These arrangements had all been completed when something totally

unexpected happened. A Bombay runner arrived with dispatches from the

Admiralty, sent overland, recalling the whole of Admiral Watson’s

squadron to England at once. “It was,” as Dr. Ives describes, “a terrible

blow.” But the Admiral proved equal to the situation. He held an informal

consultation in his cabin with his second in command, Rear-Admiral

Pocock, and Flag-Captain Speke. Taking all responsibility on himself, the

Admiral decided to postpone his departure until after the expedition to

Bengal had been successfully carried through. An emergency had arisen,

he wrote in his reply to England, which the Admiralty could not have

foreseen, which imperatively required the continued presence of the

squadron on the station. Then Admiral Watson went ashore to communicate

his dispatches to the Governor in Council. His opening intimation that

the men-of-war had been recalled created, in the words of Dr. Ives,

“blank consternation.” It would mean, as the Council formally resolved,

“the total ruin of the Company’s affairs in the Indies.” They expressed

themselves as helpless without the Navy, and were overwhelmingly

grateful when they learned that the Admiral had decided, on his own

responsibility, to disobey his orders.

At the last moment, though, there was further delay; it was over a

question of military etiquette. Who should command the expedition—Colonel

Adlercron, a King’s officer, or Lieutenant-Colonel Clive, a Company’s

officer, who had local rank as colonel? There was further wrangling over

this matter, and valuable time was lost, until it was finally settled

that the supreme command of both sea and land forces should be vested

in Vice-Admiral Watson as senior commissioned officer in the East, with

Clive in charge of the troops—both King’s and Company’s.

The expedition finally set sail on the 16th of October, two months and

ten days after the news of the Black Hole first reached Madras. It

comprised five men-of-war—the _Kent_, _Cumberland_, _Tyger_, _Salisbury_,

_Bridgewater_, and the _Blaze_, a fireship; three Company’s Indiamen, and

two country ships. All the ships carried soldiers and army stores.

Vice-Admiral Charles Watson, the Commander-in-Chief in the East Indies,

was a capable and zealous leader. He was a naval officer of the very best

type, and in addition, it was admitted on all hands, a noble-hearted,

considerate English gentleman. He had been very seriously ill while on

the way out from England—so ill indeed that, on learning soon after his

first arrival at Bombay that there was a possibility of the expected

war with the French not breaking out for some time, he had applied to

go home again at once on sick leave. When he reached Madras he learnt

officially that war was imminent, and he wrote off at once cancelling

his application. If that were so there was no going home now for Admiral

Watson. Ill as he was, he would stay out to fight the French once more.

It was characteristic of the man—of the captain of the _Dragon_ in

1743—who, as the Navy of those days well remembered, when detached by

Admiral Mathews from off Toulon, as a special favour to a smart officer,

to cruise off Cadiz just when the treasure galleons from the Spanish Main

were expected to arrive, with additional instructions to go on afterwards

to Lisbon and carry the merchants’ treasure thence to England—the most

lucrative employment a naval man could possibly look for—deliberately, on

hearing at Gibraltar that a battle was likely to take place off Toulon,

turned his back on a sum of prize-money that would have made him wealthy

for life, saying, “He thought his ship would be wanted with the fleet.”

The old heroic spirit of a captain who had been specially mentioned in

dispatches for gallantry in every battle that he fought in—by Mathews off

Toulon, and in 1747 by both Anson and Hawke—overcame the bodily weakness

of an invalid.

