THE BOMBARDMENT OF ALEXANDRIA
We now come to the bombardment of Alexandria, a quarrel deliberately
picked by Admiral Seymour and Colvin acting in concert, for the removal
of Malet only put the diplomatic power more entirely into Colvin's
hands. Malet was replaced, not as I had hoped by Lascelles, whose
independence of character and knowledge of Egypt might have enabled him
to take a line of his own, but by a simple Foreign Office clerk named
Cartwright, who, ignorant and helpless, was a mere passive tool directed
by the Controller. I have not much to add to the public records of those
last three weeks at Cairo and Alexandria, but my diary will give an idea
of what was going on in London. My public letter to Gladstone called
down a storm of abuse upon my head from Malet's and Colvin's friends,
and generally from the Jingo and financial elements in the Press and
Parliament.
"_June 24._--There is an angry letter from Henry Malet (Edward Malet's
elder brother) in to-day's 'Times.'... Lord Lamington, too, has given
notice of a question as to my 'unofficial negotiations' in the House of
Lords for Monday. The more talk the better.... A party of people (at
Crabbet) for Sunday, Lascelles among them.
"_June 25._--Wrote an answer to Henry Malet and sent it to the 'Times.'
A soft answer turneth away wrath." (I was loath to quarrel in this way
with old friends, and I was resolved not to hit back except on
compulsion.)
"_June 26._--A long letter has come from Sabunji (that already given in
the last chapter). They are giving a public dinner in my honour at
Cairo.... Met Lords De la Warr and Lamington (they were brothers-in-law)
at the House of Lords, and got the former to ask for Malet's despatch
of December 26th (that which Malet had said he had cancelled). Lord
Lamington was going to have based his speech on Henry Malet's letter,
but I showed him what nonsense this was. All the same he made a very
strong speech in an indignant tone about me. Lord Granville looked white
and uncomfortable, but admitted the fact of my having acted on one
occasion to pacify the army, a point gained. (This had been denied by
Henry Malet.) He could not remember about the despatch of the 26th, but
would look for it." (The reason of the great embarrassment of the
Government on being questioned about my "unofficial negotiations" was
that they had got into similar difficulties in their Irish policy by
making use of Mr. Errington the year before as a means of communicating
unofficially with the Pope about the attitude of the Irish clergy.)
"Dined with Henry Middleton at his club early, and went with him to a
meeting of the Anti-Aggression League in Farringdon Street. Sir Wilfrid
Lawson, in the chair was excellent. He is the pleasantest speaker I have
listened to. Also Sir Arthur Hobhouse was good. Frederic Harrison read a
lecture in which he stated the Egyptian case fairly." _N. B._--Henry
Middleton had been much in Egypt and was intimate there with the Coptic
community. A letter written to him during the war by the Coptic
Patriarch has been published. It is interesting as showing how entirely
the Copts were with Arabi at that time.
"_June 27._--Dinner at Pembroke's. All the Wilton Club there, some forty
people. I sat next to Harry Brand and had a grand row with him about
Egypt. After dinner healths were drunk, my own among the number, and I
had to make a speech. I felt myself in rather an unfriendly atmosphere
politically, as most of those present were Jingoes, but I was specially
complimented for my public services by Eddy Hamilton, who proposed my
health. I said in reply that some served their country in one way and
some in another, but that as long as one served it and did one's duty,
it did not much matter what one did." (These speeches, of course, were
not serious, as the Wilton Club was only a convivial gathering of Lord
Pembroke's personal friends who came together at his house two or three
times a year to dine and make merry.)
"_June 28._--Rode to George Howard's, and showed him Sabunji's letter
and my Gladstone correspondence. Sabunji states that the National
leaders are thinking of going to England to lay their case before Mr.
Gladstone, and I have asked Howard to get me, if he can, an interview
with Mr. Bright. Bright is more amenable, I fancy to reason than the
rest, and perhaps it might do good to see him. There is no doubt that
war preparations are being made, for whatever purpose it may be. I don't
believe, all the same, that they are intended as anything more than
strengthening Dufferin's hands at the Conference. I have sent a telegram
to Sabunji saying that nothing is yet decided about sending troops, and
begging patience.
