removed, or interfered with, in his military operations. He has asked that
he, the Governor, be allowed to commission officers for troops raised in
Kansas, as other governors of loyal States do; and I think he is right in
this.
He has asked that General Blunt shall not take persons charged with civil
crimes out of the hands of the courts and turn them over to mobs to be
hung; and I think he is right in this also. He has asked that General
Ewing's department be extended to include all Kansas; and I have not
determined whether this is right or not.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR MORTON.
WASHINGTON, D. C., July 18, 1863.
GOVERNOR O. P. MORTON, Indianapolis:
What do you remember about the case of John O. Brown, convicted of
mutinous conduct and sentenced to death? What do you desire about it?
A. LINCOLN.
TO GOVERNOR PARKER
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON
July 20, 1863.
HIS EXCELLENCY JOEL PARKER, Governor of New Jersey.
DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 15th has been received, and considered by the
Secretary of War and myself. I was pained to be informed this morning by
the Provost-Marshal-General that New Jersey is now behind twelve thousand,
irrespective of the draft. I did not have time to ascertain by what rules
this was made out; and I shall be very glad if it shall, by any means,
prove to be incorrect. He also tells me that eight thousand will be about
the quota of New Jersey on the first draft; and the Secretary of War
says the first draft in that State would not be made for some time in any
event. As every man obtained otherwise lessens the draft so much, and this
may supersede it altogether, I hope you will push forward your volunteer
regiments as fast as possible.
It is a very delicate matter to postpone the draft in one State, because
of the argument it furnishes others to have postponement also. If we could
have a reason in one case which would be good if presented in all cases,
we could act upon it.
I will thank you, therefore, to inform me, if you can, by what day, at
the earliest, you can promise to have ready to be mustered into the United
States service the eight thousand men.
If you can make a reliable promise (I mean one which you can rely on
yourself) of this sort, it will be of great value, if the day is not too
remote.
I beg you to be assured I wish to avoid the difficulties you dread as much
as yourself.
Your obedient servant,
A. LINCOLN
TO GENERAL SCHOFIELD.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON D.C. JULY 20, 1863
MAJOR GENERAL JOHN M. SCHOFIELD.
MY DEAR GENERAL:--I have received and read your letter of the 14th of
July.
I think the suggestion you make, of discontinuing proceedings against
Mr. McKee, a very proper one. While I admit that there is an apparent
impropriety in the publication of the letter mentioned, without my consent
or yours, it is still a case where no evil could result, and which I am
entirely willing to overlook.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. M. SCHOFIELD
WASHINGTON, D.C. JULY 22, 1863
MAJOR GENERAL SCHOFIELD, St. Louis, Mo.:
The following despatch has been placed in my hands. Please look to the
subject of it.
LEXINGTON, Mo., JULY 21, 1863 HON. S C. POMEROY: Under Orders No.63 the
sheriff is arresting slaves of rebels inside our lines, and returning them
in great numbers. Can he do it? Answer. GOULD.
A. LINCOLN
TO POSTMASTER-GENERAL BLAIR
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,
JULY 24, 1863.
HON. POSTMASTER-GENERAL
SIR:-Yesterday little indorsements of mine went to you in two cases
of postmasterships sought for widows whose husbands have fallen in the
battles of this war. These cases occurring on the same day brought me to
reflect more attentively than I had before done, as to what is fairly due
from us herein the dispensing of patronage toward the men who, by fighting
our battles, bear the chief burden of serving our country. My conclusion
is that, other claims and qualifications being equal, they have the better
right and this is especially applicable to the disabled and the soldier,
deceased soldier's family.
Your obedient servant,
A. LINCOLN
TO SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 25, 1863.
HON. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.
SIR:--Certain matters have come to my notice, and considered by me, which
induce me to believe that it will conduce to the public interest for
you to add to the general instructions given to our naval commanders in
relation to contraband trade propositions substantially as follows, to
wit:
First. You will avoid the reality, and as far as possible the appearance,
of using any neutral port to watch neutral vessels and then to dart out
and seize them on their departure.
