Another scene, still more picturesque, occurred the night be

THE BOOK OF THE BOUDOIR.

THE

BOOK

OF THE

BOUDOIR.

BY

LADY MORGAN.

“Je n’enseigne pas; je raconte.”

MONTAIGNE.

IN TWO VOLUMES.

VOL. I.

LONDON:

HENRY COLBURN, NEW BURLINGTON STREET.

1829.

LONDON:

SHACKELL AND BAYLIS, JOHNSON’S-COURT, FLEET-STREET.

TO THE READER.

The first page of the following work tells “its being’s aim and object.”

It is not worth the gravity of a preface; and will probably escape the

distinction of a criticism. It is of a species scarcely admitted into

the dignity of British literature; and belongs to that light class of

writing in which the French alone excel. Its character is essentially

egotistical, and its style inevitably careless. Time and labour might

perhaps have cleared it of both these faults, and have rendered it a

better work: but it would not then have been the work it was intended to

be—if, indeed, it was intended to be any thing.

The MS. volumes, from which its pages were extracted, have composed

themselves; and I have copied not always what was best, but what was

safest and most inoffensive. Living, as I occasionally have lived, among

whatever is most noted, eminent, and distinguished, with reminiscences

of all, I have yet confined myself to the mention of those to whom we

are already posterity, or to those who have been so much and so long

before the world, as to have become the property of the public. In all, I

have found much good; and of all, I have said much: for, whatever party

calumny may have put forth to the contrary, any severity which may have

appeared in my writings has been directed against principles rather than

persons. I have written, “from my youth, up,” under the influence of one

great and all pervading cause, Ireland and its wrongs. Truth to tell, it

was not a very gracious inspiration; and it frequently opposed opinions,

inevitably tinctured with bitterness, to a temperament, which those who

know me in private life, will vouch for being as cheery and as genial,

as ever went to that strange medley of pathos and humour,—the Irish

character.

But the day is now fast approaching, when all that is Irish will fall

into its natural position; when fair play will be given to national

tendencies, and when the sarcastic author of the O’Donnels and the

O’Briens, having nothing to find fault with, will be reduced to

write, “_à l’eau rose_,” books for boudoirs, or albums for ladies’

dressing-rooms. Among the multitudinous effects of catholic emancipation,

I do not hesitate to predict a change in the character of Irish

authorship.

I cannot, however, give this little work to the public without a word as

to its title; because I never will, knowingly, contribute to a delusion,

however innocent. All who have the supreme felicity of haunting great

houses, are aware, that those odd books, which are thrown on round

tables, or in the recesses of windows, to amuse the lounger of the

moment, and are not in the catalogue of the library, are frequently

stamped, in gold letters, with the name of the room to which they are

destined: as thus;—“Elegant Extracts, Drawing-room;” “Spirit of the

Journals, Saloon,” &c. &c. As my Book of the Boudoir kept its place in

the little room which bore that title, and was never admitted into my

bureau of official authorship, it took the name of its _locale_, which,

by the advice of Mr. Colburn, it retains.[1] I must, however, here

declare, for the sake of truth, and the benefit of country ladies, that

the word Boudoir is no longer in vogue in any possible way; that it is

a term altogether banished from the nomenclature of fashion; and that

I could scarcely have given my work a title less likely to advance its

interests with the enlightened of the _bon ton_. This is an important

fact, which I have only recently discovered. It is a subject upon which

much, no doubt, may be said; but as I am going to France, I will reserve

all I have to say till my return, in the conviction that _les lumières du

siècle_, on a point so important, will there be afforded me, and every

circumstance connected with the “rise, decline, and fall of the Boudoir”

will be communicated without reserve or restriction. Till then, and in

the glorious hope of returning to my poor, native country, an emancipated

Protestant, I take my leave of that gracious public, of whom, whether at

home or abroad, I have never had reason to complain, and whose grateful

servant I have the honour to subscribe myself

SYDNEY MORGAN.

_April 4th, 1829, Kildare Street, Dublin._

CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

Page

My Book 1

Egoism and Egotism 7

Love in Idleness 21

Raconteurs 25

Eternity 51

Horne Tooke 53

Richard Kirwan, Esq. 54

Très-Distingué 89

Aux Petits Soins 91

Rapidity 92

My First Rout in London 98

Lord Erskine 117

Lord Castlereagh 127

Meddlers 133

Philosophy of Grammar 134

My Visiting Book 138

Foreign Visitors 148

Irish Union 156

Human Machinery ib.

Suicide 157

External Existence 158

Eclectics 159

Attitudes of Grief 160

Religious Diabolism 168

Fêtes, Parties, and Soirées 170

Doctrine of Causation 191

The Countess D’Albany 193

Irish Reliquaries 197

The Cadenas 201

Tofino 202

Religions 206

Tower of Babel 207

Mathematical Ladies 208

Cardinal Gonsalvi 212

French Poetry 223

Idleness of Genius 226

Frankness 232

Manœuvrers 236

Wonderful Children, and Good Mothers 237

Toys and Trinkets 248

Fauteuil—Bergère—Arm-chair—Episcopal Seat 257

The Spirit of the Age 267

The Key of the Book Case 281

Apothecaries 288

Maxims—Portraits 291

Human Animality 298

My Reviewers 302

Exclamations 316

Irish Judges 318

At the Head of his Profession 319

The Charitable Bazaars of Dublin 320

THE BOOK OF THE BOUDOIR.

