Piémont, had all proclaimed the constitution with arms in their hands;
the assassination of Kotzebue, the excited state of the universities,
the mysterious societies in the Russian army, the riots at Manchester,
the commotions of the active population of Paris in the month of
June 1820, all were presages of a popular movement against crowned
heads. The thrones of Europe were never more shaken than in those two
years of 1820 and 21; it was necessary they should defend themselves.
Pozzo di Borgo, therefore, received orders to uphold the royalist
system of the Duc de Richelieu's second ministry, and he entered into
it with a loyal ardour which proceeded not only from the personal
friendship he entertained for that minister, but also from his profound
conviction that certain limits would not be overstepped. Nevertheless,
from the hands of M. de Richelieu the government fell into those
of MM. de Montmorency and De Villèle, the representatives of the
ultra-monarchical and religious opinions, and who had a bias towards
the English system. Count Pozzo felt some annoyance in viewing the
triumph of men with whom he was well acquainted, and whom he had even
been called upon to oppose in the _ordonnance_ of the 5th of September;
but the orders of his sovereign were imperative, and he became their
organ at Paris. He approved of the occupation of Piémont by the
Austrians; and his advice principally decided the question of the war
with Spain, which had been suggested at the congresses of Troppan and
Laybach, and finally resolved upon at Verona.
The royalist party returned in triumph from Cadiz, having replaced
Ferdinand VII. on his throne. In that country, where moderation either
in politics or religion is unknown, the power had fallen into the hands
of Don Saez, the king's confessor; and the object of Russia being
always to exercise a powerful influence in the south of Europe, in
order to counterbalance that of England, Count Pozzo received orders
to repair to Madrid and use all his endeavours to push M. Hirujo
into the ministry, who was a man of moderate views, and consequently
inclined to favour the Russian interests. A perfect understanding on
this head existed between the Russian minister and M. de Villèle. M.
de Hirujo, forerunner of M. Zéa, gained the ascendant at Madrid, and
people could reckon upon the government of Ferdinand being conducted
with some degree of order and regularity. Pozzo di Borgo then returned
to Paris; he was on intimate terms with MM. Pasquier and Molé, friends
of the Duc de Richelieu, and disapproved highly of the folly of the
royalist party, who tormented France every year with fresh laws,
still more remarkable for their silliness and want of importance than
for their unpopular tendency; but the ambassador had now hardly any
influence upon the government; it was almost entirely confined to the
opposition formed in the diplomatic circles and in good society, which
before long extended to the conduct of the sovereign. Although he
approved of the law regarding the conversion of the _rentes_,[24] he
had no hesitation in giving utterance to his opinion concerning the
extreme unpopularity the measure would naturally be attended with. "The
King of France," said he, "wishes to become the richest sovereign in
Europe; but I greatly fear this measure will lead to some unfortunate
catastrophe. People do not play with impunity with the _pot-au-feu_
of the citizens." And the event shewed his opinion to have been well
founded.
[24] On the 5th of April, 1824, the minister of finance brought
forward a plan to substitute _rentes_ at three per cent for those
already existing at five per cent, reserving to the holders of the
five per cent _rentes_ the option between the repayment of their
nominal capital and its conversion into three per cents at the rate
of seventy-five. Some modifications were suggested, but the plan
failed at the time. In the following year it was renewed, and then
it was decreed that the proprietors of five per cent _rentes_ should
be allowed till the 22d of June (afterwards extended to the 5th of
August) the faculty of demanding from the minister of finance their
conversion into three per cents at the price of seventy-five, and
till the 22d of September the faculty of requiring their conversion
into four and a half per cent stock at par, with a guarantee in both
cases against being paid off till September 1835. The _rentes_ so
converted were to continue to bear interest at five per cent until
the 22d December, 1825.--_Editor._
At this period the Russian ambassador lost his protector, I may
almost say his friend. Alexander died on his journey into the Crimea,
a pilgrimage enveloped in mystery,[25] and which was immediately
followed by the revolutionary movement in St. Petersburg. Some officers
were desirous of throwing the government into the hands of the old
Russian nobility, always ready to enter into any measure calculated
to restore the predominance of the Muscovite aristocracy, which was
a sort of republic formed of the great vassals of the crown. Would
the Emperor Nicholas repose the same confidence in Pozzo di Borgo
that his predecessor had done? He had not like Alexander a sort of
brotherhood in arms and affairs with his ambassador, but as Count
Nesselrode remained at the head of affairs, he retained his situation
and presented his renewed credentials to Charles X. at the time when
the storms of the opposition assumed every where a menacing aspect. Two
years afterwards the ministry of M. de Villèle was at an end, and the
king formed a fresh administration, at the head of which he intended
placing M. de Martignac and M. de la Ferronays. The latter was at that
time ambassador at St. Petersburg, and enjoyed the confidence of the
Emperor Nicholas, who was therefore likely to be satisfied with his
appointment to the ministry, and Pozzo di Borgo considered it necessary
to support him with all his power; for the interests of Russia had at
that time assumed so complicated a form, that the concurrence of France
was a matter of the greatest importance to her.
