These men who have flattered kings to take unto themselves an absolute

power, to do what they please, have wronged kings and kingdoms. It had

been good that kings, of late, had carried themselves so, as this

question of the king's power might never have come in debate; for they

have been great losers thereby. Kings are very desirous to have things

spoken and written, to hold up their arbitrary and unlimited power; but

that way doth exceedingly wrong them. There is one, a learned man, I

confess, who hath written a book for the maintenance of the absolute

power of kings, called _Defensio Regis_, whereby he hath wronged himself

in his reputation, and the king in his government. As for the fact, in

taking away the life of the late king, (whatever was God's justice in

it) I do agree with him to condemn it, as a most unjust and horrid act,

upon their part who did it: but when he cometh to speak of the power of

kings, in giving unto them an absolute and unlimited power, urging the

damnable maxim, _quod libet licet_, he will have a king to do what he

pleaseth, _impune_, and without controlment. In this, I cannot but

dissent from him.

In regard of subordination some say, that a king is accountable to none

but God. Do what he will, let God take order with it; this leadeth kings

to atheism, let them do what they please, and to take God in their own

hand: in regard of laws, they teach nothing to kings but tyranny: and in

regard of government, they teach a king to take an arbitrary power to

himself, to do what he pleaseth without controlment. How dangerous this

hath been to kings, is clear by sad experience. Abuse of power and

arbitrary government, hath been one of God's great controversies with

our king's predecessors. God in His justice, because power hath been

abused, hath thrown it out of their hands: and I may confidently say

that God's controversy with the kings of the earth is for their

arbitrary and tyrannical government.

It is good for our king to learn to be wise in time, and know that he

receiveth this day a power to govern, but a power limited by contract;

and these conditions he is bound by oath to stand to. Kings are deceived

who think that the people are ordained for the king; and not the king

for the people; the Scripture sheweth the contrary. The king is the

"minister of God for the people's good." God will not have a king, in

an arbitrary way, to encroach upon the possessions of subjects, "A

portion is appointed for the prince." And it is said, "My princes shall

no more oppress My people; and the rest of the land, shall they give

unto the house of Israel, according to their tribes." The king hath his

distinct possessions and revenues from the people; he must not oppress

and do what he pleaseth, there must be no tyranny upon the throne.

I desire not to speak much upon this subject. Men have been very tender

in meddling with the power of kings; yet, seeing these days have brought

forth debates concerning the power of kings, it will be necessary to be

clear in this matter. Extremities would be shunned. A king should keep

within the bounds of the covenant made with the people, in the exercise

of his power; and subjects should keep within the bounds of this

covenant, in regulating that power. Concerning the last, I shall

propound these three to your consideration.

1. A king, abusing his power to the overthrow of religion, laws and

liberties, which are the very fundamentals of this contract and

covenant, may be controlled and opposed; and if he set himself to

overthrow all these by arms, then they who have power, as the estates of

a land, may and ought to resist by arms: because he doth, by that

opposition, break the very bonds, and overthroweth all the essentials of

this contract and covenant. This may serve to justify the proceedings of

this kingdom against the late king, who, in an hostile way, set himself

to overthrow religion, parliaments, laws and liberties.

2. Every breach of covenant, wherein a king falleth, after he hath

entered into covenant, doth not dissolve the bond of the covenant.

Neither should subjects lay aside a king for every breach, except the

breaches be such as overthrow the fundamentals of religion, and of the

covenant with the people. Many examples of this may be brought from

scripture. I shall give but one. King Asa entered solemnly into

covenant with God and the people. After that, he falleth in gross

transgressions and breaches. He associated himself and entered into

league with Benhadad, king of Syria, an idolater; he imprisoned Hanani,

the Lord's prophet, who reproved him, and threatened judgment against

that association, and at that same time he oppressed some of the people:

and yet, for all this, they neither laid him aside, nor accounted him an

hypocrite.

3. Private persons should be very circumspect about that which they do

in relation to the authority of kings. It is very dangerous for private

men, to meddle with the power of kings, and the suspending them from the

exercise thereof. I do ingenuously confess that I find no example of it.