MY BOOK.

Last night, as we circled round the fire in the little red room in

Kildare Street, by courtesy called a boudoir, talking about everything,

anything, and nothing at all, I happened to give out some odds and ends,

that amused those who, truth to tell, are not among the least amusable;

when somebody said, “Why do you not write down all this?” and here is

a blank book placed before me for the express purpose. But I suspect

there is no talking upon paper, as one talks “_les pieds couchés sur

les chenets_.” I feel, at least at this moment, that there is all

the difference in the world between sitting bolt upright, before a

marble-covered, blue-lined, lank, ledger-looking, Threadneedle-street

sort of a volume, for the purpose of opening a running account with one’s

own current ideas, and the sinking into the downy depths of an easy

chair, and “then and there, without let and molestation” (as the old

Irish passport has it), giving a careless and unheeded existence to the

infinite deal of nothings which lie latent in the memories of all such,

as have seen and heard much, and have been “over the hills and far away.”

“Thoughts that breathe” will not always write; “words that burn” are

apt to cool down as they are traced; visions that “come like shadows,”

will also “so depart;” and the brightest exhalations of the mind, which

are drawn forth by the sunny influence of social confidence, like other

exhalations, will dissipate by their own lightness, and (beyond the reach

of fixture or condensation) “make themselves air, into which they vanish.”

I never, in my life, kept a common-place-book for preserving such

“Cynthias of the minute.” I have even an antipathy to all albums and

vade-mecums, and such charitable repositories for fugitive thoughts, and

thoughtless effusions—reveries which were never _rêvés_—and impromptus

laboured at leisure. I hardly think I can bring myself to open a regular

saving bank for the odd cash of mind, the surplus of round sums placed

at legal interest in the great public fund of professed authorship: “_on

renvoye tout cela à la pédantisme_.”

Still, however, in the days of pure pedantry, the days of the Scaligers,

Pasquiers, Balzacs, and Thuanuses, genius and simplicity, and high

philosophy too, found frequent shelter in such daily ledgers of

spontaneous thought, and feeling. “Each day of my life is a page in my

book,” says the learned Menage, who scribbled his agreeable Ana, while

Mesdames Sévigné and Deshoulières sat disputing in his chimney corner, on

the merits of coffee, and of Racine, or the fashion of an _hurlubrelu_.

It was such a book, lying temptingly open on the old oak table in the

gothic library of the château Montaigne, that led the charming “_Michel,

gentilhomme Perigordin_,” to note down, (in the pauses of more studied

composition) those natural and amusing things, which, as he himself

quaintly expresses it, come, “_à saute et à gambade_.”[2] But then I am

not Menage nor Montaigne.

The danger of a book like this, lies in the lure it holds out to

egotism. There it is, always ready to receive the perilous confidences

of self-love and self-complacency, like an old lady’s humble companion,

or the confessor of a voluble devotee. “The reason,” says the always

quotable Madame de Sévigné, “why devotees love their confessors, is the

pleasure they have in talking of themselves, even when they have nothing

good to tell: ‘_on aime tant à parler de soi_.’”[3] Oh, the terrible

truth!

There is something too not less dangerous in the way-laying of such a

book for every passing impression. What little sensations, which the

world should never know, may there find permanency! What opinions may

there be recorded, which to broach, were proscription! What honest

indignation may there find vent against the falseness of the professed

friend, or the vileness of the successful enemy,—feelings which it is

vain to express, and undignified to expose. What mere ebullitions of

temperament may there assume the shape of habitual sentiment—though even

in the writing, they dissipate with the breaking forth of a sun-beam, or

lose their acrimony with the shifting of a north-east wind.

Had I not then better cast away this volume, “white and unwritten

still,” ere it bear evidence against me; and leave to “some hand more

calm and sage—the leaves to fill,” who haply may make it the nucleus of

one of those annuals, never destined to be perennial, or the repertory

for some _souvenir_, soon to be forgotten? Such a book may have its

value. It may preserve a sort of proof impression of one’s self, taken

at various sittings, and in various aspects; and thus give one portrait

more to the gallery of human originals, to illustrate the great mystery

of identity,—that volatile subject, which changes as we analyse it.

For even the hand which traced the first line of this farrago, is not

the same agent of the same volition, with that which will write the

last; though the being, in which it resides, is still technically the

same. To leave such an auto-transcript behind one, may assist the moral

anatomist in his demonstrations, as the bequeathing what is called

“our mortal remains” to the dissecting-knife promotes the science of

the physiologist. In either case, there is much to pity, and much to

wonder at; but what is most marvellous and admirable in both, is the

inscrutable mystery by which the complicated machinery is set in motion,

independently of the subject in which it works; constructed, perfected,

moving, stopping!—the power unknown, the end unguessed! At this point,

neither books nor bodies can be further of use. The anatomist drops his

knife, the moralist his pen. At this point too I must drop mine: not that

I am “weary of conjecture,” for I like the animating and enterprising

excursion, even when it proves nothing; but,—I must dress for a ball!

Oh! what a refuge is folly against philosophy; what a shield is pleasure

against persecution! How many have been burned at the stake, who never

would have paid that terrible penalty had they learned to waltz! How

many have been broken on the wheel, who would have escaped its tortures,

had they been cut short in their unpardonable search after truth, by the

necessity of dressing for a ball!