It took six weeks to reach Balasore Roads, a distance of only seven

hundred miles on a direct course. Owing to the delay at Madras they had,

as the phrase went, “lost the passage.” With the south-west monsoon,

which held from May to the middle of September, it took ordinarily from

ten days to a fortnight to sail from Madras to Calcutta. Now they had

the north-east monsoon to face—head winds all the way. It was not until

the first week of December that the leading ships of the squadron were

able to reach Balasore. They had sailed, with the wind, according to

the flagship’s log, at west-north-west. Next day the wind shifted to

north-east, dead against them. The strong current in the Bay of Bengal,

which at that time of year sets down the Coromandel coast at one to five

knots an hour, swept the squadron down until they came within sight of

Point San Pedro, in Ceylon, thirteen leagues east of Trincomalee. On some

days there were dead calms, when they barely made from three to five

miles’ progress in twenty-four hours. Between the 28th of October and

the 5th of November only six leagues’ advance was made altogether. Rough

weather set in, during which the _Salisbury_ sprang a dangerous leak,

and the whole squadron had to shorten sail and stand by for a whole day

until the leak had been found and stopped. Finally, a storm scattered the

squadron far and wide. The _Kent_ and _Tyger_, the two leading ships,

arrived at Balasore Roads on the 3rd of December by themselves. The

rest of the squadron were at that time miles astern, trying to weather

Palmyras Point. Two of the ships, indeed, never got to Balasore at all;

they had to bear away until they drifted right round Ceylon and anchored

at Bombay.

At Balasore Admiral Watson got fresh news about what had been happening

in Bengal. He now heard, for the first time, details of the taking of

Fort William and of the grim tragedy of the Black Hole. Two English

pilots who boarded the flagship told the story. The attack, said the

men, opened on June 15th, Tuesday, and after a vain attempt to hold

the gaol and Court House and a small redoubt in front of the city, the

garrison had been driven into the fort. There it was found they had

only ammunition for three days’ fighting. The women and children were

thereupon sent on board the ships in the river, lying off the Maidan,

and in the confusion that followed their departure, Governor Drake and

most of the leading civilians—according to the pilots—deserted their

posts, and stole off on board ship to join the women, after which they

induced the skippers to weigh anchor and drop down the river, leaving the

garrison cut off and without means of escape. These under Mr. Holwell,

a member of the Council, had fought on gallantly, keeping the enemy

off until the afternoon of Sunday the 20th, when, being at their last

cartridge, they beat a parley. While they were talking from the walls,

the enemy by treachery got possession of one of the fort gates (that in

the rear), rushed the guard, and compelled the garrison to surrender

at discretion. That night the prisoners, a hundred and seventy-five

in number, were crammed all together into the Black Hole, whence next

morning only sixteen were left alive. Of the sixteen, Mr. Holwell and

Mr. Burdett, a writer, with two others, had been heavily ironed and sent

to the Nawab’s camp. Such was the tale told to Admiral Watson.

The refugees at Fulta, added the pilots, were in a deplorable state;

fever-stricken and short of food; in terror of their lives; living, some

in tents on shore, some on board the ships in the river. The Nawab, it

was reported, had withdrawn to Moorshedabad, but his general, Manikchand,

was at Calcutta with nearly four thousand men. He was busy throwing up

batteries at various points along the river bank to bar any approach by

ships.

Admiral Watson, on hearing that, made up his mind to try and get up the

Hooghly to Fulta with the _Kent_ at once, without waiting for the rest of

the squadron or the troops.

The pilots, however, made objection to carrying the flagship into the

river. It was impossible, they said, to get so big a ship over the

Braces, the belt of shoals across the mouth of the Hooghly on the

Balasore side, with the tides as they were. They doubted, indeed, if it

could be done at all, even at spring tides. On the usual “crossing track”

over the Western Brace, the deepest channel, they said, was only three

fathoms. But Admiral Watson had made up his mind to try. On the pilots

finally declining to assist in taking the flagship into the river Captain

Speke, the captain of the _Kent_, volunteered to make the attempt. He

had been up the Hooghly once before, and he could, he believed, find a

channel deep enough to carry the _Kent_ over the Braces. The _Tyger_ was

to remain behind to bring on the rest of the squadron on their arrival.

The flagship set out, after a week’s further detention at Balasore owing

to strong north easterly winds, her boats towing her. Captain Speke

navigated the ship, and with such success that a channel was found

through the Western Brace that gave four fathoms of water at half-tide.

It proved sufficient to float the ship over safely. On the 12th of

December, they were at anchor off Kedgeree (Khichri), sixty-seven miles

from Fort William by water. After this the wind changed to westerly and

the _Kent_ was able to work up the estuary under sail.

