the principal diplomatic characters, has always
facilitated the direction of affairs. He rarely takes them in hand
himself, but, like Talleyrand, he makes people act without personally
appearing; occupying thus, perhaps, a more elevated position than if
he were openly at the head of the government.
He is a man of great experience and of extreme readiness of mind; add
to which, I never knew a man more assiduously devoted to his work;
and it is worthy of remark, that at the very time he was engaged in
taking part in all the most active and violent questions of government,
he found leisure to write more than twenty volumes upon the history
of his own times. His positive determination not to allow any of his
manuscripts to see the light during his lifetime, and even to forbid
too early a publication of them after his death, is a sure pledge of
the perfect independence of men and circumstances, with which he has
devoted himself to so great a work. This constant habit of occupation,
and study of facts, enlarges the ideas, and nothing gives a more
exalted tone to the minds of statesmen. In the present day we are apt
to throw ourselves into political life without any preliminary study;
and because we know how to write a few sentences, or that we have
uttered a few words at the tribune, we consider ourselves equal to
the task of governing a country. Far different is the English method!
Political life among our neighbours is a great duty, an entire and
constant devotion to the subject; history, diplomacy, administration,
in fact every thing must be learned by a public man who aspires to the
honour of the ministry, or to a confidential situation for the service
of his country.
M. Pasquier had attained his sixty-eighth year at the time he was
invested with the dignity of chancellor of France, he had been
president of the chamber of peers ever since the revolution of July.
This elevated situation was well suited to a Pasquier, the descendant
of a family which had held magisterial office for the last two
centuries, and the present chancellor answers perfectly to the idea his
ancestors had formed of the office he holds.