EGOISM AND EGOTISM.

Egoism and egotism—what a difference! The one a vice, the other a

weakness of temperament. The one inspires aversion, for it is always

unsocial; the other awakens ridicule, for it is frequently absurd. Egoism

is in a great degree referable to modern manners, and it is among the

drawbacks on civilization. Egotism is of all ages, and more an affair

of structure than of convention. The egotist must be a very vain man,

but he may be a gifted, and generally is an amiable one. If he had many

serious defects to hide, he would not so frankly give himself up to

public inspection. The pains he takes to canvass for public suffrage is

a proof that he values opinion; but the worst of it is, that the egotist

entrenches on the self-importance of others—that irremissible sin in

society, where every man is his own hero, whatever he may be to his

_valet de chambre_.

Egotism, when accompanied by endowments, is infinite in its resources.

When it cannot relate, it exhibits; but it must always be before the

scene, and occupy the audience. It is seldom found among the heaven-born

members of high society; because egoism and not egotism is the inherent,

almost organic vice of that class. The egoist is one who, uncalled upon

by his necessities for exertions, and led by breeding to resolve all

things into self—who, without effort to make, or suffrage to court, feels

not the value of public opinion, or, feeling it, believes himself above

it. Divested of warm affections, and independent of all sympathy, he is

ever on the side of taste; because no predominant impulse leads him to

its violation. He breaks no form of conventional propriety, nor shocks

a prejudice of time-honoured ignorance. Devoted to self-gratification,

he never seeks it by any greater risk, than comports with his habitual

ease, and place in society. His gallantry, even when profligate, is

passionless, and calculating; it is an air, not an enjoyment—an item

in his ostentatious externals—an addition to the sum of his superfluous

luxuries.

The school of egoists is of recent date. As an affair of temperament, the

vice must in all ages have shewn itself individually, where it dared;

but as a _ton_, as a fashion, the founder of the sect was the Duc de

Richelieu. Among the English aristocracy and their humble followers may

be found his chief disciples. In France, the revolution “scotch’d the

snake,” if it did not “kill it.” For glory and distinction, the motives

of action in the latter generation in France, are too demonstrative, for

the self-recoiling _morgue_ of concentrated egoism. Napoleon’s gallant

marechals were all heroes, and may have been egotists; but egoism

belonged not properly to their new blood nor to their arduous habits.[4]

Although the physiological causes of egoism must exist in all ranks and

classes, (for selfishness is pretty generally distributed in all,) yet

the egoist _par excellence_ must be especially sought amongst the idlers

of fashion, who, if not occupied with themselves, have nothing else to

be busied about. Egotists exist more among men of stirring lives, who

have been forced before the world. Heroes make excellent egotists; they

bring their excuse along with them, and render their vanity respectable,

by the events on which it is founded. It was the egotism of the Moorish

“great captain” which won Desdemona, in spite of his dingy hue; and I

remember being once a little grazed myself by an _enfilade de batterie_

of egotistical heroism, directed against my love of the marvellous, by

one of the great captains of the present age. _Dio buono!_ how I used to

open my eyes and “incline my ear,” while he, like a chevalier of old,

or like “Æneas after supper,” related the tale of his own prowess! With

what delight, evening after evening, I hung upon his well-recited “feats

of broils and battles,—” apart from the egoistical circles, in which the

chances of notoriety had associated us, and which, (composed of “half the

curled darlings of the nation,”) was as worn out on the subject of my

hero and his victories, as on every other; so that I was generally left

“sole auditress,” while he

“From year to year,

The battles, sieges, fortunes he had passed,

Ran through.”

I remember, one evening, while thus occupied, observing a group of

exquisites of both sexes looking slily at us, and laughing _sous cape_.

Though then in my noviciate of fashion, I knew enough of the great

world, to be aware that a ridicule was worse than a crime; and like all

_parvenus_, fearful of incurring the ban of the empire into which I had

been admitted, I planted my hero just as he was planting his victorious

standard “on the moslem walls.” Flying to that great legislator of _ton_,

whose word was then the charter of others, as well as mine, in such

affairs, I asked “What is the matter? What have I done, Lord A——?”

“Nothing, child; only you are a spoony, that’s all.”

“A spoony! what is a spoony?”

“Something that is easily taken in;—at the gambling table, by a black

leg—in society, by a bore?”

“But who is a bore?”

“Oh, by Jove! if you have not found out _that_, you must be left to your

fate.”

“But why is —— a bore?”

“Because all egotists are bores. It is really very amusing to see you,

like a little _gobe-mouche_, swallowing with avidity, what has surfeited

us all long ago. What a God-send you must be to him! There is nothing

like a fresh importation from Ireland.”

I bridled up like a charmer in Richardson’s novels, and replied pertly,

“I prefer an egotist with genius, to an egotist without it, at all times.”

“That’s your affair, dear; but now, at least, you are a purchaser with

notice.”

“I have not, however, had notice to quit—so I will return to my egotist,

and leave you to your egotists;—who has the better bargain?”

“We shall see,” said Lord A——, drily.

He was right. I was obliged to give in, during a fierce combat and a

long siege; and so I _struck_ long before the enemy hauled down a single

colour.