"_June 29._--Called on Bright at his house in Piccadilly. He talked in a
friendly tone, but less sympathetically than Gladstone and less
intelligently. The upshot, however, is very satisfactory. He assures me
that no active steps have yet been taken for hostilities, and he does
not believe they will be taken. He considers the Suez Canal to be of
little strategical value to us, preferring, with Gladstone, the Cape
route for military communication with India. I explained to him my idea
of a Mohammedan reformation and how little the movement in Egypt had in
common with the Sultan's fanatical ideas. I think my visit may do good
by strengthening the peace party in the Cabinet." (_N. B._--Bright
scouted more strongly than this entry would suggest the idea of
hostilities at Alexandria. He bade me make my mind quite easy about
them. And I am sure he was speaking truly according to his knowledge.
But the poor man, whose principles were absolutely opposed to warfare,
was kept in complete darkness as to what was going on at the Admiralty
and the War Office, and, as he himself afterwards told me, was persuaded
that, even when the threat of bombardment was decided on in the Cabinet,
it would remain like all the other threats, a _brutum fulmen_. The
theory laid before the Cabinet by the Foreign Office was that the mass
of the Egyptians were with the Khedive, not with Arabi, and that on the
first shot being fired by the British fleet the populace of Alexandria
would rise and bring Arabi, who was alone in his intention of
resistance, a prisoner to their sovereign's feet. Bright, when he found
how he had been cajoled into consenting to the bombardment which had led
to the burning of Alexandria and the necessity of a regular war, was
very angry and resigned his place in the Cabinet, nor did he ever
forgive Gladstone for his share in the deception practised on him or the
abandonment of their common principles.)
"Called on Lady Gregory, who has written a paper on the Control of
Egypt, which is amusing. Dinner at the Howards. She (Mrs. H.) is
enthusiastic about my plans.
"_June 30._--Colvin contradicts flatly through the 'Times' correspondent
that either he or Malet have ever made use of my services as mediator or
intermediary on any occasion. This puts him in my hands after Lord
Granville's admission of the fact on Monday." (_N. B._--This denial in
plain terms by Colvin of things it is impossible he should have
forgotten need not be characterized by me. The matter was not made
better by a private letter he wrote me, 6th July, in which he repudiated
in part his responsibility for the "Times" telegram. I accepted his
explanation at the time as genuine, but when a little later I asked him
to repudiate the telegram publicly, he declined to do so, and in terms
which were merely a repetition and aggravation of the untruth.)
"Breakfasted with De la Warr to meet Broadley, the 'Times' corespondent
at Tunis." (_N. B._--This is the same Broadley whom, at Lord De la
Warr's recommendation I afterwards entrusted with the defence of Arabi.
He had been practising as lawyer in the Consular Courts at Tunis, and
latterly as "Times" correspondent there. He was a man of great ability
and had made himself serviceable to De la Warr in many ways, giving him
the information about Eastern affairs which were De la Warr's hobby, and
preparing, when in England, his speeches for him on such subjects in the
House of Lords. At the time of the invasion of Tunis by the French he
took a strong part in the "Times" in favour of the Mohammedan rising and
published a useful book about it afterwards called "The Last Punic
War.") "He says all are waiting in Tripoli and Tunis for the Sultan to
come forward. Otherwise el Senoussi will read the Mohammedan revival....
Wrote a letter to the 'Times' in answer to Colvin which ought to smash
him. Luncheon at the Gregorys.
"Eddy writes a friendly letter saying that Mr. Gladstone will not go
back from his expressions of sympathy with Egyptian independence, if
what I have told him proves true. This must be owing to Bright." The
letter here referred to is an important one as bearing on the settlement
afterwards made in Egypt, and the promise of independence and liberal
institutions made at Gladstone's suggestion by Lord Dufferin in his
celebrated despatch. But for the hold I had acquired over Gladstone on
this point, I have no manner of doubt that after Tel-el-Kebir Egypt
would have been annexed to the British Empire. The Whigs in the Cabinet
all intended it.