The prophets taught not such doctrine to their people, nor the apostles,

nor the reformed kirks. Have ever private men, pastors or professors,

given in to the estates of a land as their judgment, unto which they

resolve to adhere, that a king should be suspended from the exercise of

his power? And, if we look upon these godly pastors, who lived in king

James's time, of whom one may truly say, more faithful men lived not in

these last times: for they spared not to tell the king his faults, to

his face: yea, some of them suffered persecution for their honesty and

freedom, yet we never read nor have heard, that any of these godly

pastors joined with other private men, did ever remonstrate to

parliament or estate as their judgment, that the king should be

suspended from the exercise of his royal power.

II. It is clear from this covenant, that people should obey their king

in the Lord: for, as the king is bound by the covenant to make use of

his power to their good; so, they are bound to obey him in the Lord in

the exercise of that power. About the people's duty to the king, take

these four observations.

1. That the obedience of the people is in subordination to God; for the

covenant is first with God, and then with the king. If a king command

any thing contrary to the will of God--in this case, Peter saith, "it is

better to obey God, than man." There is a line drawn from God to the

people, they are lowest in the line: and have magistrates inferior and

supreme above them, and God above all. When the king commandeth the

people that which is lawful, and commanded by God, then he should be

obeyed; because he standeth in right line under God, who hath put him in

his place. But if he command that which is unlawful, and forbidden of

God, in that he should not be obeyed to do it; because he is out of his

line. That a king is to be obeyed with this subordination, is evident

from scripture; take one place for all. At the beginning, ye have both

obedience urged to superior powers, as the ordinance of God, and

damnation threatened against those who resist the lawful powers.

It is said by some, that many ministers in Scotland would not have king

JESUS, but king Charles to reign. Faithful men are wronged by such

speeches. I do not understand these men. For, if they think that a king

and JESUS are inconsistent, then they will have no king: but I shall be

far from entertaining such thoughts of them. If they think the doing a

necessary duty for king Charles is to prefer his interest to Christ's,

this is also an error. Honest ministers can very well discern between

the interest of Christ, and of the king. I know no minister that setteth

up king Charles, with prejudice to Christ's interest.

There are three sorts of persons who are not to be allowed in relation

to the king's interest, 1. Such as have not been content to oppose a

king in an evil course, (as they might lawfully do) but contrary to

covenant vows and many declarations, have cast off kings and kingly

government. These are the sectaries. 2. These who are so taken up with a

king, as they prefer a king's interest to Christ's interest; which was

the sin of our engagers. 3. They who will have no duty done to a king,

for fear of prejudicing Christ's interest. These are to be allowed, who

urge duty to a king in subordination to Christ.

I shall desire that men may be real, when they make mention of Christ's

interest; for these three mentioned profess and pretend the interest of

Christ. The sectaries cover their destroying of kings with Christ's

interest; whereunto, indeed, they have had no respect, being enemies to

His kingdom. And experience hath made it undeniable. The engagers

alleged they were for Christ's interest; but they misplaced it. Christ's

interest should have gone before, but they drew it after the interest of

a king, which evidenced their want of due respect to Christ's interest.

As for the third, who delay duty for fear of preferring the king's

interest to Christ's, I shall not take upon me to judge their

intentions. I wish they may have charity to those who think they may do

duty to a king in subordination to Christ, yea, that they ought and

should do duty, whatever men's fears be of the prejudice that may

follow.

If to be against the suspending of the king from the exercise of his

power, and to be for the crowning of the king, according to the public

faith of the kingdoms, he first performing all that kirk and state

required of him in relation to religion, and civil liberties: if this

be, I say, to prefer a king to Christ, let all men that are unbiassed,

be judges in the case. We shall well avow, that we crown a king in

subordination to God and his interest, in subordination to Christ's,

which we judge, not only agreeable to the word of God, but also, that we

are bound expressly in the covenant, to maintain the king in the

preservation and defence of the true religion, and liberties of the

kingdom, and not to diminish his just power and greatness.