NOTE.--Complaint is made that this has been practiced at the port of St
Thomas, which practice, if it exists, is disapproved and must cease.
Second. You will not in any case detain the crew of a captured neutral
vessel or any other subject of a neutral power on board such vessel,
as prisoners of war or otherwise, except the small number necessary as
witnesses in the prize court.
NOTE.-The practice here forbidden is also charged to exist, which, if
true, is disapproved and must cease.
My dear sir, it is not intended to be insinuated that you have been
remiss in the performance of the arduous and responsible duties of your
department, which, I take pleasure in affirming, has in your hands been
conducted with admirable success. Yet, while your subordinates are almost
of necessity brought into angry collision with the subjects of foreign
states, the representatives of those states and yourself do not come into
immediate contact for the purpose of keeping the peace, in spite of such
collisions. At that point there is an ultimate and heavy responsibility
upon me.
What I propose is in strict accordance with international law, and is
therefore unobjectionable; whilst, if it does no other good, it will
contribute to sustain a considerable portion of the present British
ministry in their places, who, if displaced, are sure to be replaced by
others more unfavorable to us.
Your obedient servant,
A. LINCOLN
LETTER TO GOVERNOR PARKER.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,
July 25, 1863.
HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR JOEL PARKER.
SIR:--Yours of the 21st is received, and I have taken time and considered
and discussed the subject with the Secretary of War and Provost-Marshal
General, in order, if possible, to make you a more favorable answer than I
finally find myself able to do.
It is a vital point with us to not have a special stipulation with the
governor of any one State, because it would breed trouble in many, if not
all, other States; and my idea was when I wrote you, as it still is, to
get a point of time to which we could wait, on the reason that we were not
ready ourselves to proceed, and which might enable you to raise the quota
of your State, in whole, or in large part, without the draft. The points
of time you fix are much farther off than I had hoped. We might have got
along in the way I have indicated for twenty, or possibly thirty, days. As
it stands, the best I can say is that every volunteer you will present us
within thirty days from this date, fit and ready to be mustered into the
United States service, on the usual terms, shall be pro tanto an abatement
of your quota of the draft. That quota I can now state at eight thousand
seven hundred and eighty-three (8783). No draft from New Jersey, other
than for the above quota, will be made before an additional draft, common
to [all] the States, shall be required; and I may add that if we get well
through with this draft, I entertain a strong hope that any further
one may never be needed. This expression of hope, however, must not be
construed into a promise.
As to conducting the draft by townships, I find it would require such a
waste of labor already done, and such an additional amount of it, and such
a loss of time, as to make it, I fear, inadmissible.
Your obedient servant,
A. LINCOLN.
P. S.--Since writing the above, getting additional information, I
am enabled to say that the draft may be made in subdistricts, as the
enrolment has been made, or is in process of making. This will amount
practically to drafting by townships, as the enrollment subdistricts are
generally about the extent of townships. A.L.
To GENERAL G. G. MEADE. (Private.)
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 27, 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE:
I have not thrown General Hooker away; and therefore I would like to know
whether it would be agreeable to you, all things considered, for him to
take a corps under you, if he himself is willing to do so. Write me in
perfect freedom, with the assurance that I will not subject you to any
embarrassment by making your letter or its contents known to any one. I
wish to know your wishes before I decide whether to break the subject
to him. Do not lean a hair's breadth against your own feelings, or your
judgment of the public service, on the idea of gratifying me.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL A. B. BURNSIDE.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, July 27, 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Cincinnati, O.:
Let me explain. In General Grant's first despatch after the fall of
Vicksburg, he said, among other things, he would send the Ninth Corps to
you. Thinking it would be pleasant to you, I asked the Secretary of War to
telegraph you the news. For some reasons never mentioned to us by General
Grant, they have not been sent, though we have seen outside intimations
that they took part in the expedition against Jackson. General Grant is
a copious worker and fighter, but a very meager writer or telegrapher.