"_July 2._--At Brocket. This, after Wilton, is the most charming country
place I have seen. All in it is exactly as it was fifty and sixty years
ago in the days of Caroline Lamb and Lord Melbourne. Lord Palmerston
died here. Henry Cowper, whose it is now, is to me very sympathetic. Our
party consists of Henry Brand and his wife, the American Minister, Lord
Houghton, Lymington, and Frederick Leveson Gower, Lord Granville's
brother and secretary. Great wrangling about Egypt but all friendly
enough, even Leveson. And the American is on my side.... I had a little
talk with Leveson after we had played lawn tennis. He spoke very
despondingly of the British Empire, but thought England might last
without revolution at home. At Brocket such talk is melancholy.... There
is another fierce attack on me in the 'Observer.'
"_July 3._--At Brocket. I fancy if there is to be any intervention at
all it is to be Italian--at least, if intervention is ordered by the
Conference. This I should greatly dislike, for at present the Italians
seem sympathetic, but if launched on conquest they would be brutal in
their methods. Besides, the Italians are not assailable at home, as we
and the French are." (_N. B._--The Italian Government was being asked at
this date to join us in armed intervention in Egypt, but they wisely
declined. It would have been very unpopular with the Liberals in Italy
where Menotti Garibaldi was organizing a force to help Arabi.) "Drove
over to Knebworth to luncheon. Lytton has been building and making a new
drive into the Park, certainly a great improvement; we talked about the
British Empire, on which subject he is as despondent as I am. He thinks
my policy in Egypt might have succeeded, or any policy but that of
trusting to chance. Now he foresees a Mohammedan rebellion in India, go
things how they may.... In the evening to Temple Dinsley where the
Brands are.
"_July 4._--To London; found a telegram saying that Arabi certainly
would not go to Constantinople, also a letter from Sabunji, which has
made me uneasy. It has evidently been opened in the post, and the
contents may have compromised the National leaders at Constantinople.
There are telegrams, too, in the papers about a renewed quarrel as to
the fortifications at Alexandria; and Lady Gregory, who came to James
Street, has heard from Sir Erskine May that Beauchamp Seymour has orders
to bombard Alexandria to-morrow." (Sir Erskine May, was I believe, the
Chief Permanent Official of the Admiralty. The earliest correspondence
referring to a bombardment in the Blue Books occurs on 26th June, when
the Admiralty telegraphs to Sir Beauchamp Seymour: "If Egyptian troops
are making preparations to attack, communicate with French Admiral and
bring ships into position." This telegram shows the wolf and the lamb
argument that was being used to excuse our own intended attack. We know
from Palmer's journal, to which reference will be made later, that
Seymour had resolved to bombard at least as early as 4th July. Among the
determining causes with Gladstone and the Cabinet at this time was, I
believe, the bogus report of a massacre at Benha, a wholly fabulous
incident which was largely made use of to infuriate English opinion
against Arabi.) "She [Lady Gregory] has also heard that Colvin has
resigned and his resignation been accepted." I don't know whether there
was any foundation for this report, but it is too late already for his
recall to have made any difference in the result. It was probably
altogether a false report.
"_July 5._--I am very uneasy in my mind now about these threats of
bombardment. At twelve I went to the House of Commons and heard Dilke
announce that the fleet had orders 'under certain circumstances to act
in a certain way.' Had luncheon with Sir Wilfrid Lawson, who is a really
charming man, and read him Sabunji's letter describing his dinners and
conversations with the National Chiefs. He and others with him will do
what they can. But there is nothing now to do. My letters to Gladstone
are printed, but I dare not publish them until I see what line the
Porte takes.... Dined at Lady Rosamund Christie's. Knowles was there and
says that the bombardment is to begin to-morrow morning. Fawcett takes
my side. My fear is lest the Nationalists should stake all on an
artillery duel with the fleet, in which they cannot help being beaten,
and so be discouraged. They ought, I think, to abandon Alexandria, and
make an entrenched camp out of reach of the guns of the fleet. But I
dare not advise." (About this time Button informed me that the Admiralty
plan was to effect a landing during the bombardment with the idea of
cutting off Arabi's retreat. This news, if I remember rightly,
influenced my telegram next day and my letter of the seventh.)