Fulta was reached on the 15th, and the rescue of the fugitives from

Calcutta effected. Major Kilpatrick and his men were found there, and the

_Kingfisher_. The flagship herself had on board two hundred and fifty

men of the 39th Foot under Captain Eyre Coote, afterwards the celebrated

General Sir Eyre Coote. There was also a detachment of Sepoys, who had

arrived two days before by the _Protector_, a Bombay cruiser, which had

touched at Madras just after the squadron left there, and had since got

ahead of them. At Fulta Governor Drake, the ex-Governor of Calcutta, came

on board to see the Admiral.

The _Tyger_ reached Fulta on the 16th, and the _Salisbury_ and the rest

of the men-of-war and the Indiamen with the troops on board, between

then and the 26th. The _Cumberland_ and the _Marlborough_ Indiaman were

still missing.

The tides, meanwhile, were too low to allow any of the ships to cross the

sand-bar above Fulta and proceed further up the Hooghly until after the

27th.

Admiral Watson used the interval to send a letter to Suraj-u-daulah. He

wrote courteously, but firmly, demanding the immediate restoration of

Calcutta and compensation for property looted and destroyed. The letter

was sent off on the 18th of December, but no reply came. None had arrived

ten days later, when the forward movement up the river began. The _Kent_,

_Tyger_, _Salisbury_, _Bridgewater_, and _Kingfisher_ comprised the ships

told off for the recovery of Calcutta. They carried up with them eight

hundred soldiers and twelve hundred Sepoys—all that were available in the

absence of the detachments on board the belated ships.

The first fight took place at Baj-Baj, or Budge-Budge, as the name was

spelled by the English, where a fort on the right bank of the Hooghly

threatened to bar their passage. Owing to the narrow and tortuous channel

the ships could only move up in line ahead. They sailed with the _Tyger_

leading, and the flagship next. The Nawab’s troops were reported to be in

force at Budge-Budge, which mounted eighteen 24-pounders, and was built

with bastions and curtains and a wet ditch.

Clive and his Sepoys were put ashore at Mayapore, ten miles below

Budge-Budge, to act against Manikchand, whose army had taken post in the

neighbourhood of the fort. Manikchand’s men, though, made only a poor

stand, and fell back, their position being turned by the steady advance

of the _Tyger_ and _Kent_.

The ships anchored that night, and proceeded next morning, the enemy on

shore at the same time falling back before them on Budge-Budge.

Between seven and eight o’clock, as the _Tyger_ and _Kent_ rounded into

the reach in front of the fort, the Nawab’s gunners opened a brisk

cannonade.

The two ships took no notice, beyond firing a few guns to cover their

approach and shroud themselves in smoke, until they had come abreast of

the ramparts. Then, at three minutes past eight by the _Kent’s_ log, both

ships let go anchor, and as the _Kent_ ran up the red flag at the fore,

the first broadside thundered out. The battle lasted for an hour and a

half before the nearest ships astern, the _Salisbury_ and _Bridgewater_

could join in. About the same time Clive’s Sepoys got again into action

with Manikchand’s troops on the further side of Budge-Budge. Captain

Coote and men of the 39th Foot on board the _Kent_ were now landed to

reinforce Clive, while the navy dealt with the fort, the key of the

position. The Nawab’s gunners for their part fought their pieces bravely,

and the tough chunam and brick of the walls of Budge-Budge stood four

hours more hard battering. By half-past one, however, the breastwork

rampart facing the river had been almost smashed down all along its

length, and the guns there all either dismounted or disabled.

The Nawab’s troops on shore had by this time begun to draw off, and

the action slackened down to a casual musketry fire here and there.

The fort, however, still held out, and a sharp fusillade came from its

walls. Apparently the garrison were looking for Manikchand’s return to

their relief. Admiral Watson on that sent for Clive, and a Council of

War was held on board the _Kent_. It was decided to storm Budge-Budge at

daybreak next morning. Clive’s soldiers were given the afternoon to rest

after their work of the past twenty-four hours. To assist in the storming

a naval battalion, made up of an officer, two midshipmen, and forty

men from each of the men-of-war, was landed, with two of the _Kent’s_

9-pounders which were to batter in the main gate.

