THE LAUTARO LODGE.
1812--1813.
The Provisional Junta, which was established at Buenos Ayres on the 25th
May, 1810, was a simple evolution of historic and municipal rights, and
was legalised by the election of deputies to it from the Cabildos. This
body was subsequently reconstructed, but this measure and the creation
of Provincial Juntas were retrograde movements, arising from a latent
tendency to decentralisation, in which lay the germ of the federal
system of a later day. The next step was the creation of a Triumvirate,
which, being a more centralised form of government, responded to the
immediate needs of the revolution, and was a necessity of the time.
In the Junta the conservative and revolutionary elements of society were
both represented, but the Triumvirate represented no party, and was
merely an anonymous Dictator. The revolution had as yet no defined
policy, and thus afforded no basis for the development of the democratic
idea.
A Legislative Assembly was convened, formed of deputies from the various
provinces, which drew up a constitution which virtually gave back the
executive power to the Cabildos. This Assembly was dissolved by the
Triumvirate, a measure greatly applauded by the public, but which
attacked the fundamental principle of government.
The Triumvirate then drew up and decreed a constitution of its own,
providing for the periodical election of the Executive by a mixed
assembly of notables and of representatives of different towns, who
should also act as a legislative council until the convention of a
National Congress.
These measures were far from satisfying the requirements of the
democratic party, who called for the immediate convocation of a National
Congress, which would give form and life to the Republic, though
government was still carried on in the name of the King. The Triumvirate
opposed the convocation of a Constituent Assembly, considering the time
for this had not yet come. Hence came about a fourth political
evolution, more dangerous and more important than any of the others.
San Martin returned to his native country a man unknown, but with a
certain repute as a brave soldier and a skilful tactician. His comrade,
Alvear, on the contrary, came of a family already well known in the
River Plate. Ambitious of glory and of power, and of a brilliant
imagination, he was a great contrast to San Martin, and assumed an
attitude of protection to him, recommending him to the Government of the
United Provinces as a good soldier.
Eight days after his arrival San Martin was confirmed in his rank as a
lieutenant-colonel, and was entrusted with the organization of a
squadron of cavalry, in which Alvear held the rank of major and Zapiola
that of captain. This was the origin of the famous regiment of mounted
grenadiers, which fought in all the battles of the War of Independence,
which gave to America nineteen generals and more than two hundred
officers, and of which, after shedding its blood and spreading its bones
across the continent from La Plata to Pichincha, a remnant returned
under the command of a trooper who in thirteen years had fought his way
up to the rank of colonel, and brought back their old standard with
them.
The experience of San Martin in Spain had taught him that success is not
possible in a long war without a solid military organization. He had
seen the Spanish armies, ever routed in spite of their heroism, when
remoulded under English discipline triumph over the first soldiers of
Europe. He knew that Spain, once free from war in the Peninsula, would
send her best troops and her best generals to America. Coolly he studied
the situation, and came to the conclusion that the war was but
commencing, that the armies of the revolution had no consistence, that
there was no plan of operations and no preparation for future
emergencies. He said nothing of this publicly, but quietly set to work
to found a new military school. Under his command the first squadron of
the mounted grenadiers became the school of a generation of heroes. He
did as Cromwell did in his day; he made one regiment the model for an
army. Under strict discipline, which did not repress individual energy,
he formed soldier and officer alike, one by one, instilling into them a
passion for duty and that cool courage which is the secret of success.
His first work was to instruct the officers, who under his guidance
became the monitors of the future school. To the companions of his
voyage he added men who had already seen service in the war, preferring
those who had risen from the ranks, but took none of higher rank than
lieutenant. To them he added cadets, chosen from respectable families of
the city of Buenos Ayres. He was their master both in tactics and in the
use of arms, and taught them both to study and to manœuvre with heads
erect. Their nerves he tried by nocturnal surprises, those who failed
being dismissed, as he wished “to have only lions in the regiment.”
He also established a sort of vigilance committee among them, and in
extreme cases gave permission to fight duels. On the first Sunday in
each month he presided at a meeting of this committee. In an adjoining
room each officer wrote on a blank ticket an account of any misconduct
he had observed. These tickets were folded and dropped into the hat of
the Major, and were then inspected by himself. If among them was any
accusation, the accused was sent from the room while the matter was
discussed. A committee of inquiry was named and directed to report at a
special meeting, where each officer gave his opinion in writing, and a
secret ballot decided whether the accused should remain in the corps or
not. In the first case the president, in the name of the committee and
in their presence, gave a full apology to the accused; in the second, a
special committee was appointed to wait upon him and procure his
resignation, he being at the same time notified that if he continued to
wear the uniform he would be forcibly stripped of it by the first
officer he met.
This tribunal had a concise and severe code which classified
transgressions worthy of punishment, from the act of ducking the head in
danger to that of refusing to fight a duel, be it just or unjust; also
striking a woman, even if insulted by her; and included all sorts of
personal misconduct.