"_July 6._--Admiral Seymour has sent in an ultimatum, and I have
telegraphed to Sabunji as follows: 'Avoid meddling with the fleet. Send
Abdu with a message to Gladstone. Patience.' I am not sure whether I am
doing right, but prudence is certainly on the right side. Besides, Arabi
will judge independently of my opinion, and he has never yet been wrong.
I have sent copies of my correspondence with Downing Street to Cardinal
Manning and Knowles (and also to Lord Dufferin). After luncheon went to
see Hill, the editor of the 'Daily News.' He is now all on our side, it
being too late to do any good. He promises, however, to write what he
can.... In the evening a telegram from Sabunji saying that all is quiet,
so I suppose the difficulty is staved off.... I wrote to-day to Eddy
proposing to show him Sabunji's letters (those already given). It is a
desperate remedy, but the circumstances are desperate.
"_July 7._--Went to see Stanley of Alderley and urged him to see
Musurus, so as to prevent any split between Arabi and the Sultan. I told
him pretty nearly the facts of the case, but made him understand this
was not a moment for Mohammedans to dispute, and that the Turks and
Egyptians could settle their domestic differences later. He seems quite
to agree with me.... Then wrote a letter to Sabunji recommending them
not to quarrel with the fleet, but to make an entrenched camp out of
reach of the guns. I still think that no English expedition will be
landed in Egypt, but that they will have to fight the Turks or possibly
the Italians.... The papers announce a pacific settlement of the
difference between Arabi and the fleet, which is satisfactory so far.
"_July 8._--At Crabbet. The second post has brought a letter from Eddy
Hamilton which seems to imply that Gladstone is still open to
conviction. This is more than I expected"--(and more, too, than the
letter implied. What Hamilton wrote was, "I hope it goes without saying
that it has been the desire of the Government all along to get at the
truth, but that, apparently, has not been so easy.") "I have accordingly
been preparing a précis of Sabunji's letters. In the Evening Lascelles
and others arrived.
"_July 9._--Sunday. I have consulted Lascelles about sending Sabunji's
letters to Gladstone, but he thinks it is too late. Hartington has told
him that they intend occupying Egypt and probably annexing it, on the
principle _j'y suis, j'y reste_. Chamberlain has said: 'We have got the
Grand Old Man into a corner now, and he _must_ fight.' I shall,
therefore, wait events. The 'Observer' announces a new threat or
Ultimatum. This time I shall leave Providence to decide." (What I record
here as having been told me by Lascelles is of historical importance. He
was in a position to know what was going on more than any of my friends.
As a former _Chargé d'Affaires_ in Egypt he was consulted at the Foreign
Office, and as Lord Hartington's first cousin he had his confidences
about what was going on in the Whig section of the Cabinet.)
"_July 10._--A new Ultimatum is announced, this time in terms which
Arabi cannot accept. They want him to surrender the forts. The French,
however, refuse to take any part in this act of piracy. M. P., who knows
naval people, assures me that Beauchamp Seymour is in a terrible fright;
that the 'Invincible' is the only ship with really sound armour plates,
and that the fleet is in a most critical position." (There was some
truth, I believe, in this. The ships, as they were moored in the
harbour, lay directly under the fire of the forts at short range. If the
Nationalists had been as unscrupulous as our people were, they might
have taken the ships at a disadvantage and perhaps sunk them. But Arabi
was not the man for a _coup_ of this kind, and he was, besides, a
stickler for the common Mohammedan rule of not firing the first shot in
war. The quarrel, too, was none of his seeking, and all he was bent on
was to avoid all excuse for a collision. He consequently allowed
Seymour to move his ships away and choose his own distance.) "Arabi may
then be in the right in accepting the duel. At any rate, it is forced on
him in such a way that he cannot refuse. Strangely enough, I am in high
spirits. My idea is that this bombardment and bloodshed, however it
terminates, will produce a revulsion in public feeling here and stop
further proceedings. Nobody really wants war or annexation, except the
financiers. And these would soon go to the wall if the public spoke. The
Powers, too, will probably be angry at this act of violence in the
middle of the Conference. For England the outlook seems very bad. It
will probably lead to a war with France and the loss of India.... To
London and saw Lady Gregory, who wants me to send a copy of my Gladstone
letters to Gibson, as Gibson is the coming man of the Conservatives, and
the Conservatives will soon be in power. Gladstone was beaten on Friday
on an important vote.... Harrison has written Gladstone a scathing
letter, telling him his action in Egypt will ruin his moral character
forever in history. This is certain, and I will take care it does so....