As things turned out there was no need of the storming party. That

evening, while the troops were bivouacking before the fort, a sailor from

the _Kent_ took Budge-Budge all by himself. The story is best told in the

words of Dr. Ives, our correspondent on the spot:

“All was now quiet in the camp,” he begins, “and we on board the

ships, which lay at their anchors but a small distance from the shore,

had entertained thoughts of making use of this interval to refresh

ourselves with an hour or two of sleep, but suddenly a loud and universal

acclamation was heard from the shore, and soon afterwards an account was

brought to the Admiral that the place had been taken by storm.”

Great was the astonishment on board at the news, and “great joy” as Dr.

Ives relates, “the more so as it was quite unexpected.” Then, as it would

seem, when they heard what had actually taken place, everybody affected

to be scandalized rather than pleased. “When the particular circumstances

that ushered in this success were related,” continues the worthy surgeon

of the _Kent_, “our exultation was greatly abated, because we found that

the rules so indispensably necessary in all military exploits had been

disregarded in the present instance, and therefore could not help looking

upon the person who had the principal hand in this victory rather as an

object of chastisement than of applause.”

This, to resume with the Doctor, is how Budge-Budge fell:

“During the tranquil state of the camp, one Strahan, a common sailor,

belonging to the _Kent_, having been just served with grog (arrack mixed

with water), had his spirits too much elated to think of taking any rest:

he therefore strayed by himself towards the fort, and imperceptibly

got under the walls. Being advanced thus far without interruption, he

took it into his head to scale it at a breach that had been made by the

cannon of the ships, and having luckily gotten upon the bastion, he

there discovered several Moors[6] sitting upon the platform, at whom

he flourished his cutlass and fired his pistol, and then, after giving

three loud huzzas, cried out—“The place is mine.” The Moorish soldiers

immediately attacked him, and he defended himself with incomparable

resolution, but in the rencounter had the misfortune to have the blade

of his cutlass cut in two, about a foot from the hilt. This mischance,

however, did not happen until he was near being supported by two or

three other sailors who had accidentally straggled to the same part of

the fort on which the other had mounted. They, hearing Strahan’s huzzas,

immediately scaled the breach likewise, and echoing the triumphant

sound roused the whole army, who, taking the alarm, presently fell on

pell-mell, without orders and without discipline, following the example

of the sailors.”

Completely taken by surprise and scared out of their wits the garrison

bolted _en masse_, and Budge-Budge was ours. It was found to mount in all

eighteen guns, mostly 24-pounders—the average size of a siege piece of

the day—and to have a well stocked magazine.

Neither the Admiral’s official dispatch nor the flagship’s log, as it

happens, make any mention whatever of Strahan or his exploit. Admiral

Watson says: “At half-past eight the body of the fort was on fire, and

immediately after news was received that the Place was taken, but the few

people in it had all escaped.” The flagship’s log is briefer still. It

simply notes: “At forty-five minutes past eight Captain Bridge came on

board with an account of our being in possession of the Fort.”

Next morning, according to the etiquette of the time, the British

flag was hoisted on the ramparts of the fort and a seventeen-gun

salute to Admiral Watson, as commander-in-chief of the expedition, was

ceremoniously fired.

That being done, Strahan was brought before the Admiral by the

master-at-arms to explain matters. Admiral Watson, we are told, “thought

it necessary to show himself displeased with a measure in which the want

of all discipline so notoriously appeared. He therefore angrily accosted

this brave fellow with: ‘Strahan, what is this you have been doing?’

The untutored hero, after having made his bow, scratched his head and,

with one hand twirling his hat, replied: ‘Why, to be sure, sir, it was

I who took the fort, but I hope there was no harm in it.’ The Admiral

with difficulty suppressed a smile excited by the simplicity of the

answer, and the language and the manner which he used in recounting the

several particulars of his mad exploit. Admiral Watson then expatiated on

the fatal consequences that might have attended his irregular conduct,

and with a severe rebuke dismissed him, but not without dropping some

hints that at a proper opportunity he would certainly be punished for

his temerity. Strahan, amazed to find himself blamed for an action that

he thought deserved praise and for which he expected to have received

applause, in passing from the Admiral’s cabin muttered, ‘If I’m flogged

for this here action, I’ll never take another fort by myself as long as I

live!’”