[25] Alexander had gone on a tour of inspection to the southern
parts of his empire, and on arriving at a village in the Crimea,
he insisted upon attending the service in a church which had long
been shut up, in spite of the remonstrances of his attendants, who
represented the danger arising from malaria. He was shortly afterwards
seized with the fever common in the Crimea, and refused to submit to
the strong measures recommended by his medical attendants, resolving
to trust to abstinence and the mild remedies he had usually found
successful when attacked by illness, but which were insufficient in
this instance; and when he at last resigned himself into the hands of
his physicians, it was too late. Reports were raised of his having
been poisoned, but they were totally devoid of foundation.--_Editor._
Russia had deeply offended the Porte by signing the treaty of the
month of June 1827, which established the independence of Greece; and
the Mussulmans, proud of their ancient glory, had been still further
irritated by the battle of Navarino. The occupation of Moldavia and
Wallachia had given rise to fresh dissensions, which ended by the
Russian ambassador's quitting Constantinople. Every thing was thus
progressing towards a war likely to involve Russia in considerable
danger, especially if England were to take part with the Sultan: the
Emperor Nicholas was determined to pass the Balkan, for he found it
necessary to employ the superstitious and turbulent disposition of the
old Russian nobility in active military operations, to prevent its
bursting out in revolutionary attempts.
Under these circumstances Count Nesselrode commissioned Pozzo di
Borgo to sound the French cabinet as to the conditions they would
require,--not for an armed alliance, but simply to observe a friendly
neutrality during the oriental war. Count Pozzo proposed that France
should keep up a force of 100, or 150,000, to act as a check upon
Austria, and augment her armaments, so as to restrain England; he also
hinted that should any important advantages result to Russia from
the events of the campaign, the frontiers of France might possibly
be reconsidered and the natural boundary of the Rhine granted to her
without expense, by arranging an indemnity for Prussia and Holland; and
that indeed it was not impossible the Morea might be given her as a
compensatory measure, with the same rights as those enjoyed by England
over the republic of the seven islands. What a magnificent portion this
would have been for France!
The first operations of the campaign were not attended with success:
there were sanguinary sieges and doubtful battles. During this time
Count Pozzo exhibited the utmost activity in Paris, where the checks
sustained by the Russians were the general subject of conversation, and
General Lamarque had even published a series of articles to prove that
the destruction of the army was inevitable. General Pozzo entered much
into society, and at every fresh disaster or difficulty he strove to
remove the fears they excited as to the consequences of the war: "Wait,
have patience," repeated he incessantly, "and then you will see." The
best understanding existed between him and M. de la Ferronays, who
exerted himself to calm the minds which England took equal pains to
disturb.