Lunched with George Currie, who, as a bondholder, is now pleased at the
firmness of the Government. They were afraid, he says, at one time that
Gladstone would have thrown them over.
"To the House of Commons, where I saw Lawson. He asked me what could be
done. I said, 'Nothing.' Dilke made a statement confirming the
Ultimatum.... Lord De la Warr called at six to ask whether I would not
telegraph to advise an arrangement. But I told him I could not do this
any longer, for the Egyptians could not give up their forts honourably.
Home to Crabbet.
"_July 11._--At Crabbet. I settled this morning in my mind that if the
weather was fine things would go well in Egypt--and behold it is
raining!... I shall stay here now till all is over, except on Thursday,
when I have been asked to Marlborough House, to have the honour of
meeting Her Majesty.... We shall know all in a few hours.... It rained
heavily till 2, then cleared. I remained indoors in a nervous state,
unable to do anything.... At half-past four David brought a 'Globe,'
with news showing that the bombardment began at 7 and was still going on
at half-past 11. At 5, Anne came from London with the 'Pall Mall' and
'St. James's,' showing it was not all over at 1.40. It is evident that
the Egyptians fought like men, so I fear nothing. They may be driven out
of the forts and out of Alexandria. But Egypt will not be conquered. The
French fleet has gone to Port Saïd, and it is impossible there should
not be an European war. I have sent my Gladstone correspondence to the
Prince of Wales.
"_July 12._--The forts are silenced, but the Egyptians show no sign of
yielding, and the newspapers announce another bombardment for to-day.
This is a monstrous thing. The Sultan, I am glad to see, stands firm;
and a religious war is inevitable, succeeding, as Arabi said it would
the political one. The prophecy about Gladstone will thus come true. His
conscience must be a curious study just now, the conscience of a Eugene
Aram, and I believe him capable of any treachery and any crime. I can do
no more, and shall stay here. Went fishing in the forest, a bright warm
day, with a slight threatening of thunder about noon. The evening papers
talk of a flag of truce and a heavy swell which has prevented the ships
from firing.
"_July 13._--Saw Button, who tells me an occupation is inevitable. Old
Edward Blount was in the train. He tells me the French are in no
condition to fight. Their navy is so ill-found he doubts their having
the ammunition. He thinks there will be a revolution in a few months....
Found Sir Wilfrid Lawson at home in Grosvenor Crescent and had much
discourse with him, but he agrees it is hopeless doing anything with the
Government.... Had luncheon with the Howards. She is staunch, he
doubtful.... Coming back by underground railway I read the news of
Alexandria being in flames, of the evacuation of the town, and of a new
massacre by roughs. This is nothing but what must have been. I am glad
of one thing only, and that is the army has got safe out of that
mousetrap. I have had it on my mind ever since Arabi went to Alexandria
that he would be caught there in some way by his enemies. Now he seems
to have done just what I recommended, retired to a fortified position
out of reach of the guns of the fleet. People, or rather the newspapers,
are very angry because he retired under flag of truce, but I am not
military man enough to see where the treachery was, especially as
Admiral Seymour had announced that he would understand a white flag to
mean the evacuation of the forts." (This charge of having violated the
white flag was made a special count against Arabi at his trial, and
absurdly insisted upon by Gladstone, because he, Gladstone, had
committed himself to a statement that to retire while under the white
flag was a violation of the laws of war. This was persisted in after
other graver charges were abandoned, until it was discovered that in
Lord Wolseley's "Soldier's Pocket Book," a text book in our army, it is
distinctly laid down that the contrary is the rule.)