No doubt he changed his purpose in regard to the Ninth Corps for some
sufficient reason, but has forgotten to notify us of it.
A. LINCOLN.
TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, July 29, 1863
MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK:
Seeing General Meade's despatch of yesterday to yourself causes me to fear
that he supposes the Government here is demanding of him to bring on a
general engagement with Lee as soon as possible. I am claiming no such
thing of him. In fact, my judgment is against it; which judgment, of
course, I will yield if yours and his are the contrary. If he could not
safely engage Lee at Williamsport, it seems absurd to suppose he can
safely engage him now, when he has scarcely more than two thirds of
the force he had at Williamsport, while it must be that Lee has been
reinforced. True, I desired General Meade to pursue Lee across the
Potomac, hoping, as has proved true, that he would thereby clear the
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, and get some advantages by harassing him on
his retreat. These being past, I am unwilling he should now get into a
general engagement on the impression that we here are pressing him, and
I shall be glad for you to so inform him, unless your own judgment is
against it.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
H. W. HALLECK, General-in-Chief.
TO SECRETARY STANTON.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 29, 1863
HON. SECRETARY OF WAR.
SIR:--Can we not renew the effort to organize a force to go to western
Texas?
Please consult with the general-in-chief on the subject.
If the Governor of New Jersey shall furnish any new regiments, might not
they be put into such an expedition? Please think of it.
I believe no local object is now more desirable.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
ORDER OF RETALIATION.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 30, 1863.
It is the duty of every government to give protection to its citizens, of
whatever class, color, or condition, and especially to those who are duly
organized as soldiers in the public service. The law of nations and the
usages and customs of war, as carried on by civilized powers, permit no
distinction as to color in the treatment of prisoners of war as public
enemies. To sell or enslave any captured person, on account of his color
and for no offense against the laws of war, is a relapse into barbarism,
and a crime against the civilization of the age.
The Government of the United States will give the same protection to all
its soldiers; and if the enemy shall sell or enslave any one because of
his color, the offense shall be punished by retaliation upon the enemy's
prisoners in our possession.
It is therefore ordered that for every soldier of the United States killed
in violation of the laws of war, a rebel soldier shall be executed; and
for every one enslaved by the enemy or sold into slavery, a rebel soldier
shall be placed at hard labor on the public works, and continued at such
labor until the other shall be released and receive the treatment due to a
prisoner of war.
A. LINCOLN.
TO GENERAL S. A. HURLBUT.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 31, 1863.
MY DEAR GENERAL HURLBUT:
Your letter by Mr. Dana was duly received. I now learn that your
resignation has reached the War Department. I also learn that an active
command has been assigned you by General Grant. The Secretary of War and
General Halleck are very partial to you, as you know I also am. We all
wish you to reconsider the question of resigning; not that we would
wish to retain you greatly against your wish and interest, but that your
decision may be at least a very well-considered one.
I understand that Senator [William K.] Sebastian, of Arkansas, thinks of
offering to resume his place in the Senate. Of course the Senate, and not
I, would decide whether to admit or reject him. Still I should feel great
interest in the question. It may be so presented as to be one of the very
greatest national importance; and it may be otherwise so presented as to
be of no more than temporary personal consequence to him.
The Emancipation Proclamation applies to Arkansas. I think it is valid
in law, and will be so held by the courts. I think I shall not retract
or repudiate it. Those who shall have tasted actual freedom I believe can
never be slaves or quasi-slaves again. For the rest, I believe some plan
substantially being gradual emancipation would be better for both white
and black. The Missouri plan recently adopted, I do not object to on
account of the time for ending the institution; but I am sorry the
beginning should have been postponed for seven years, leaving all that
time to agitate for the repeal of the whole thing. It should begin at
once, giving at least the new-born a vested interest in freedom which
could not be taken away. If Senator Sebastian could come with something
of this sort from Arkansas, I, at least, should take great interest in his
case; and I believe a single individual will have scarcely done the world
so great a service. See him if you can, and read this to him; but charge
him not to make it public for the present. Write me again.