2. That the covenant between God and the king and the people, goeth

before the covenant between the king and the people; which sheweth, that

a people's entering covenant with God doth not lessen their obedience

and allegiance to the king, but increaseth it, and maketh the obedience

firmer: because we are in covenant with God, we should the more obey a

covenanted king. It is a great error to think, that a covenant

diminisheth obedience, it was ever thought accumulative. And indeed true

religion layeth strict ties upon men in doing of their duty. "Wherefore

ye must needs be subject not only for wrath, but also for conscience'

sake." A necessity to obey is laid upon all. Many subjects obey for

wrath, but the godly obey for conscience' sake.

3. That a king covenanted with God should be much respected by his

subjects. They should love him. There is an inbred affection in the

hearts of the people to their king. In the 12th verse it is said, that

"the people clapped their hands for joy, and said, God save the king."

They had no sooner seen their native king installed in his kingdom, but

they rejoiced exceedingly, and saluted him with wishes of safety.

Whatever be men's affections, or respects, this day, to our king,

certainly it is a duty lying on us both to pray for, and rejoice in his

safety. The very end that God hath in giving us kings maketh this clear.

"That we may live under them in godliness and honesty." And therefore,

prayers and supplications are to be made for all kings; even for those

that are not in covenant; much more for these that are in covenant. Ye

are receiving this day a crowned covenanted king, pray for saving grace

to him, and that God would deliver him and us, out of the hand of these

cruel enemies, and bless his government, and cause us to live a quiet

and peaceable life under him in all godliness and honesty.

4. That as the king is solemnly sworn to maintain the right of the

subjects against enemies, and is bound to hazard his life, and all that

he hath for their defence: so, the people are also bound to maintain his

person and authority, and to hazard life, and all that they have, in

defending him.

I shall not take the question in its full latitude, taking in what a

people are bound to in pursuing of a king's right in another nation,

which is not our present question. Our question is, what a people should

do when a kingdom is unjustly invaded by a foreign enemy, who seeketh

the overthrow of religion, king and kingdom. Surely, if men be tied to

any duty to a king and kingdom, they are tied in this case. I have two

sorts of men to meet with here, who are deficient in doing this

covenanted duty: 1. These who do not act against the enemy. 2. These who

do act for the enemy. 1. The first I meet with, are they who act not,

but lie by, to behold what will become of all: three sorts of men act

not for the defence of an invaded kingdom; 1. Those who withdraw

themselves from public councils, as from parliament or committee of

estates: this withdrawing is not to act. 2. These act not who, upon an

apprehension of the desperate state of things, do think that all is in

such a condition, by the prevailing of the enemy, that there is no

remedy: and therefore that it is best to sit still; and see how things

go.

They who do not act upon scruple of conscience. I shall ever respect

tenderness of conscience; and I wish there be no more but tenderness. If

there be no more, men will strive to have their consciences well

informed.

They may be supposed to scruple upon one of these grounds: 1. To act in

such a cause, for the king's interest; sure I am, this was not a doubt

before, but all seemed to agree to act for the king's interest, in

subordination to Christ's, and this day there is no more sought. We own

the king's interest only in a subordination to Christ's. Or, 2. To join

with such instruments as are enemies to the work of God. Our answer to

the estates' query resolves that such should not be entrusted: but we do

not count these enemies who profess repentance, and declare themselves

solemnly to be for the cause and the covenant, and evidence their

willingness to fight for them. If it be said their repentance is but

counterfeit, we are bound to think otherwise in charity, till the

contrary be seen: no man can judge of the reality of hearts: for we have

now found by experience, that men who have been accounted above all

exception have betrayed their trust. If any who have not yet repented of

their former course shall be intrusted, we shall be sorry for it; and

plainly say, that it ought not to be.

But I think there must be more in this, that men say they cannot act.