The egotism of Lord Nelson went far beyond that of any of his “great

competitors.” Not that he talked much of his feats, (for “little would

he have graced his tale in speaking of himself”;) but he listened with

the frankest approbation to the verse or song that celebrated his

exploits; assisting at his own apotheosis with as much devotion, as any

of the votarists who brought incense to his altar. There was nothing so

characteristic, or amusing, as the scenes in which he and Lady Hamilton

exhibited together, adoring and adored; during that short epoch of

their fashion, which policy or caprice granted them, in spite of the

frailty and the vulgarity of the one, and the very obvious intellectual

mediocrity of the other. The stage was generally some saloon of supreme

_bon-ton_; the audience, the members of the exclusive circles; and the

prima donna, Lady Hamilton, whose ample person seemed to dilate before

the piano-forte, while her fine full eyes were turned languidly on the

hero of her theme and inspiration, and she sang, at the top of her Poll

of Plymouth voice, the adulating ode, or the deifying cavatina. Meantime,

the conquering hero “leaned over her, enamoured,” bearing chorus, beating

time, and echoing every pæan, raised to his own glory by London lyrists

and Neapolitan laureates.

It was said of Napoleon, “_c’est la moitié d’un grand homme_.”[5] This is

more than can be said of every hero: for some there are, not more than a

third part.

There are anecdotes extant of that ‘royal’ hero, “_Roi, le plus roi,

qui onc fut jamais_,” Louis XIV. which afford a precedent, if not an

excuse for the equally ridiculous vanity and egotism of the immortal Lord

Nelson. “_Le soir on chanta chez Madame de Maintenon_,” says Dangeau,

“_une ode de l’Abbé Genest ‘à la louange du Roi,’ la musique est de La

Lande; et le Roi la trouva si bonne que, quand elle fut finie, il la fit

recommencer._”[6]

Lord Erskine was so noted for talking of himself, that he obtained the

_sobriquet_ of Counsellor Ego. He could scarcely have chosen a more

interesting subject. Actors and actresses are apt to be egotists. They

live so much before the public, that they suppose the world to be always

engaged with them; and yet live so little in the world, that their sphere

of observation is limited to themselves and their profession, and to

their successes and their wrongs, before and behind the scenes, _et voilà

tout_.

The highest order of egotism, and by far the most delightful and

beneficial to society, is autobiography. Where the life, indeed, of

the writer is the mere every day personal adventures of pretending

mediocrity, it is an impertinent imposition, and meets its just reward in

contempt and oblivion. But the egotism of genius, when mingled with great

public events, illustrative of peculiar stages in society, is a debt due

to posterity, which should be paid: it will not fail to be received with

gratitude and delight. Thus have been received the memoirs of all the

great men who have written; and of all the agreeable women who have left

behind them those charming pictures of society, as well as of themselves,

which women only know how to sketch. They are among the great benefactors

of humanity; and the gracious sensations they excite render their works a

better course of morals than any prescribed by collegiate discipline, or

found in the crude pages of didactic essays. As long as we are occupied

and amused, we are seldom vicious; and (to reverse a trite quotation,)

“angels are better than men, because they are happier;”—so, down with

the Doctors of the Sorbonne; and “one cheer more” for the Doctors De

Motteville, La Fayette, De Nemours, De Staël, De Montpensier.

I grieve to be unable to add some fair British writers to this list

of sparkling memoirists: but the female authorship of these realms is

too serious, perhaps too passionate, for the task. English women can

write upon nothing but love and religion; and therefore they write

little besides novels—serious or frivolous, sacred or profane. Wit and

philosophy are very sparingly conferred upon them.

The few female auto-biographists who have graced the literature of

England, were confined to the stirring times of the commonwealth,

when the pressure of circumstances, by acting upon the strongest and

finest feelings of woman, developed her intellect, and forced her upon

active and even perilous existence. The two most brilliant instances

of this charming _genre_ of egotism are to be found in the memoirs of

the fantastic Duchess of Newcastle, and in those of the heroic Mrs.

Hutchinson;—both admirable illustrations of their respective classes,

at the epoch in which they flourished; the one, of the pure, unmixed

aristocracy of England; the other of its gentry, or highest grade of

middle life.

In the long list of biographical egotism, I know but of two persons who

have got out of the scrape handsomely; Cæsar, the tactician in taste

as in war, with his third person,——and Bonaparte, who talks of his

splendid views, and wondrous combinations, in a manner that makes the

individuality of the man disappear before his powerful and personified

intellect. I allude to the sketches and scraps dictated by him to Las

Casas, &c. at St. Helena. His life was a perfect epic—one great dramatic

action. What a subject he would have been for Shakspeare! There is

nothing of scenic effect in Richard the Third, or Julius Cæsar, finer

than the picturesque situations so carelessly traced by the military pen

of Rovigo. For instance—Bonaparte crossing the Red Sea at the head of his

legions, precisely where Moses led his Israelites; the peril in which his

dauntless daring placed his devoted followers; and his saving them by one

of those rapid decisions of mind which characterize the ingenuity, as

well as the firmness of genius. In all great exigencies, the man, as well

as “the woman, _who deliberates_, is lost!”