The following year the Russian armies were more fortunate, having
advanced upon Constantinople, and the position of the ambassador
became less difficult; but to counterbalance this advantage, the
ministerial revolution took place in the month of August, which placed
Prince Polignac, and consequently the English system of precedents and
opinions, at the head of affairs. Pozzo de Borgo was much annoyed at
this change; the cabinet of St. Petersburg entered into an explanation
on the subject with M. de Mortemart, and in proportion as the French
ministry advanced in the adventurous path of _coups d'état_, Count
Pozzo multiplied his despatches to his government to warn them of an
impending catastrophe. The information he gave on this subject was so
positive, that the Emperor spoke to M. de Mortemart, telling him he was
well aware some foolish steps were about to be taken in Paris. "The
king of France," added he, "is at liberty to act as he pleases in his
kingdom, but if evil comes of it, so much the worse for him. Give him
warning that he will not be supported, and that Europe will not engage
in a quarrel on his account."
The Russian ambassador only became acquainted with the _ordonnances_
of July the evening before they were promulgated; he had neither been
informed confidentially, nor had he received any official intimation;
only a few days before the event he said in a conference with Polignac,
"Prince, I do not wish to inquire into your secrets, I do not ask you
what you are about, only take precautions not to compromise Europe;"
and then Prince Polignac replied with his habitual smile, so expressive
of perfect security, "All we ask is, that Europe will not compromise
us." At these words the ambassador turned his back upon him. When the
fatal _ordonnances_ appeared the next day in the Moniteur, Pozzo di
Borgo expressed great dissatisfaction and alarm at seeing the utter
carelessness of the government in the midst of so much difficulty and
danger, and the total absence of any military force or precaution.
"How," said he, "are there no troops? The bridges are not occupied!
Have no military precautions been taken?" "Every thing is quiet,"
replied they, "nobody stirs." "Every thing quiet!" repeated the
ambassador warmly, "yes, every thing will probably be quiet to-day, but
to-morrow we shall have firing in the streets, and the next day who
knows what may happen? I shall be obliged to ask for my passports."
Here was the commencement of another series of events. It is necessary
to judge the conduct of the ambassador during the latter days of the
government which was about to expire, and the commencement of that
which succeeded to it.
The events of July were characterised by so much agitation and
importance, that the _corps diplomatique_ must have found itself
placed in an embarrassing position: Charles X. had quitted St. Cloud
and sought refuge at Rambouillet, and a municipal commission had
restored order in the midst of the insurrection. If Prince Polignac had
possessed the slightest political forethought, he would have notified
to the _corps diplomatique_ that the king proposed removing his menaced
government to such and such a part of the kingdom; this resolution
would have served as an official order to all the ambassadors, to
accompany the sovereign who had received their credentials, and by whom
they were officially accredited, and their presence at St. Cloud would
have been a sort of protest against the events then taking place at
Paris; it might also have facilitated the negotiation between the royal
party and the Hôtel de Ville, for the provisional government would
have been afraid of committing itself with Europe, and being exposed
to a general war. But with the utter carelessness he displayed in the
whole business, Prince Polignac, minister for foreign affairs, made no
official communication to the _corps diplomatique_, but treated every
thing with a degree of levity quite in keeping with his predestinarian
character.
The ambassadors naturally hesitated what course they should pursue in
the midst of so many difficulties. Should they proceed to St. Cloud?
But it was necessary the translation of the government should be
officially notified to them by the minister for foreign affairs; ought
they to make observations, to mix themselves up with the withdrawal
of the _ordonnances_, or the negotiations of the Hôtel de Ville and
the provisional government? That was not their duty, nor had they any
right to interfere. The only plan, then, they could adopt was to await
the end of the struggle, and not concern themselves with the plan of
the government, until it placed itself in communication with their
respective courts by requiring to be recognised.
In a meeting at the residence of the Nuncio, they decided upon
remaining at Paris until further orders, and taking no part in events
until they should receive an official communication from Charles X.
Couriers extraordinary were despatched to the different courts to keep
them constantly informed of the progress of this important affair, and
request further instructions; generally speaking, all the despatches
blamed Prince Polignac's carelessness, and described the events
that had taken place in Paris in moderate language; mentioning the
order that prevailed in the midst of disorder, the appointment of a
lieutenant-general of the kingdom, and the abdication of the King and
of the Duke of Angoulême: they then awaited patiently the termination
of the insurrection, without compromising themselves, and without
either giving or receiving an impulsion.