For myself, I love not that word in our case; it is too frequent, he

cannot act, and he cannot act. I fear there be three sorts of persons

lurking under this covert. 1. Such as are pusillanimous, who have no

courage to act against the enemy; the word is true of them, they cannot

act because they dare not act. 2. Such as are selfish men, serving their

idol credit: he hath been a man of honour, and now he feareth there will

be no credit to fight against this prevailing enemy: therefore he cannot

act, and save his credit. Be who thou wilt that hast this before thee,

God shall blast thy reputation. Thou shalt neither have honour nor

credit, to do a right turn in God's cause. 3. Such as are compilers, who

cannot act, because they have a purpose to comply. There are that cannot

act in an army, but they can betray an army by not acting; there are

that cannot act for safety of a kingdom, but they betray it by not

acting. In a word, there are who cannot join to act with those whom they

account malignants (I speak not of declared and known malignants; but of

such as have been, and are, fighting for the cause; yet by them esteemed

malignants), but they can join with sectaries, open and declared enemies

to kirk and kingdom. I wish subjects, who are bound to fight for the

kingdom, would lay by that phrase of not acting, which is so frequent in

the mouth of compliers, and offensive to them, who would approve

themselves in doing duty for endangered religion, king and kingdom.

That men may be the more clear to act, I shall offer to your

consideration some passages of Scriptures, about those who do not act

against a common enemy.

1. There are many reproved for lying still while an enemy had invaded

the land: as Reuben, with his divisions: Gilead, Dan, and Asher seeking

themselves, are all reproved for not joining with the people of God, who

were willing to jeopard their lives against "a mighty oppressing enemy."

But there is one passage concerning Meroz, which fitteth our purpose,

"The angel of the Lord said, Curse ye Meroz, curse ye bitterly the

inhabitants thereof; they came not to the help of the Lord, to the help

of the Lord against the mighty." What this Meroz was, is not clear: yet

all interpreters agree that they had opportunity and power to have

joined with, and helped the people of the Lord, and it is probable they

were near the place of the fight. They are cursed for not coming to the

help of the Lord's people. This may be applied to those in the land, who

will not help the Lord against the mighty.

2. Another passage you have. Reuben and Gad having a multitude of

cattle, and having seen the land of Gilead, that it was a place for

cattle, they desire of Moses and the princes, that the land may be given

them, and they may not pass over Jordan. Moses reproveth them in these

words, "Shall your brethren go to war; and shall ye sit still? Wherefore

discourage ye the heart of the children of Israel?" Reuben and Gad make

their apology, showing that they have no such intention to sit still,

only they desire their wives and little ones may stay there: they

themselves promise to go over Jordan, armed before Israel, and not to

return before they were possessed in the land. Then Moses said unto

them, "If you do so, then this shall be your possession. But, if ye do

not so, behold, ye have sinned against the Lord, and be sure your sins

will find you out."

I may apply this to them that cannot act; will ye sit still, when the

rest of your brethren are to hazard their lives against the enemy? We

have reason to reprove you. If Moses, that faithful servant of God, was

still jealous of Reuben and Gad, even after their apology and promise to

act--for he saith, "If ye do not so"--have not honest and faithful

servants of God, ground to be jealous of their brethren who refuse to

act? Let them apologize what they will; for their not acting, I say,

they sin against the Lord, and their sins shall find them out. It will

be clearly seen, upon what intention they do not act.

3. A third passage. Saul hath David enclosed, that he can hardly escape.

In that very instant there cometh a messenger to Saul, saying, "Haste

thee, and come; for the Philistines have invaded the land." At the

hearing of this message, "Saul returned from pursuing after David, and

went against the Philistines." It is true, the Lord did provide for his

servant David's escape, by this means: but, if ye consider Saul, he took

it not so. Nothing moved him to leave this pursuit but the condition of

the land, by the invading of an enemy. Three things might have moved

Saul to stay and pursue David. 1. He hath him now in a strait, and hath

such advantage, that he might have thought not to come readily by the

like. 2. That altho' the Philistines be enemies, yet David is the most

dangerous enemy; for he aimeth at no less than the crown. It were better

to take conditions off the enemy, than to suffer David to live, and take

the crown. 3. He might have said, if I leave David at this time and

fight with the Philistines, and be beaten, he will get a power in his

hand to undo me and my posterity. These may seem strong motives; but

Saul is not moved with any of them. The present danger is the

Philistines invading the land, and this danger is to be opposed, come of

the danger from David what will. As if Saul had said, I will let David

alone, I will meet with him another time, and reckon with him: now

there is no time for it, the Philistines are in the land, let us make

haste against them. I wish that many of our countrymen had as great a

love to their country, and as public a spirit for it, as this profane

king had, then there would not be so many questions for acting, as men

make this day.