Yours very truly,
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM FROM GOVERNOR SEYMOUR.
ALBANY, August 1, 1863. Recvd 2 P.M.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:
I ask that the draft be suspended in this State until I can send you a
communication I am preparing.
HORATIO SEYMOUR.
TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR SEYMOUR
WASHINGTON, D.C., August 1, 1863. 4 P.M.
HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR SEYMOUR, Albany, N.Y.:
By what day may I expect your communication to reach me? Are you anxious
about any part except the city and vicinity?
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL FOSTER.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 3, 1863.
MAJOR-GENERAL FOSTER (or whoever may be in command of the military
department with headquarters at Fort Monroe, Va.):
If Dr. Wright, on trial at Norfolk, has been or shall be convicted, send
me a transcript of his trial and conviction, and do not let execution be
done upon him until my further order.
A. LINCOLN.
TO GENERAL N. P. BANKS.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 5,1863.
MY DEAR GENERAL BANKS:
While I very well know what I would be glad for Louisiana to do, it is
quite a different thing for me to assume direction of the matter. I would
be glad for her to make a new constitution, recognizing the emancipation
proclamation, and adopting emancipation in those parts of the State to
which the proclamation does not apply. And while she is at it, I think it
would not be objectionable for her to adopt some practical system by which
the two races could gradually live themselves out of their old relation to
each other, and both come out better prepared for the new. Education
for young blacks should be included in the plan. After all, the power or
element of "contract" may be sufficient for this probationary period, and
by its simplicity and flexibility may be the better.
As an antislavery man, I have a motive to desire emancipation which
proslavery men do not have but even they have strong enough reason to
thus place themselves again under the shield of the Union, and to thus
perpetually hedge against the recurrence of the scenes through which we
are now passing.
Governor Shepley has informed me that Mr. Durant is now taking a registry,
with a view to the election of a constitutional convention in Louisiana.
This, to me, appears proper. If such convention were to ask my views, I
could present little else than what I now say to you. I think the thing
should be pushed forward, so that, if possible, its mature work may reach
here by the meeting of Congress.
For my own part, I think I shall not, in any event, retract the
emancipation proclamation: nor, as executive, ever return to slavery any
person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the
acts of Congress.
If Louisiana shall send members to Congress, their admission to seats
will depend, as you know, upon the respective Houses, and not upon the
President.
Yours very truly,
A. LINCOLN.
TO GOVERNOR SEYMOUR.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 7, 1863.
HIS EXCELLENCY HORATIO SEYMOUR, Governor of New York:
Your communication of the 3rd instant has been received and attentively
considered.
I cannot consent to suspend the draft in New York, as you request,
because, among other reasons, time is too important.
By the figures you send, which I presume are correct, the twelve districts
represented fall into two classes of eight and four respectively. The
disparity of the quotas for the draft in these two classes is certainly
very striking, being the difference between an average of 2200 in one
class and 4864 in the other. Assuming that the districts are equal one to
another in entire population, as required by the plan on which they were
made, this disparity is such as to require attention. Much of it, however,
I suppose will be accounted for by the fact that so many more persons fit
for soldiers are in the city than are in the country who have too recently
arrived from other parts of the United States and from Europe to be either
included in the census of 1860, or to have voted in 1862. Still, making
due allowance for this, I am yet unwilling to stand upon it as an entirely
sufficient explanation of the great disparity.
I shall direct the draft to proceed in all the districts, drawing,
however, at first from each of the four districts--to wit, the Second,
Fourth, Sixth, and Eighth--only, 2200 being the average quota of the other
class. After this drawing, these four districts, and also the Seventeenth
and Twenty-ninth, shall be carefully re-enrolled; and, if you please,
agents of yours may witness every step of the process. Any deficiency
which may appear by the new enrolment will be supplied by a special draft
for that object, allowing due credit for volunteers who may be obtained
from these districts respectively during the interval; and at all points,
so far as consistent with practical convenience, due credits shall be
given for volunteers, and your Excellency shall be notified of the time
fixed for commencing the draft in each district.