Here we must take a general view of the life of Count Pozzo di Borgo
to explain the constantly serious and temperate direction of his
despatches. He had never belonged to the ultra royalist party, but
being a man of moderation and principle he had restricted himself to
measures, corresponding with the events brought to pass by the French
revolution: in this consisted the bond of union between him and the
Richelieu party, composed of Pasquier, Molé, and de Rayneval, who
were all strongly opposed to _coups d'état_. The despatches of Count
Pozzo evince at all times a spirit of forethought and moderation. In
1816 he supported the Duc de Richelieu; in 1828, the ministry of M. de
Martignac and the Comte de la Ferronays; when the ministry of Prince
Polignac was formed, he, like every one else, foresaw the disasters
likely to ensue, and his correspondence made such an impression at St.
Petersburg, that the Emperor Nicholas thought it necessary to speak to
M. de Mortemart on the subject. The Czar entertained a strong dislike
to the ministry of Prince Polignac, because he believed him to be
devoted to the English system, and the fall of M. de Martignac appeared
to him a sort of check to his eastern policy; he repeated several times
to M. de Mortemart, "Are they preparing anything in Paris against the
charter? Write to the King to take care what he is about; above all,
let him avoid _coups d'état_." In considering the attitude assumed by
the _corps diplomatique_ at this juncture, it is very important to bear
in mind, that in the transactions of 1814 and 1815, as well as in the
minutes of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1818, the charter and the dynasty were
considered equally under the protection of Europe, and were viewed as
inseparable.
They had not long to wait for the recognition of most of the various
courts of Europe; England, though governed by the Duke of Wellington
and the Tories, approved in many successive despatches of a revolution
conducted on the plan of that in 1688; Prussia came next, then Austria,
without any symptom of hesitation; and, lastly, Pozzo di Borgo received
credentials from his sovereign, which he presented with confidence and
dignity, one idea being constantly predominant in his mind,--that order
and peace were the first requisites in an European government.
Matters were in this state when the Polish question placed Pozzo
di Borgo in a situation of great difficulty; perhaps under no
circumstances of his diplomatic life was more discretion required and
displayed. The ardent sympathies of the mob had been roused in favour
of the Poles; a commotion took place in Paris, and spread in that city
scarcely recovered from the agitation occasioned by the revolution
of July; the cry of "Success to Poland! Down with the Russians!" was
heard under the windows of the ambassador, stones were thrown at the
hôtel, and the Russian legation surrounded their chief, endeavouring
to persuade him to demand his passports, a step that would have
announced a complete rupture. The ambassador appeased the impatience
of his legation: "Our sovereign," said he, "is just now in a ticklish
situation, and we must take no rash steps with regard to France, so
as to involve ourselves in a fresh difficulty; let us wait for the
apologies which will soon be made us; the mob is not the government; we
are not ambassadors to the street, but to a regular authority. Let us
turn the popular fury, not attack it in front." The next morning the
minister for foreign affairs paid an official visit to Count Pozzo,
to apologise on the part of the government, and a body of troops was
ordered for his protection against any violence that might still be
attempted by the mob.