The troopers were all carefully selected, short men not being admitted.
He subjected them to strict discipline, and armed them with the long
sabre of Napoleon’s cuirassiers, telling them that with this weapon they
could split like a melon the head of any _Goth_[8] they met. In their
first skirmish they gave practical proof of the truth of this lesson.
Finally, he gave to each trooper a war-name, forbidding him to answer to
any other.
Other squadrons were formed on the model of this one till a regiment was
embodied, and Government sent San Martin his commission as colonel with
these words:--
“Government sends you a commission as colonel of the mounted grenadiers,
and hopes that by the continuance of your steadiness and zeal you may
present the country with a corps capable alone of securing the liberties
of your fellow-citizens.”
Meantime San Martin had married Doña Maria de los Remedios Escalada, a
beautiful girl of one of the first families of the city.
San Martin made no pretence of being a politician, but among friends he
spoke plainly his opinions:--
“Until now the United Provinces have fought for no one knows what,
without a flag, and without any avowed principles to explain the origin
and tendency of the insurrection. We must declare ourselves independent
if we wish to be known and respected.”
With these ideas he did not hesitate to join those who desired the
convocation of a Constituent Congress, but he saw the necessity of
establishing some powerful nucleus of political force which should bring
superior intelligence to influence popular movements, preparing among a
few that which should be the apparent will of all. This idea he, aided
by Alvear, carried into effect by the installation of the celebrated
secret society known as THE LAUTARO LODGE, which exercised so great and
so mysterious an influence upon the destinies of the revolution.
This Lodge was established in Buenos Ayres about the middle of the year
1812. Its members were of all political parties, but the majority were
of the party at that time dominant in the State. The society was
organised in various grades; in the first, neophytes were initiated
according to the ritual of the Masonic lodges which were introduced into
Buenos Ayres prior to the outbreak of the revolution; in the higher
grades they were initiated into the higher purposes of the society, and
behind these was hidden the central lodge (Logia Matriz), in which lay
the supreme power of the society.
The declared object of the Lodge was:--
“To work systematically for the independence and happiness of America,
proceeding with honour and justice.”
Thus membership was exclusively confined to men of American birth. By
its constitution, if any of the brotherhood was elected supreme ruler
of the State, he could take no important step without consulting the
Lodge; he could not appoint a diplomatic agent, general-in-chief,
governor of a province, judge of an upper court, high church dignitary,
nor general officers, and could not punish any member of the
brotherhood, by his own authority. It was a law of the Society that all
members should mutually assist each other in all the exigencies of civil
life; that at the risk of life they should uphold the decrees of the
Lodge; and should inform it of anything which could influence public
opinion, or affect the public security. To reveal the secret of the
existence of the Lodge “by word or by sign” was punishable by death by
such means “as might be found convenient.” This penalty, was, however,
only intended to have a moral effect. By an addition to the
constitution, it was arranged that when any brother of the _Logia
Matriz_ was named general of an army or governor of a province, he
should have power to establish an affiliated society, with a smaller
number of members.
The Society failed to secure the adhesion of the members of the then
Government, but most of the popular leaders joined the Lodge, and its
ramifications soon extended to all classes, the most notable adherent
being Dr. Don Bernardo Monteagudo, who had great influence among the
younger citizens.
Very exaggerated ideas have been held as to the influence of the Lautaro
Lodge. Events have been attributed to its action and it has been held
responsible for executions and crimes with which the Society had nothing
whatever to do. It has been made the scapegoat of all the mistakes and
errors of the epoch. The Lodge of Lautaro was not a machine of
government or of speculative propaganda, it was an engine of revolution,
of war against a common enemy, and of defence against internal dangers.
In this sense it greatly contributed to give tone and direction to the
revolution, concentrating the forces of government, giving unity and
regularity to political evolutions, and a vigorous impulse to military
operations. Under its auspices was created the first popular Assembly
which gave form to the sovereignty of the people; to it was due that
spirit of propaganda which characterized the Argentine revolution, and
the maintenance of the alliance with Chile, which gave independence to
half the continent; but there was danger in the secrecy of its debates,
and in the irresponsibility of its collective power, which was manifest
when it became a tool in the hands of personal ambition. The limited
sphere in which its influence was felt proves that the Argentine
revolution was impelled by forces of much greater power, and obeyed
general laws over which it had no control.
The Portuguese army, then holding the left bank of the Uruguay, had
agreed to retire within the frontier in pursuance of an armistice
arranged, on the 26th May, 1812, by the interposition of the English
minister, between the United Provinces and the Court of Rio Janeiro. The
Spanish flag yet floated on the walls of Monte Video, but the road was
now open and a strong patriot army was concentrated on the right bank of
the Uruguay.
In Buenos Ayres public spirit revived on the discovery of a vast
conspiracy of European Spaniards under Alzaga, which was to have broken
out on the 5th July, in concert with the forces in Monte Video and the
Spanish squadron in the roadstead, aided by the Portuguese army, which
had not yet retired. The Triumvirate punished the conspirators with
great severity, and the base of operations was solidly secured.