Some of the _Kent’s_ officers, as we are told, afterwards interceded with

the Admiral for Strahan. They were prompted, according to Dr. Ives, by

Admiral Watson himself, who made that the excuse for openly pardoning

the man. The Admiral, it would seem, was also desirous of promoting

Strahan to boatswain’s mate, with the idea of advancing him later on to

full boatswain; but unfortunately Strahan was too fond of his grog. His

irregular ways in other respects were against him, and nothing could

be done to reclaim him. His own highest ambition, as Strahan himself

afterwards declared, was to get a cook’s berth on board a first rate.

Whether he ever got one history has not recorded. All that is known

of him for certain is that twenty years afterwards he was alive and a

Greenwich Hospital pensioner.

The troops were re-embarked on the evening of the 30th, all except the

Sepoys, who were ordered to keep advancing along the river bank. Then

next morning the squadron moved forward again, keeping the English

soldiers on board. On the 31st the whole day was spent in laboriously

working up the river, a difficult and intricate piece of navigation,

owing to cross currents and dangerous shoals.

New Year’s Day promised to be interesting, for they had Tanna just ahead

of them, where there was a fort on one side of the river and a battery on

the other. A stiff fight was looked for here, the position being a good

one to make a stand at. But news of what had happened at Budge-Budge had

gone in advance of them. As the _Tyger_ and _Kent_ drew near the works

the garrisons on both sides suddenly abandoned their guns and bolted.

Not a shot was fired. The boats of the squadron were promptly sent

ashore, and the fort and battery taken possession of. Forty pieces of

cannon in all, many of them heavy guns, were found mounted and all well

supplied with ammunition. In the afternoon the boats were again called

away and dispatched up the river, manned and armed. It was reported that

the enemy had had some half dozen native vessels prepared as fireships,

and were waiting with them a little higher up, all ready to float down

with the ebb of the tide that night on the squadron at its anchorage. The

fireships were boarded and destroyed without serious opposition being

offered.

Calcutta was in sight next morning. The squadron now comprised the

_Tyger_, _Kent_, _Bridgewater_, and _Kingfisher_. The _Salisbury_ had

been left behind at Tanna to demolish the fortifications there and

prevent their being re-occupied. Admiral Watson had also with him an

extra vessel, the _Thunder_, a bomb-vessel, one of the country-ships

found at Fulta and converted there for emergency purposes, in case

bombardment might be needed to drive the enemy out of Fort William.

As before the attack on Budge-Budge, Clive and the Company’s European

troops were put ashore early. They were to move on the place overland

while the ships attacked along the waterside.

Firing began at a quarter to ten from some batteries recently thrown up

a little below Fort William, but, cowed by the experiences of their

comrades at Budge-Budge, as the _Tyger_ and _Kent_ closed on them the

gunners in the outlying batteries cleared out and made off. Fort William

itself was within range at ten o’clock, and twenty minutes later the

_Tyger_ and _Kent_ let go anchor abreast of the ramparts and opened fire.

The fort replied briskly, and kept up a hot fire for an hour and fifty

minutes. Then suddenly the garrison, numbering some five hundred men

ceased firing and deserted their guns, streaming off to the rear out of

the fort. Clive’s soldiers on shore were beginning to work round on the

further side, and fearful at the idea of their retreat being cut off,

the garrison gave way and fled in confusion. With the recapture of Fort

William the main object of the expedition had been achieved. On board the

squadron the casualties from first to last had been nine seamen and three

soldiers killed and twenty-six seamen and five soldiers wounded.

Admiral Watson landed a party of seamen and the men of the 39th Foot

serving on board the squadron, all in charge of Captain Richard King

(afterwards Sir Richard), of the Royal Navy, a volunteer on board the

_Kent_, who took formal possession of Fort William in the King’s name.

Later in the day Clive took over the charge of the place until the next

morning, when he formally delivered the keys of Fort William over to the

Admiral, who in turn formally handed them to Governor Drake. The ceremony

of officially declaring war against the Nawab was at the same time

ceremoniously performed, Governor Drake proclaiming war in the name of

the Honourable East India Company, after Admiral Watson had declared it

in the name of His Majesty King George. Upwards of ninety guns were found

in Fort William and a large store of ammunition.

Champions of the fleet · 第 5 / 18 段