"I was in two minds about going to Marlborough House, but decided it
would be best to show loyalty. So went. Everybody cordial enough except
old Houghton, who all but cut me. The Malets were there--poor old
people--but I did not venture speaking to them. Robert Bourke came to me
in great glee at the mess the Government found themselves in. Such are
the amenities of party political life. Everybody else nearly was there
that I had ever seen. The Prince of Wales shook hands with me, but he
said nothing. Her Majesty was looking beaming--I suppose elated at her
bombardment. Gladstone is said to have announced in the House that he
would not send an army to Egypt. He declares he is not at war with
anybody. However Button, with whom I dined, assures me troops are going
and that they mean annexation. Dined with him and Lord Bective.
"_July 14._--Breakfasted with De la Warr. I showed him Arabi's letter to
Gladstone, and he advised me not to send it, but offered to propose to
the Prince of Wales to speak to me about it. I think this will be a good
plan. I dare not let the Government have such a document in their hands
until it is settled what form intervention is to take."
The letter here referred to is one that Arabi dictated to Sabunji at
Alexandria and sent to me, desiring me to communicate it to Gladstone as
from him. It was not signed or sealed by him, and was sent by Sabunji in
English, not in Arabic; for which reason Arabi afterwards, when charged
with having written it, among other charges made against him at the time
of his arrest, denied having written at all to Mr. Gladstone. I was
consequently taunted by my enemies with having forged the letter, though
I had stated that it was "dictated" in my enclosing letter of two days
later. The letter as sent to Mr. Gladstone was as follows:
"Alexandria, _July 2, 1882_.
"SIR,
"Our Prophet in his Koran has commanded us not to seek war nor to
begin it. He has commanded us also, if war be waged against us, to
resist and, under penalty of being ourselves as unbelievers, to
follow those who have assailed us with every weapon and without
pity. Hence, England may rest assured that the first gun she fires
on Egypt will absolve the Egyptians from all treaties, contracts,
and conventions; that the Control and debt will cease; that the
property of Europeans will be confiscated; that the Canals will be
destroyed; the communications cut; and that use will be made of the
religious zeal of Mohammedans to preach a holy war in Syria, in
Arabia, and in India. Egypt is held by Mohammedans as the key of
Mecca and Medina, and all are bound by their religious law to
defend these holy places and the ways leading to them. Sermons on
this subject have already been preached in the Mosque of Damascus,
and an agreement has been come to with the religious leaders of
every land throughout the Mohammedan world. I repeat it again and
again, that the first blow struck at Egypt by England or her allies
will cause blood to flow through the breadth of Asia and of Africa,
the responsibility of which will be on the head of England.
"The English Government has allowed itself to be deceived by its
agents, who have cost the country its prestige in Egypt. England
will be still worse advised if she attempts to regain what she has
lost by the brute force of guns and bayonets.
"On the other hand there are more humane and friendly means to this
end. Egypt is ready still--nay, desirous to come to terms with
England, to be fast friends with her, to protect her interests and
keep her road to India, to be her ally; but she must keep within
the limits of her jurisdiction. If, however, she prefers to remain
deceived and to boast and threaten us with fleets and her Indian
troops, it is hers to make the choice. Only let her not underrate
the patriotism of the Egyptian people. Her representatives have not
informed her of the change which has been wrought among us since
the days of Ismaïl's tyranny. Nations, in our age, make sudden and
gigantic strides in the path of progress.
"England, in fine, may rest assured that we are determined to
fight, to die martyrs for our country, as has been enjoined on us
by our Prophet, or else to conquer and so live independently and
happy. Happiness in either case is promised to us, and a people
imbued with this belief, their courage knows no bounds.
"AHMED ARABI."
"Went to see Gregory. He is frightened at Alexandria's being burnt, and
will have it that Arabi did not order it. I say he ordered it, and was
right to do so. This is the policy of the Russians at Moscow, and
squares with all I know of their intentions. I cannot think it will do
any harm in the long run, and it will get more completely rid of the
Greeks and Italians. Of course, he was not responsible for the massacre,
which is doubtless exaggerated. To fire the town, cut off the water
supply and take up a strategical position on the railway is what any
determined general would have done." (And so I say still. The burning of
Alexandria gave Arabi just the time to entrench himself at Kafr Dawar.
