JAMAICA--THE GOVERNMENT.
Queen, Lords, and Commons, with the full paraphernalia of triple
readings, adjournments of the house, and counting out, prevails in
Jamaica as it does in Great Britain.
By this it will be understood that there is a Governor, representing
the Crown, whose sanction or veto is of course given, as regards
important measures, in accordance with instructions from the Colonial
Office. The Governor has an Executive Committee, which tallies with
our Cabinet. It consists at present of three members, one of whom
belongs to the upper House and two to the lower. The Governor may
appoint a fourth member if it so please him. These gentlemen are paid
for their services, and preside over different departments, as do
our Secretaries of State, &c. And there is a Most Honourable Privy
Council, just as we have at home. Of this latter, the members may or
may not support the Governor, seeing that they are elected for life.
The House of Lords is represented by the Legislative Council. This
quasi-peerage is of course not hereditary, but the members sit for
life, and are nominated by the Governor. They are seventeen in
number. The Legislative Council can of course put a veto on any bill.
The House of Assembly stands in the place of the House of Commons.
It consists of forty-seven members, two being elected by nineteen
parishes, and three each by three other parishes, those, namely,
which contain the towns of Kingston, Spanish Town, and Port Royal.
In one respect this House of Commons falls short of the privileges
and powers of our House at home. It cannot suggest money bills. No
honourable member can make a proposition that so much a year shall be
paid for such a purpose. The government did not wish to be driven to
exercise the invidious power of putting repeated vetos on repeated
suggestions for semi-public expenditure; and therefore this power has
been taken away. But any honourable member can bring before the House
a motion to the effect that the Governor be recommended himself to
propose, by one of the Executive Committee, such or such a money
bill; and then if the Governor decline, the House can refuse to pass
his supplies, and can play the "red devil" with his Excellency. So
that it seems to come pretty nearly to the same thing.
At home in England, Crown, Lords, and Commons really seem to do very
well. Some may think that the system wants a little shove this way,
some the other. Reform may, or may not be, more or less needed. But
on the whole we are governed honestly, liberally, and successfully;
with at least a greater share of honesty, liberality, and success
than has fallen to the lot of most other people. Each of the three
estates enjoys the respect of the people at large, and a seat, either
among the Lords or the Commons, is an object of high ambition. The
system may therefore be said to be successful.
But it does not follow that because it answers in England it should
answer in Jamaica; that institutions which suit the country which
is perhaps in the whole world the furthest advanced in civilization,
wealth, and public honesty, should suit equally well an island
which is unfortunately very far from being advanced in those good
qualities; whose civilization, as regards the bulk of the population,
is hardly above that of savages, whose wealth has vanished, and of
whose public honesty--I will say nothing. Of that I myself will
say nothing, but the Jamaicans speak of it in terms which are not
flattering to their own land.
I do not think that the system does answer in Jamaica. In the first
place, it must be remembered that it is carried on there in a manner
very different from that exercised in our other West-Indian colonies.
In Jamaica any man may vote who pays either tax or rent; but by a
late law he must put in his claim to vote on a ten shilling stamp.
There are in round numbers three hundred thousand blacks, seventy
thousand coloured people, and fifteen thousand white; it may
therefore easily be seen in what hands the power of electing must
rest. Now in Barbados no coloured man votes at all. A coloured man or
negro is doubtless qualified to vote if he own a freehold; but then,
care is taken that such shall not own freeholds. In Trinidad, the
legislative power is almost entirely in the hands of the Crown. In
Guiana, which I look upon as the best governed of them all, this is
very much the case.
It is not that I would begrudge the black man the right of voting
because he is black, or that I would say that he is and must be
unfit to vote, or unfit even to sit in a house of assembly; but the
amalgamation as at present existing is bad. The objects sought after
by a free and open representation of the people are not gained
unless those men are as a rule returned who are most respected in
the commonwealth, so that the body of which they are the units may
be respected also. This object is not achieved in Jamaica, and
consequently the House of Assembly is not respected. It does not
contain the men of most weight and condition in the island, and is
contemptuously spoken of even in Jamaica itself, and even by its own
members.
Some there are, some few, who have gotten themselves to be elected,
in order that things which are already bad may not, if such can be
avoided, become worse. They, no doubt, are they who best do their
duty by the country in which their lot lies. But, for the most part,
those who should represent Jamaica will not condescend to take part
in the debates, nor will they solicit the votes of the negroes.
It would appear from these observations as though I thought that the
absolute ascendency of the white man should still be maintained in
Jamaica. By no means. Let him be ascendant who can--in Jamaica or
elsewhere--who honestly can. I doubt whether such ascendency, the
ascendency of Europeans and white Creoles, can be longer maintained
in this island. It is not even now maintained; and for that reason
chiefly I hold that this system of Lords and Commons is not
compatible with the present genius of the place. Let coloured men
fill the public offices, and enjoy the sweets of official pickings.
I would by no means wish to interfere with any good things which
fortune may be giving them in this respect. But I think there would
be greater probability of their advancing in their new profession
honestly and usefully, if they could be made to look more to the
Colonial Office at home, and less to the native legislature.