The objections I have been touching are in men's thoughts and heads.

First, some say, now the malignants are under, for this enemy is their

rod. It is best to put them out of having any power: yea, there are some

who would more willingly go to undo these, whom they account malignants,

than against the common enemy, who are wasting the land. If they had

Saul's resolution, they would say, the Philistines are in the land, let

them alone, we will reckon with them at another time; we will now go

against the common enemy.

They have also the second objection, the malignants are more dangerous

enemies than the sectaries. I shall not now compare them to equal

distance, and abstract from the present danger: but I shall compare them

to the present posture of affairs. I am sure the sectaries having power

in their hands, and a great part of the land in their possession, are

far more dangerous than malignants, who have no power for the present:

and therefore, the resolution should be, the sectaries have invaded the

land, and are destroying it, let us go against them.

3. The third observation weigheth much with many. The malignants, being

employed to fight for their country, may get such power in their hands

as may hurt the cause. For answer: 1. The resolution given the query of

the estates provideth against that, for therein is a desire that no such

power should be put in their hand. 2. This fear goeth upon a

supposition, that they do not repent their former course. This is an

uncharitable judgment. We are bound to be more charitable of men

professing repentance, for with such we have to do only. And, to speak

a word by the way to you who have been in a malignant course. Little

good is expected from you, I pray you be honest, and disappoint them. I

wish you true repentance, which will both disappoint them, and be

profitable to yourselves. 3. I desire it may be considered, whether or

not, fear of a danger to come from men, if they prevail against the

common enemy, being only clothed with a capacity to fight for their

country, be an argument against rising to oppose a seen and certain

danger, coming from an enemy, clothed with power, and still prevailing.

I conceive, it ought to be far from any, to hinder men to defend their

country in such a case. I confess, indeed, the cause which we maintain

hath met with many enemies, who have been against it, which requireth

much tenderness; therefore men are to be admitted to trust, with such

exceptions as may keep them out who are still enemies to the cause of

God, have not professed repentance, renounced their former courses, and

declared themselves for cause and covenant. I doubt not, but it shall be

found, that the admitting such to fight in our case as it standeth, is

agreeable to the word of God, and is not against the former public

resolutions of kirk and state.

The second sort of persons we are to meet with, are such as act for the

enemy, against the kingdom. If they be cursed who will not come out to

help the Lord against the mighty; what a curse shall be upon them, who

help the mighty against the Lord, as they do who act for the enemy?

Three ways is the enemy helped against the cause and people of God.

1. By keeping correspondence with them, and giving them intelligence;

there is nothing done against kirk or state, but they have intelligence

of it. A baser way hath never been used in any nation. Your counsels and

purposes are made known to them. If there be any such here (as I fear

they be), let them take this to them, they are of these who help the

mighty against the Lord, and the curse shall stick to them.

2. By strengthening the enemies' hands with questions, debates and

determinations, in papers tending to the justifying of their unjust

invasion. Whatever have been men's intentions in taking that way, yet

the thing done by them, hath tended to the advantage of the enemy, and

hath divided these who should have been joined in the cause, to the

great weakening of the power of the kingdom, and this, interpretatively,

is to act for the mighty against the Lord.

3. By gross compliance with the enemy, and going into them, doing all

the evil offices they can, against their native kingdom. If Meroz was

cursed for not helping, shall not these perfidious covenant-breakers and

treacherous dealers against a distressed land be much more accursed, for

helping and assisting a destroying enemy, so far as lieth in their

power? These words may be truly applied to them who are helping

strangers, enemies to God, His kirk, and religion, "Both he that

helpeth, shall fall; and he that is holpen shall fall down, and they all

shall fall together."

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