Another scene, still more picturesque, occurred the night before the

battle of Austerlitz,—the moon shining at its full upon the field,

strewn with legions of the brave, who all, save the watch guards,

slept,—how many soon to sleep for ever!—the emperor, in the midst of

his army, stretched upon straw, under a rude shed, raised over his head

by the tenderness of his soldiers, and sleeping so profoundly that his

aid-de-camp was compelled to shake him roughly, when it was necessary

that he should be roused to learn some movement of the enemy—his

instantly vaulting on his saddled horse—his gallop to the outpost, and

perilous survey of the Russian manœuvre—his return to his bivouac—his

being recognised by the drowsy troops, whose rest his horse’s tramp had

broken,—their cry of _vive l’empereur!_—the lighting of straw torches, a

spontaneous honour to their chief, till the whole field blazed—his return

to his couch, and to that deep sleep from which he was to awaken to the

crowning victory of his great career, that laid the throne of the western

Cæsars at his feet, and placed the destiny of the emperors of the East in

his hands!

One picture more, and I have done. The time, the evening before the

battle of Jena, when Napoleon found the artillery, which was to open the

action, blocked up in a rocky ravine, from which it could neither advance

nor retreat. His concentrated rage, his terrible silence, unbroken by one

reproach of the unskilful commandant—his instant decision, activity, and

remedy of the evil. Resuming his first vocation of a working engineer, he

hastily gathers the cannoniers round him, distributing to one a torch,

to another a pickaxe. Then placing himself at their head, he clears the

brambles, cleaves the rocks, and opens a passage for the guns; and when

the first carriage has passed, returns again to those obedient slumbers,

which, like all else, then awaited on his powerful will. “_J’ai toujours

devant les yeux_,” says Rovigo, “_ce qui se paroît sur les figures de ces

canonniers, en voyant l’Empereur éclairer lui-même, un falot à la main,

les coups rédoublés dont il frappoit les rochers._”[7]

That the life of such a man should be written from the refuse of the

_entresols_ of the Tuileries, and the gossip of London drawing-rooms!

None but a soldier should write the life of a soldier, if he has not the

egotism to write it himself. I am sure the Duke of Wellington is of my

opinion; and I hope he will furnish documents to some of his own gallant

aids-de-camp and companions, to write his military memoirs, beyond the

reach of national prejudices and sordid self-interest, to falsify and to

disfigure his deeds and intentions. Let him not trust to the promises

of living adulation. Be the fate of his imperial competitor his beacon

and guide. As to his legislative memoirs, they are written in two

words:—Catholic Emancipation!

LOVE IN IDLENESS.

“This Signor Junio’s giant dwarf, Dan Cupid, lord of folded arms.”

How few love-novels are written now! The market is closed, and the

commodity out of date. A Scotch gentleman visited us some time back, and

amused himself, while the conversation was occupied by a group of morning

callers, in examining the books in my husband’s study. He had pitched

on a shelf of natural history, and his attention dwelt on Lacépède’s

voluminous work on fishes. As he ran over the volumes successively,

his voice rising in a climax of tone, with his increasing surprise, he

exclaimed—“Fesh, fesh, fesh, hey! Sirs, what sax bukes all on fesh!!!”

How many hundred thousand of _bukes_ have been written “_all upon

love_;” from the loves of Petrarch, in a thousand and one sonnets, to Mr.

Moore’s “Loves of the Angels,” in one elegant volume! In what various

ways too, the subject has been treated, from “Cassandra,” and “Le Grand

Cyrus,” in folio, to the Nouvelle Héloise, in four goodly thick volumes!

and so on to Werter, in a primmer size, which, bound in black velvet,

was hung by a gold chain round the neck of its fair readers, before the

age of sentiment had passed away! Sooner than write on love, a modern

novellist has recourse to the Newgate Calendar, and the police reports of

the Morning Herald.

The fact is, that there is less love in the world than there was; and the

stock is daily diminishing. The reason is clear—there is less idleness,

and consequently less of the concentration which goes to make passion.

That terrible school-master too, who has, some how or other got abroad,

whips out poor little Love, wherever he finds him,—“a domineering

pedant o’er the boy;” and the utilitarians will not hear of the brat,

with his anti-Malthusian doctrines, but hunt him from the boudoir to

the tread-mill, to suffer and repent, with other young offenders.

Cultivation, business, and education, are “the very beadles to an

humorous sigh.”

The idlest nations are ever the most gallant; and Doctors’ Commons would

have little to do, if the _désœuvrés_ of fashion were reduced to assume

the moral and physical activity of the _tiers-état_. The semi-civilized

great are idle and intemperate: idle, by their institutions, which, being

those of despotism, exclude the mass from a participation in national

concerns; and intemperate, because wealthy idleness gives the desire and

the means of excess. What scenes of wassailing and riot passed among the

courtiers of Henry the VIIIth and Francis the Ist; and amongst those of

Charles the IId, and the early part of the reign of Louis the XIVth.

In the highest state of savagery, men are governed by appetite; in the

highest degree of civilization they are guided by _convenance_. The

Esquimaux, always in the field, and the Englishman always before the

public, and occupied with commerce, politics, science, and the arts, have

neither of them leisure to love, after the fashion of the Petrarchs and

the Rousseaus.

Even now, however, we may have what the French of our days call “_un

sentiment_,” which is a very pretty amusing thing, leaving no scar

behind—heart, conscience, and character, all intact, “_pourvu qu’on est

sage_,” (as a Frenchwoman said to me the other day): an _item_ in the

code of conduct, by the by, never looked for in the days of old French

gallantry.