At home, no member of the House of Commons can hold a government
contract. The members of the House of Assembly in Jamaica have no
such prejudicial embargo attached to the honour of their seats. They
can hold the government contracts; and it is astonishing how many of
them are in their hands.
The great point which strikes a stranger is this, that the House of
Assembly is not respected in the island. Jamaicans themselves have no
confidence in it. If the white men could be polled, the majority I
think would prefer to be rid of it altogether, and to be governed, as
Trinidad is governed, by a Governor with a council; of course with
due power of reference to the Colonial Office.
Let any man fancy what England would be if the House of Commons were
ludicrous in the eyes of Englishmen; if men ridiculed or were ashamed
of all their debates. Such is the case as regards the Jamaica House
of Commons.
In truth, there is not room for a machinery so complicated in this
island. The handful of white men can no longer have it all their own
way; and as for the negroes--let any warmest advocate of the "man and
brother" position say whether he has come across three or four of
the class who are fit to enact laws for their own guidance and the
guidance of others.
It pains me to write words which may seem to be opposed to humanity
and a wide philanthropy; but a spade is a spade, and it is worse than
useless to say that it is something else.
The proof of the truth of what I say with reference to this system
of Lords and Commons is to be found in the eating of the pudding.
It may not perhaps be fair to adduce the prosperity of Barbados,
and to compare it with the adversity of Jamaica, seeing that
local circumstances were advantageous to Barbados at the times of
emancipation and equalization of the sugar duties. Barbados was
always able to command a plentiful supply of labour. But it is quite
fair to compare Jamaica with Guiana or Trinidad. In both these
colonies the negro was as well able to shirk his work as in Jamaica.
And in these two colonies the negro did shirk his work, just as he
did in Jamaica; and does still to a great extent. The limits of these
colonies are as extensive as Jamaica is, and the negro can squat.
They are as fertile as Jamaica is, and the negro can procure his
food almost without trouble. But not the less is it a fact that the
exportation of sugar from Guiana and Trinidad now exceeds the amount
exported in the time of slavery, while the exportation from Jamaica
is almost as nothing.
But in Trinidad and Guiana they have no House of Commons, with Mr.
Speaker, three readings, motions for adjournment, and unlimited
powers of speech. In those colonies the governments--acting with
such assistance as was necessary--have succeeded in getting foreign
labour. In Jamaica they have as yet but succeeded in talking about
it. In Guiana and Trinidad they make much sugar, and boast loudly
of making more. In Jamaica they make but very little, and have not
self-confidence enough left with them to make any boast whatsoever.
With all the love that an Englishman should have for a popular
parliamentary representation, I cannot think it adapted to a small
colony, even were that colony not from circumstances so peculiarly
ill fitted for it as is Jamaica. In Canada and Australia it is
no doubt very well; the spirit of a fresh and energetic people
struggling on into the world's eminence will produce men fit for
debating, men who can stand on their legs without making a house of
legislature ridiculous. But what could Lords and Commons do in Malta,
or in Jersey? What would they do in the Scilly Islands? What have
they been doing in the Ionian Islands? And, alas! what have they done
in Jamaica?
Her roads are almost impassable, her bridges are broken down, her
coffee plantations have gone back to bush, her sugar estates have
been sold for the value of the sugar-boilers. Kingston as a town is
the most deplorable that man ever visited, unless it be that Spanish
Town is worse. And yet they have Lords and Commons with all but
unlimited powers of making motions! It has availed them nothing, and
I fear will avail them nothing.
This I know may be said, that be the Lords and Commons there for
good or evil, they are to be moved neither by men nor gods. It is I
imagine true, that no power known to the British empire could deprive
Jamaica of her constitution. It has had some kind of a house of
assembly since the time of Charles II.; nay, I believe, since the
days of Cromwell; which by successive doctoring has grown to be such
a parody, as it now is, on our home mode of doing business. How all
this may now be altered and brought back to reason, perhaps no man
can say. Probably it cannot be altered till some further smash shall
come; but it is not on that account the less objectionable.
The House of Assembly and the Chamber of the Legislative Council
are both situated in the same square with the Governor's mansion
in Spanish Town. The desolateness of this place I have attempted
to describe elsewhere, and yet, when I was there, Parliament
was sitting! What must the place be during the nine months when
Parliament does not sit? They are yellow buildings, erected
at considerable expense, and not without some pretence. But
nevertheless, they are ugly--ugly from their colour, ugly from the
heat, and ugly from a certain heaviness which seems natural to them
and to the place.
The house itself in which the forty-seven members sit is comfortable
enough, and not badly adapted for its purposes. The Speaker sits at
one end all in full fig, with a clerk at the table below; opposite to
him, two-thirds down the room, a low bar, about four feet high, runs
across it. As far as this the public are always admitted; and when
any subject of special interest is under discussion twelve or fifteen
persons may be seen there assembled. Then there is a side room
opening from the house, into which members take their friends. Indeed
it is, I believe, generally open to any one wearing a decent coat.