If he had carried out the other part of his program and blown up and
blocked the Suez Canal, he might have made a good and long fight of it,
and even possibly have won the campaign. I will return to this, however,
when I come to treat of the war.)
"_July 15._--Button writes that the Prince of Wales wants a copy of
Arabi's letter, and I have sent word to say I shall be happy to read it
to His Royal Highness. I will not let it out of my hand as yet.... Sir
Donald Currie came to see the horses. He is sensible about Egypt, as
many people are individually. But the newspapers are raising a universal
howl. I am depressed in mind, thinking of the future. Egypt can hardly
not be ruined, and it is little consolation to think that the Europeans
there and the bondholders will be ruined too. Still, there is a God in
heaven for those who trust Him.
"_July 16._--It seems as if the Turks had at last consented to send
troops. Button gave me the conditions yesterday. They are to come and go
and catch Arabi, all in a month. The thing is absurd. If they go, they
will go to stay. They will also make terms with Arabi, and all England
will have gained will be that the Sultan will declare war. All things
considered, this is the best solution I could have expected. Otherwise
it must have been annexation.... Wrote letter enclosing Arabi's letter
for Gladstone.
"_July 17._--Went to London and saw Button. I have agreed to send the
letter to Gladstone and to the Prince of Wales, and have accordingly
done so.... I wish Gladstone to be warned of all the consequences of his
action in Egypt, as on Saturday he stated that the destruction of
Alexandria was a result which it was impossible to foresee, of
bombarding it! Now, if Cairo is destroyed, he will be without excuse.
Bright has resigned. At least _he_ is an honest man. He made his
statement to-night saying he considers the bombardment a breach of
international law and the moral law."[20] (I have some reason to believe
that Gladstone had shared Bright's delusion that the Alexandrian forts
could be bombarded without serious consequences of bloodshed,
conflagration, and war. The difference between the two men was this:
that Bright, when he saw he had betrayed his principles by consenting to
it 'went out and wept bitterly'; Gladstone stifled his remorse and
profited as largely as he could by the popularity which war always
brings to the Ministry that makes it.) "... Home late and in low
spirits. I have done what I could to avert this war, and war is now the
only solution."
Here, unfortunately, my diary of 1882 ends.[21]
FOOTNOTES:
[20] I met Bright more than once in later years, and his language was
strong to me as to the way he had been misled into complicity with the
bombardment of Alexandria. I find the following in my journal of 1885:
"_June 9._--To the Howards. She (Mrs. Howard) dined last night with
Hartington and Granville and Bright.... Bright told her that he was at
the Cabinet which decided on the bombardment of Alexandria, but Lord
Granville had assured him it would not really take place, and it had
long ago been settled that he was to leave the Cabinet on the first shot
fired in any war. It had been a cause of grief and tears to him to watch
the slaughter which had since occurred, but he had not had the heart to
stand up and denounce his former friends. He had, however, written to
Mr. Gladstone after the war to say that if he allowed Arabi to be tried
by the Egyptian Government it would be a _lasting infamy_."
"_March 16._--At night to dine with the Howards. It was a very
interesting dinner, John Bright, John Morley, Frederick Leveson, and Mr.
Wright, etc.... At first we were all rather stiff.... However, Wright
broke it up by asking Bright _á propos of boots_, who it was that caused
the bombardment of Alexandria. Whereupon Bright broke in denouncing the
war strongly and the injustice of keeping Arabi a prisoner in Ceylon. He
also explained that Beauchamp Seymour had telegraphed to ask permission
to bombard some time before but had been refused. At last it was
Chamberlain who had insisted on his being allowed to do it....
Hartington, Bright said, had not urged it."
[21] The allusions to an expected Mohammedan rising in India, here and
elsewhere quoted from my diary, seem now, in the light of events,
somewhat exaggerated. They were, however, justified by the ideas
prevalent at the time; and the dread of a general conflagration in the
East is perhaps the best excuse that can be made for our Government's
action in pressing on in July an immediate violent solution of its
difficulty in Egypt.