In the North the situation was less promising. The Royalist army, after
completing the subjugation of Upper Peru, advanced in triumph to the
heart of the United Provinces, and invaded the Province of Tucuman. The
relics of the Patriot army were in retreat, under command of Belgrano,
and it was only hoped that they might reach Cordoba in safety. At this
critical juncture Belgrano, disregarding the positive orders of
Government, turned on the enemy, who were double in number to his own
forces, and completely routed them on the 24th September, near to the
city of Tucuman, capturing flags and cannon, and thus saved the
Argentine revolution.
By the constitution drawn up by the Triumvirate, it was established that
one of their number should retire every six months. On the expiration of
the first six months, they convened another Assembly to elect one in
place of the outgoing Triumvir. This Assembly, repeating the errors of
the previous one, took upon itself the attributes of a representative
body. Government dissolved it as it had the former one, and called upon
Don Juan Martin Pueyrredon to fill the vacant chair; but the national
spirit was no longer confined within the limits of the municipality of
Buenos Ayres, and demanded the immediate convocation of a National
Congress, elected by the people. The Triumvirate proposed that a third
Assembly should devote itself to drawing up a plan for the election of
the Congress. This Assembly accordingly met on the 6th October, in the
midst of the excitement caused by the news of the victory of Tucuman,
and elected as Triumvir a nominee of the Executive. Public opinion saw
in this only a continuance of the provisional system and was greatly
incensed, both against the Triumvirate and against the Assembly.
Behind the popular movement was the Lautaro Lodge under the direction of
Monteagudo, who secured the concurrence of San Martin and his
grenadiers, as also that of Alvear. This movement was much more
carefully prepared than that of the 25th May, 1810, or than that of the
5th and 6th April, 1811. The leaders drew up a plan of operations,
defining the parts to be played by the people, by the corporations, and
by the troops. They chose beforehand the members of the future
Government, and even made a programme of the policy they should pursue.
At half-past eleven on the night of the 7th October the troops of the
garrison commenced to defile into the Plaza Victoria, and took up
positions in front of the Cabildo. The grenadiers, with sabres sheathed,
were headed by San Martin and Alvear; after them came Colonel Ortiz
Ocampo with the 2nd regiment, and Lieutenant-Colonel Pinto with the
cavalry. At daybreak on the 8th, the bell of the municipality was rung
and the people commenced to assemble. Soon three hundred persons, among
whom were the principal members of the religious orders, occupied the
galleries of the Chamber and presented to the Cabildo a petition with
more than three hundred signatures, asking--
“Under protection of the military for the suspension of the Assembly and
the deposition of the Triumvirate, so that the Cabildo, reassuming the
authority delegated to it by the people on the 22nd May, 1810, might
immediately create a new Executive encharged to convene a truly national
Assembly.”
The Cabildo acceded to everything, declaring by proclamation that the
Assembly when convened should have supreme power within limits defined
by the towns, in order to draw up a Constitution. They also appointed an
executive, consisting of Don Juan José Passo, Don Nicolas Rodriguez
Peña, and Don Antonio Alvarez Jonte, under the rules of the Provisional
Statute. All which was submitted to the people and approved of by
acclamation.
This revolution, which was municipal in its form, was essentially
national and democratic in its tendency. The principle of the
sovereignty of the people was recognised by calling a general Congress;
the old traditions, which gave supremacy to the capital, were set aside;
and the first bold step was taken in the path of independence.
The new Triumvirate lost no time in setting about their appointed task;
the Constituent Assembly was speedily convened, the victorious army of
Tucuman was strongly reinforced, and another army was despatched to
besiege Monte Video.
Thus in the space of seven months from the arrival of San Martin in
Buenos Ayres the aspect of affairs was completely changed. Government
was consolidated, its policy defined, public spirit was aroused, and the
revolution, with two armies, boldly displayed the flag of independence.
But the military situation was precarious, everything depended upon the
result of a battle.
Monte Video was a fortress of the second class, was defended by 335
guns, of which 175 were in battery, was garrisoned by more than 3,000
troops and by 2,000 militia, and was further protected by a squadron of
14 ships of war, mounting 210 guns, and by a flotilla, while the United
Provinces had not even a gunboat. Here was the centre of reaction and
the natural base for any expedition from the Peninsula, while the state
of relations with Brazil increased the danger from this quarter.
The Royalist army, beaten at Tucuman, had been strongly reinforced, and
lay entrenched at Salta, waiting the arrival of another army from Upper
Peru.
Government summoned a council of military chiefs--of whom San Martin was
one--and of influential citizens, to aid the Cabildo in devising
measures to meet these threatening dangers. It was decided that Monte
Video must be taken at any cost, and that Belgrano should be instructed
to drive the enemy from Salta, in order to open the road to the centre
of the Spanish power at Lima.