I do not object to abide a decision of the United States Supreme Court, or
of the judges thereof, on the constitutionality of the draft law. In
fact, I should be willing to facilitate the obtaining of it. But I cannot
consent to lose the time while it is being obtained. We are contending
with an enemy who, as I understand, drives every able-bodied man he can
reach into his ranks, very much as a butcher drives bullocks into the
slaughter-pen. No time is wasted, no argument is used. This produces an
army which will soon turn upon our now victorious soldiers already in the
field, if they shall not be sustained by recruits as they should be. It
produces an army with a rapidity not to be matched on our side if we first
waste time to re-experiment with the volunteer system, already deemed by
Congress, and palpably, in fact, so far exhausted as to be inadequate;
and then more time to obtain a court decision as to whether a law is
constitutional, which requires a part of those not now in the service
to go to the aid of those who are already in it; and still more time to
determine with absolute certainty that we get those who are to go in the
precisely legal proportion to those who are not to go. My purpose is to be
in my action just and constitutional, and yet practical, in performing the
important duty with which I am charged, of maintaining the unity and the
free principles of our common country.
Your obedient servant,
A. LINCOLN.
TO GENERAL U.S. GRANT.
EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, August 9, 1863.
MY DEAR GENERAL GRANT:
I see by a despatch of yours that you incline quite strongly toward an
expedition against Mobile. This would appear tempting to me also, were it
not that in view of recent events in Mexico I am greatly impressed with
the importance of re-establishing the national authority in western Texas
as soon as possible. I am not making an order, however; that I leave, for
the present at least, to the general-in-chief.
A word upon another subject: General Thomas has gone again to the
Mississippi Valley, with the view of raising colored troops. I have no
reason to doubt that you are doing what you reasonably can upon the same
subject. I believe it is a resource which if vigorously applied now
will soon close the contest. It works doubly, weakening the enemy and
strengthening us. We were not fully ripe for it until the river was
opened. Now, I think at least one hundred thousand can and ought to be
rapidly organized along its shores, relieving all white troops to serve
elsewhere. Mr. Dana understands you as believing that the Emancipation
Proclamation has helped some in your military operations. I am very glad
if this is so.
Did you receive a short letter from me dated the 13th of July?
Yours very truly,
A. LINCOLN.
TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 10, 1863.
MY DEAR GENERAL ROSECRANS:
Yours of the 1st was received two days ago. I think you must have inferred
more than General Halleck has intended, as to any dissatisfaction of mine
with you. I am sure you, as a reasonable man, would not have been wounded
could you have heard all my words and seen all my thoughts in regard to
you. I have not abated in my kind feeling for and confidence in you. I
have seen most of your despatches to General Halleck--probably all of
them. After Grant invested Vicksburg I was very anxious lest Johnston
should overwhelm him from the outside, and when it appeared certain that
part of Bragg's force had gone and was going to Johnston, it did seem to
me it was exactly the proper time for you to attack Bragg with what force
he had left. In all kindness let me say it so seems to me yet. Finding
from your despatches to General Halleck that your judgment was different,
and being very anxious for Grant, I, on one occasion, told General Halleck
I thought he should direct you to decide at once to immediately attack
Bragg or to stand on the defensive and send part of your force to Grant.
He replied he had already so directed in substance. Soon after, despatches
from Grant abated my anxiety for him, and in proportion abated my anxiety
about any movement of yours. When afterward, however, I saw a despatch of
yours arguing that the right time for you to attack Bragg was not before,
but would be after, the fall of Vicksburg, it impressed me very strangely,
and I think I so stated to the Secretary of War and General Halleck. It
seemed no other than the proposition that you could better fight Bragg
when Johnston should be at liberty to return and assist him than you could
before he could so return to his assistance.