RACONTEURS.[8]

I am not aware of any word in the English language that precisely answers

to the French “_raconteur_;” and, therefore, I suspect that the gift

which it indicates is not in the catalogue of English accomplishments.

The English declaim better than they converse, and argue better than they

declaim. Free institutions have favoured their successful cultivation of

oratory; habits of public business have made them good logicians: but I

doubt that any moral or political combination would have made them good

_raconteurs_. The talent is too much an affair of temperament; which

institutes and education may direct, but cannot change. It is this that

constitutes national character, that renders the modern Frenchman in so

many respects what Cæsar found the Gaul; and preserves in the English

yeoman of the nineteenth century, much of the moral physiognomy of the

rude conquerors at Agincourt, and of the sturdy companions of Wat Tyler.

One cannot well conceive a Greenlander being nursed into a Horace, or a

negro into a Newton: one might as reasonably speculate on a potatoe being

cultivated into a pine-apple, or a mulberry being grafted to the size and

flavour of a melon.

The English temperament is too bilious, reflective, and abstracted, to

lend itself to the art of light and pleasant narration; its affections

are too deeply seated, its gaiety too fitful, its humour too cumbrous;

but with a Frenchman, it is a natural endowment; and every epoch of

the literary history of France can furnish its contingent of good

_raconteurs_. In the earlier ages, the gift was turned to a profession;

and its most eminent professors, under the denomination of _Conteurs_,

went from province to province, and from château to château, sure of a

brilliant reception, and a liberal recompense, in return for the story

they ingeniously invented, or the anecdote they pleasantly detailed.

“Fableaus sont or moult en course,

Mainte deniers en ont en bourse

Cil qui les content.”

_Fab. MSS. du Roi._

In modern France this talent, which always obtained a vogue, occasionally

made a fortune. Every _salon_ was thrown open to the _raconteur_; and the

reputation commenced at the _petits soupers_ and _boudoirs_ of private

individuals, received its seal from the admiration of the court and the

favour of the monarch. The love of anecdote is a propensity, perhaps a

weakness, inherent in royalty: and a Buonaparte and a Bourbon were alike

indebted for some of their most agreeable moments to the most charming

_raconteur_ that perhaps even France has produced. Both, with royal

impatience, were wont to cut a proser short in his tedious tale; and,

the same habit of command dictating to either despot precisely the same

phrase, both would exclaim, “_Allons, Denon, contez-nous cela!_”

The talent which, by its animation, renders French society so agreeable,

has found its way into French literature. The “_j’ai oui dire_” of

Brantome is always the prelude to some quaint and curious detail; and the

delightful Montaigne owes his deathless reputation less to the learning

of which he was so proud, than to the art, which he himself contemned

as _bavardage_. Of the exquisite narrations of Madame de Sévigné it

is almost superfluous to speak. Her details are all pictures; and her

commonest incidents derive an intense interest from her happy manner

of narrating them. What a difference between the love adventures of

Madame de Montpensier and the Duc de Lauzun, as told in the ponderous

autobiography of the dull and dogged princess, and as sketched in the

pages of Madame de Sévigné! The modern dramatist, who has produced the

story of Pomenars on the French stage, has added nothing to the dramatic

effect of her exquisite narration.

Ninon de l’Enclos possessed the happy talent _de bien raconter_, in

such perfection, that when Molière read to her the first draft of his

Tartuffe, and she related to him an adventure, of which she had been

herself the _Elmire_, he declared, that if his piece had not been already

written, he would not have undertaken it: so much was her Tartuffe

superior to his own. (“_Tant il se seroit cru incapable de rien mettre

sur le théâtre d’aussi parfait, que le Tartuffe de Mademoiselle de

l’Enclos._”)

The immediate successor to these gifted women was Mademoiselle de

Launay (Madame de Staël). Her narrative of her first interview with her

patroness, the Duchesse de Ferté, is a brilliant illustration of the

peculiarity of the art: and her well known, “_Allons, Mademoiselle,

parlez un peu religion; vous direz en suite autre chose_;”[9] has passed

into a proverb. This fascinating talent is always notable for the _naïve_

simplicity of manner that accompanies it—for that spirited frankness,

which affectation (the quality of the false and the feeble) cannot,

in all its assumption, accomplish. The gift is rarely and somewhat

capriciously dispersed in society. It is sometimes possessed by persons,

not otherwise distinguished; and genius, even of the highest order,

is often wholly divested of it. I may be wrong; but I doubt if any

circumstance could have bestowed it on the late celebrated Madame de

Staël. The whole character and bent of her mind seems to have led another

way. Her temperament, and the structure of her intellect were too German,

too alembicated: while the school of Thomas and of Madame de Necker,

in which she was brought up, was too _précieuse_ not to have stifled

any predisposition she might have possessed, to the natural graces,

indispensable to a graphic narrator.

Mounted on the pedestal of her reputation, and twisting between her

finger and thumb the laurel branch, which she always wielded (a _tic_

or an emblem), Madame de Staël stood, like her own Corinne, in the

centre of her circle, as if waiting at once for her audience and her

inspiration: and when she was satisfied of the adequate proportion of

both, she gave out her metaphysical and political oracles in measured

phrases; exhibiting an eloquence, which, whether she explained the

doctrines of Kant, or opened the views of Necker, was more calculated to

command admiration, than to excite delight. This was all very fine,—very

intellectual; but it was not the thing desired in a good _raconteur_.