There is the Bellamy of the establishment, in which honourable
members take such refreshment as the warmth of the debate may render
necessary. Their tastes seemed to me to be simple, and to addict
themselves chiefly to rum and water.
I was throwing away my cigar as I entered the precincts of the house.
"Oh, you can smoke," said my friend to me; "only, when you stand
at the doorway, don't let the Speaker's eye catch the light; but
it won't much matter." So I walked on, and stood at the side door,
smoking my cigar indeed, but conscious that I was desecrating the
place.
I saw five or six coloured gentlemen in the house, and two
negroes--sitting in the house as members. As far as the two latter
men were concerned, I could not but be gratified to see them in the
fair enjoyment of the objects of a fair ambition. Had they not by
efforts of their own made themselves greatly superior to others of
their race, they would not have been there. I say this, fearing that
it may be thought that I begrudge a black man such a position. I
begrudge the black men nothing that they can honestly lay hands on;
but I think that we shall benefit neither them nor ourselves by
attempting with a false philanthropy to make them out to be other
than they are.
The subject under debate was a railway bill. The railway system is
not very extended in the island; but there is a railway, and the
talk was of prolonging it. Indeed, the house I believe had on some
previous occasion decided that it should be prolonged, and the
present fight was as to some particular detail. What that detail was
I did not learn, for the business being performed was a continual
series of motions for adjournment carried on by a victorious minority
of three.
It was clear that the conquered majority of--say thirty--was very
angry. For some reason, appertaining probably to the tactics of the
house, these thirty were exceedingly anxious to have some special
point carried and put out of the way that night, but the three were
inexorable. Two of the three spoke continually, and ended every
speech with a motion for adjournment.
And then there was a disagreement among the thirty. Some declared
all this to be "bosh," proposed to leave the house without any
adjournment, play whist, and let the three victors enjoy their barren
triumph. Others, made of sterner stuff, would not thus give way. One
after another they made impetuous little speeches, then two at a
time, and at last three. They thumped the table, and called each
other pretty names, walked about furiously, and devoted the three
victors to the infernal gods.
And then one of the black gentlemen arose, and made a calm,
deliberate little oration. The words he spoke were about the wisest
which were spoken that night, and yet they were not very wise. He
offered to the house a few platitudes on the general benefit of
railways, which would have applied to any railway under the sun,
saying that eggs and fowls would be taken to market; and then he sat
down. On his behalf I must declare that there were no other words of
such wisdom spoken that night. But this relief lasted only for three
minutes.
After a while two members coming to the door declared that it was
becoming unbearable, and carried me away to play whist. "My place is
close by," said one, "and if the row becomes hot we shall hear it. It
is dreadful to stay there with such an object, and with the certainty
of missing one's object after all." As I was inclined to agree with
him, I went away and played whist.
But soon a storm of voices reached our ears round the card-table.
"They are hard at it now," said one honourable member. "That's
So-and-So, by the screech." The yell might have been heard at
Kingston, and no doubt was.
"By heavens they are at it," said another. "Ha, ha, ha! A nice house
of assembly, isn't it?"
"Will they pitch into one another?" I asked, thinking of scenes of
which I had read of in another country; and thinking also, I must
confess, that an absolute bodily scrimmage on the floor of the house
might be worth seeing.
"They don't often do that," said my friend. "They trust chiefly to
their voices; but there's no knowing."
The temptation was too much for me, so I threw down my cards and
rushed back to the Assembly. When I arrived the louder portion of
the noise was being made by one gentleman who was walking round and
round the chamber, swearing in a loud voice that he would resign the
very moment the Speaker was seated in the chair; for at that time
the house was in committee. The louder portion of the noise, I say,
for two other honourable members were speaking, and the rest were
discussing the matter in small parties.
"Shameful, abominable, scandalous, rascally!" shouted the angry
gentleman over and over again, as he paced round and round the
chamber. "I'll not sit in such a house; no man should sit in such a
house. By G----, I'll resign as soon as I see the Speaker in that
chair. Sir, come and have a drink of rum and water."
In his angry wanderings his steps had brought him to the door at
which I was standing, and these last words were addressed to me.
"Come and have a drink of rum and water," and he seized me with a
hospitable violence by the arm. I did not dare to deny so angry a
legislator, and I drank the rum and water. Then I returned to my
cards.
It may be said that nearly the same thing does sometimes occur in our
own House of Commons--always omitting the threats of resignation and
the drink. With us at home a small minority may impede the business
of the house by adjournments, and members sometimes become loud and
angry. But in Jamaica the storm raged in so small a teapot! The
railway extension was to be but for a mile or two, and I fear would
hardly benefit more than the eggs and fowls for which the dark
gentleman pleaded.
In heading this chapter I have spoken of the government, and it may
be objected to me that in writing it I have written only of the
legislature, and not at all of the mode of governing. But in truth
the mode of government depends entirely on the mode of legislature.
As regards the Governor himself and his ministers, I do not doubt
that they do their best; but I think that their best might be much
better if their hands were not so closely tied by this teapot system
of Queen, Lords, and Commons.