From his earliest youth Pozzo di Borgo had been accustomed to dwell
in the midst of political crises, and he was therefore not disturbed
by the symptoms of insurrection around him, especially as he had full
confidence in the wisdom and decision of the cabinet; some secret
conferences had also made him aware, that France would not interfere
in favour of Poland, but would allow Russia, Austria, and Prussia,
the free exercise of their rights over that unfortunate country. The
treaties of 1815 were still more firmly established than before, a
few empty words of sympathy or encouragement were bestowed upon the
insurgents, and Europe viewed with satisfaction the conduct of the new
government, whose moderate measures had been rendered more difficult,
by the threatening attitude assumed by different parties, and the
prevalence of excited opinions armed with sufficient power to make
them dangerous. Is no credit due to the wisdom which was the means of
preserving peace? the forethought and moderation which averted the
evil tendency of party spirit? Count Pozzo was loaded with compliments
and expressions of gratitude, for he had probably saved Europe from
a general war by not quitting Paris. The Polish insurrection was put
down, after which all the forces of Russia were available against any
foreign interference; and the ambassador who had safely passed through
the dangerous crisis, had great cause to congratulate himself upon
results, which left the cabinet of St. Petersburg at liberty to decide
at once upon the fate of Poland. That country received no assistance
from France; the interference of the French Chambers was limited to
some barren protests in answer to which Pozzo di Borgo represented that
Poland had been the aggressor, having torn asunder the bands of the
constitution by her revolt, and that the Propaganda alone would be to
blame should Poland now cease entirely to exist: that great efforts
had been made since the year 1815 to overcome the natural antipathy
entertained by the Russians for the Poles, which was as strong as
the dislike existing between the Jews and Christians in Poland. What
exertion and anxiety it had cost the generous heart of Alexander to
give a national constitution to Poland! it was a subject on which he
had consulted rather his feelings than his understanding, and the old
Russian nobility had never forgiven his conduct on the occasion.
In the midst of all these serious political occurrences, of the
disturbances in Paris, the various plots both foreign and domestic, the
Russian campaign against Constantinople, and the imperative,--I might
almost say, the capricious orders of his court, Count Pozzo always
preserved the character of a man of impartial moderation, and of a
skilful statesman who conceives and works out a system, without giving
way to any of the crotchets formed by prince or courtier capable of
endangering more serious interests. He who had resisted the Emperor
Alexander by expressing his opinion with firmness, always continued
to refuse obedience to instructions irreconcilable with the rules
of general policy, which form the basis and regulate the relations
between one state and another. Such was the constant tenor of his
despatches after the year 1830. He was convinced that France, to the
rest of Europe must serve as a principle either of order or disorder,
possessing either way very great influence; and to all requisitions
which did not tally with these ideas, he replied by writing to his
court, "You have other agents besides me for affairs of this nature; I
am only fit for moderate and conciliatory measures."
When the Turkish war was concluded, the ambassador received orders to
proceed to London for the purpose of forming a just estimate of the
state of affairs, and the position of the Whigs and Tories; having been
successful in his endeavours to prevent France from taking part against
Russia, it now became equally essential to sound the Tories, and
become acquainted with the bent of their views, should parliament and
the march of public opinion again place them at the head of affairs.
The official ambassador from Russia to London was Prince Lieven, or
rather it was said _Princess_ Lieven, a woman of great ability, whose
brilliant assemblies were the favourite resort of the Tory nobility,
and the centre of political intelligence. Count Pozzo had very little
communication with the Whig ministry; his acquaintance was principally
with the Duke of Wellington and the Earl of Aberdeen, who was
minister for foreign affairs, for the Tory interest; for that party,
although out of office, still retained some representatives among the
ministry. The conversations between the Duke and Pozzo di Borgo, were
an interchange of recollections and hopes, together with the means
of regulating the probabilities of the return of the Tories into the
ministry. It was already in contemplation, although public opinion had
strongly opposed a premature attempt made by the Duke of Wellington
to resume the direction of affairs. In political life it is a mark of
great ability to know how _to bide one's time_.
Still a kind of slight was about to cloud the life of Count Pozzo.
Hitherto whatever missions might have been assigned to him exclusive
of his official functions in Paris, he had always retained the title
of ambassador to the court of France, and his tastes and inclinations
led him to consider that country as his own. When he was despatched to
Madrid, and more recently to London, his sovereign had not withdrawn
his credentials, his post was still Paris: what was the reason a
different course of proceeding took place upon this occasion, and that
he received the title of ambassador extraordinary to his Britannic
Majesty? It would be in vain to deny that it was a mark of his being
out of favour, nor was this the only occasion upon which such had been
the case in the course of his life. His disposition was not one that
would bend to caprices or submit to demands which did not concern him.
I have heard him complain of being watched by a number of special
envoys, whose employments did not fall within the range of the regular
communications between two governments, two nations naturally formed
to esteem each other. This somewhat haughty disposition, led to the
ambassador's loss of favour; it was however covered by a purple robe,
by the appointment of ambassador to London.