It is impossible to imagine such a Pythoness stepping down from her

tripod, huddling herself into her shawl and easy chair, putting her feet

on the fender, and carelessly and gaily giving herself up to “_raisonner

pantoufle_;” to arrest and charm the attention by that “sweet and voluble

discourse,” which pauses not to choose a theme, nor studies the art, by

which it unconsciously fascinates the hearer.

It was the want, perhaps, of this happy simplicity, that lost Madame

de Staël the suffrage of one, whose conquest was the sum of all her

ambition. Willing to be won, Buonaparte refused to be lectured: and

flying from the eloquent dictations of the daughter, as he had cut

short the tedious dissertations of the father, he denominated the

one a _phraseuse_,[10] and pronounced the other “_au-dessous de sa

célébrité_.”[11]

If was, I believe, much about the time when he thus fled from the

disserting financier, whose lengthiness, like his politics, were ill

adapted to the rapid “_en avant_” of modern military and legislative

manœuvres, that Buonaparte gave a willing audience to a pleasant

_raconteur_, whom chance threw in his way, in the person of an humble

minister of the Genevese church. Napoleon, with his unerring tact, soon

detected the talent which was latent beneath the unpretending simplicity

of his chance companion. The conversation turned upon Kant and his

philosophy. “Can you understand it?” asked the Emperor, in his _brusque_

way. “Not a word, Sire,” replied the Curé. “Nor I neither,” rejoined

Napoleon; “but Madame de Staël understands it all; (_Ni moi non plus;

cependant Madame de Staël entend tout cela_);” and he laughed, and shewed

his handsome teeth, delighted to find one clever man, at least, as dull

as himself upon that vague and unsatisfactory doctrine.

To relate well, requires a minute and clear perception of particulars;

which being strongly impressed on the mind, will be returned with all

the truth, force, and illuminated effect, necessary to impress the

auditor. Facts often appear too highly coloured, when they are but given

in the same deep tone in which they were witnessed. Some minds receive

their impressions of scenery, character, and incident, as an iron target

receives the point of an arrow, which scarcely leaves a trace behind it;

while others of more penetrable stuff, take the form of their objects

with a depth and sharpness, fully proportionate to the force that stamps

it. Between these two classes of intellects there is little sympathy; and

the possessor of the first will consider as exaggerations of truth and

nature, the narrative, which reflects the ideas of the latter in the full

vigour of their original conception.

Denon often told me that the best _raconteur_ he ever knew, except

Voltaire, was Voltaire’s disciple, the Marquis de Vilette, the husband

of _Belle et Bonne_. Ferney was a good school. Every one knows the

anecdote of D’Alembert, Huber, and others, telling stories of robbers,

_à qui mieux mieux_, and Voltaire, when called upon, beginning, in

the tone of a gossiping old woman—“_Messieurs, il y avait une fois un

fermier-général—Ma foi j’ai oublié le reste!_”[12] Denon told me his last

visit to Voltaire was in 1776. He had been detained late at Geneva, and

it was near midnight when he arrived at Ferney. He found the venerable

patriarch sitting up to receive him, in that _salon_ now so familiar to

every English traveller. He was in high health and spirits; and after

supper the two delightful _raconteurs_ began to narrate—mutually excited,

and mutually charmed. It was in vain that Madame Denis frequently came

from her bed-room, in night-cap and slippers, to endeavour to get her

uncle to bed. Voltaire, with the querulousness of a spoiled school-boy,

resisting the similar attempt on the part of his nurse, pushed her away,

with—“_Mais allez donc—qu’est-ce que ça fait, si je m’amuse?_”[13]

The influence which Denon himself obtained over time, and even sometimes

over nature, (for “he could murder sleep,” by the exercise of this

amusing gift,) was often exemplified upon ourselves, during our various

residences at Paris. Denon kept intolerably late hours—we intolerably

early ones. After a month of _bals-parés_—_soirées_—_réunions_—and

_opéras_, we were obliged to give in, and to stay one night at home;

and so issued orders accordingly, and sent the servants to bed.—When,

lo! as the last lamp was put out, the last ember fading, and we were

yawning our way to our bed-room, across the gloomy antechamber of our

old hotel in the Fauxbourg St. Germain, a loud ring was heard, the great

gate invisibly opening, creaked slowly on its hinges, and the wheels of

a cabriolet came rattling over the paved court. Back we ran—lest our

chamber lights should shine forth from the windows, and bring up the

unseasonable intruder—while _Pierre_ the _frotteur_, putting in his

melo-drama head, asked, interrogatively, “_Madame n’y est pas—n’est-ce

pas?_” and then flew to forbid the nocturnal visitor. But it was in

vain: he was already in the anti-room—and we heard the voice of Denon,

saying “Go to bed, my good fellow—there, that will do;”—and in he came

on the very tip-toe of excitation, humming “_On revient toujours_,” with

applicable emphasis. He was all star, ribbon, and the legion of honour;

in full dress, both in spirits and person. He had dined with one of the

ministers; and had not yet got rid of the fervour of an agreeable party,

where he had justified the partiality of Buonaparte, by charming even the

ultras themselves.

He came to bestow all his brilliancy upon us, as he was wont to do on

similar occasions; and we were as much bored at the delightful visit, as

if it had been all the tediousness of those who know so well how to be

tedious: so there we stood, yawning and smiling, with a sort of galvanic

contortion, at once to show our courtesy and drowsiness, with each a

chamber candlestick in hand, and reiterating “But we were going to bed,

my dear Denon.”—“I see it,” said Denon, and gently taking my candle,

he lighted the _bougies_ on the table—drew a chair for me near the

fire—threw a log on the hearth, and, with a petitioning air, solicited

“_encore un petit moment_.” “Our husband and ourself” exchanged looks

of mutual annoyance, and yawned ostentatiously our unwilling assent;

wondering at the influence of the miserable _physique_, or that any state

of exhaustion could reduce us to so low an ebb, as not to relish the

society of one we loved so well and admired so much.

Denon had that day made me a present of his superb work on Egypt (the

large edition), and the enormous volume lay upon the ponderous marble

table, in the centre of the room, which seemed by its strength to

have been built on purpose to receive it. We had been looking over the

plates, and Denon took out his pencil and wrote the names of some of the

eminent persons whose portraits they contain. Then drawing close to the

fire, he put on his _raconteur’s_ face, and gave us such curious and

animated details of his sojourn in Egypt with Buonaparte—of his intimacy

with Dessaix, and with others of the _notables_ of the expedition,

together with the various scenes and circumstances incidental to the

enterprise,—that insensibly we became as animated in our questions as he

was in his narration.

From Egypt we got to the funeral of Dessaix on Mount St. Bernard, (a

picture worthy of Poussin,) and thence to the German campaigns. He

described the entrance into Potsdam, etched to the life, like a proof

copy of one of his own engravings from Rembrandt or Paul Potter; not

a light, not a shade was wanting! and the tones and gestures of the

conqueror were given, as if he lived and moved before us. Their visit to

Sans Souci, and the flattering interest with which Buonaparte inspected

the apartments, where nothing had been changed since their occupation

by Frederick the Great, were not left to mere narrative; they were acted

to the life: and the plunder of the _armoires_ and _secrétaires_, were

represented in a most robber-like manner. The emperor had the sword

of Frederick for his share of the spoils; Denon’s booty was equally

characteristic—a MS. _brouillon_ of the king’s poetry, in his royal

autograph, with Voltaire’s corrections. Under some of the stanzas was

written “_digne des meilleurs poëtes Français_;”[14] and under others

the simple corrective criticism of “_fie donc!_” This was what Voltaire

called “washing the king’s linen.”

The sympathy of Napoleon for his wounded soldiers, and his personal

attention to them, have been often recorded. His anxious visits to the

field of battle after the contest was decided—his feeling the pulse and

wiping the wounds—his administering cordials with his own hands—are facts

well known, which won him the love of his army, no less than his prowess.

Denon had been with him in one of these pious visitations, and he was so

affected by the dreadful spectacle, that it became the nightmare of his

dream. He arose with the dawn and returned to the field, in the hope of

rescuing some still living beings from the heaps of dead that strewed

it. In the features of an officer, he thought he recognized a friend,

and on examining more minutely, he perceived some tokens of lingering

vitality. He endeavoured to extricate the body from the dead horse under

which it lay; but his strength failed him. There was not a moment to be

lost—looking round him for assistance, he observed two men taking their

station on an overthrown piece of artillery, coolly surveying the scene,

and writing in their tablets. They were easily recognised as the German

commissaries of interment. He flew to solicit their assistance; but both

replied in unison, “_Monsir, nous sommes ici pour enterrer les morts._”

“_Bon_,” said Denon, “but you will surely assist me in saving the

living.” Without pausing in their melancholy task, they again replied,

“_Nous sommes ici uniquement pour enterrer les morts._” Denon in vain had

recourse to persuasion, to bribes, to threats; nothing moved the phlegm

of the Germans: they heard him out patiently, and repeated for the third

time; “_Fous êtes ein bon Monsir, mais nous sommes ici pour enterrer les

morts._”[15] This writes flatly; but when told most dramatically, with

the impassibility of the German physiognomy, and the guttural German

accentuation, it was irresistible; and thus our delightful _raconteur_

went on “from grave to gay,” with equal pathos and humour, making us

laugh and cry, and winding us up and down at pleasure.

In the midst of a most interesting adventure—the scene Venice, the time

a moonlight evening, the place a balcony in the palace Benzoni, and the

heroine, the beautiful and well known “Biondina in Gondoletta,”—he paused

abruptly, with a hushing movement of his finger, marking emphatically the

deep swing of the clock in the Tuileries striking three. He arose all

confusion and apologies, for having led us into such unseasonable vigils,

and was hurrying off, when I detained him with, “but finish your story.”

“_Trois heures bien sonnés_,”[16] replied Denon, already at the door;

while I answered in the words of Voltaire, “_Mais qu’est-ce que ça fait,

si je m’amuse?_” “_A la bonne heure_,” said Denon, triumphantly, “I saw

on entering that I was a bore;[17] that you had taken your determination,

and I took mine; so good morning—I’ll finish my story another time:” and

with this trick of the tale-teller of the Arabian Nights, he tripped off

as _leste_ at seventy, as at seventeen—sprang into his cabriolet, and

rattled out, as he had rattled in, his horse and driver as much on the

alert as himself. The whole thing was French, exclusively French—the

_raconteur_, horse, driver, and cabriolet, included.

The book of the boudoir, Volume 1 (of 2) · 第 1 / 16 段