The peculiar endowments which were conferred on the disciples in the

apostolic age were called the gifts of the Spirit; and the thanksgivings

which were presented for them were always offered immediately to God,

from whom every good and perfect gift was known to come. When this

Spirit was spoken of as an impersonal existence, as an influence, a

power, it could not, of course, be made the object of worship any more

than the gifts it brought. When regarded as a personal existence, _i.

e._ as God, it was, of course, the object of direct worship. But, as

possessing any power of intercession, we may confidently declare it

never was appealed to, till the Christian theology had been mixed up

with the principles of the heathen philosophy. Among all the figurative

illustrations of the offices and powers of the Spirit, among all the

highly wrought personifications and bold metaphors which characterize

the Hebrew style of the apostolic writings, we find no intimation that

homage may be offered, or intercession made, through it or any existence

whatever, personal or impersonal. Even the highly figurative passage

which we meet with Romans viii. 25-28, and which is, we believe, the

chief basis on which rests the practice of false worship in the

Christian world, admits of no such interpretation as is commonly given

to it. It needs only a careful reading of the whole chapter to perceive

that 'the spirit' there spoken of is not the Holy Spirit; not the

immediate divine influence of which we hear so much; but the new life

supposed to be introduced by the Gospel, in opposition to 'the flesh' or

evil principle by which men were liable to condemnation under the old

dispensation. After declaring that the fulness of salvation must be

waited for with Christian hope, the apostle continues, 'Likewise this

spirit, also helpeth our infirmities: for we know not what we should

pray for as we ought, but the spirit itself maketh intercession for us

with groans which cannot be expressed. But He who searcheth the hearts

knoweth what is the mind of the spirit, that it intercedeth for the

saints according to the will of God. And we know that all things work

together for good to them that love God, who are called according to his

purpose.' In the weakness of our nature, we know not what most to desire

and pray for, but the spirit of the Gospel informs and aids us;

obtaining for us benefits which we could not otherwise have enjoyed. And

the benefits thus obtained are such as the divine will designed for us;

all things thus tending to our good; the divine purposes, the aids of

the Gospel, and the circumstances amidst which that aid supports us. All

this has a very clear reference, not to any mediation of the Holy

Spirit, to which there is no allusion whatever; but to the agency of the

new dispensation in delivering men 'from the bondage of corruption into

the glorious liberty of the children of God.'--If the intercession of

Christ be needless because the Father himself loveth us, much more

needless must be the mediation of the Spirit, even were there such a

separate personal existence; and yet more needless must be the good

offices of Saints, supposing them capable of rendering such a service to

their mortal brethren.

Those who, like ourselves, derive their religious belief from the Bible

alone, can scarcely meet on the ground of argument those who profess

'most firmly to admit and embrace apostolical and ecclesiastical

traditions,' if the subject of discussion be other than the authority of

such traditions. On this discussion we shall enter hereafter. It only

belongs to the present division of our subject to observe, that, not

admitting the authority of ecclesiastical traditions in matters of

faith, and finding in the Scriptures no intimation of homage being due

to the mother of Christ, or the holy men who glorified the Gospel in

their lives and deaths, we offer no such homage, and that the worship

and invocation of such are a direct infringement of the command, 'Thou

shalt worship the Lord thy God, and him only shall thou serve.'

It is not difficult to trace the origin and progress of a custom which,

though founded on a natural veneration for holiness sealed by death, is

in our opinion more fatal to the purity, and inimical to the dignity of

the Gospel that any other which its professors have adopted.--It was a

custom in the early times of Christianity, to meet for worship at the

tombs of the Martyrs; not for the sake of paying homage to the departed,

but because the survivors found their devotional feelings more sensibly

excited there. Their imaginations were at the same time possessed by the

poetical fictions of the pagan philosophy, which represented the souls

of the departed as hovering round the place of interment, and conscious

of what was passing near. From this superstition arose the practice of

making offerings annually in the name of the deceased, as an

acknowledgement that they were still considered members of their

respective churches. This practice appears to have been first adopted at

the death of Polycarp, and to have speedily grown into a rite scarcely

distinguishable from the superstitions of heathenism. Tertullian

observes, 'We make oblations for the dead and for their martyrdom,

yearly, on certain days.' At this time it was the general belief that

the usual abode of the dead was in subterraneous places, or at least

'below,' somewhere near the earth, and as long as this belief subsisted,

prayers were offered _for_ the dead,--for their present repose and

joyful future resurrection. The Virgin Mary was thus prayed for. As the

Martyrs were more highly thought of, however, than other deceased

Christians, it began to be imagined, about the middle of the fourth

century, that they were, by peculiar favor, admitted earlier to the

immediate presence of God, and permitted to exert influence even over

his purposes. Then began the solicitations addressed to men doomed to

death, that they would be mindful of the survivors; and the agreements

of companions, that whichever should first depart should petition at the

foot of the heavenly throne for his mortal friend. In a few more years

arose the custom of invoking the spirits supposed to hover near the

tombs; some hesitation being implied in the expression 'if they were

indeed present, and had any influence in things below.' It was yet a

long time before prayer was offered to Saints in general, and in the

public services of the Church. That the practice, if it had been

originated, was not approved by the Fathers of the Church in the third

century, we know on the direct testimony of Origen, who says that men

are not to pray to any derived being (not even to Christ himself), but

to God the Father of all. Austin disapproved of praying _for_ the

Saints, though he believed that the Church might be helped by their

intercession; at the same time acknowledging, 'It is true the Saints do

not themselves hear what passes below, but they hear of it by others who

die and go to them.'

The time when the custom of invoking the Saints was first countenanced

by the Church may be fixed about the end of the fourth century. In the

fifth, all opposition to it had ceased, and the images of Martyrs began

to be regarded with peculiar honor; it being imagined by many that the

homage paid to the image drew down into it the propitious presence of

the celestial being whom it represented; in the same manner as the

statues of Jupiter and other pagan gods were believed by heathen

worshipers to become instinct with divine life. The temples of the

Martyrs were now, as Theodoret informs us, ornamented with little

figures, of gold and silver, representing eyes, feet, hands, &c.,

deposited for the acceptance of the lords of the temples, as memorials

of cures wrought by them on these several members: these memorials

proclaiming the power of the dead; whose power, again, demonstrates

their God to be the true God. How changed was this Christianity from

that given by him who forbade his followers to ask anything even of him,

because the Father himself loved them!

Concerning Mary, the mother of Jesus, those who have not vowed to admit

ecclesiastical traditions as matters of faith, pretend to little

knowledge from the time of the death of Christ. Her name is mentioned

but once in the Book of Acts, when she is enumerated among the disciples

who were collected after the ascension of Jesus; and how and where she

lived and died, we have no means of ascertaining. The first act of

respect to her memory which is on record is censured by Epiphanius, as

'a heresy of the women.' It consisted of an offering of cakes, prepared

and offered by women only, and generally disapproved of, (though

oblations on tombs were then very common,) because it was not known

where she was interred. It may be inferred, however, from the account

given by Epiphanius, that prayers were by some persons offered to the

Virgin, though he rebukes the new superstition. The first person of

authority who is known to have introduced and countenanced the worship

of Mary, is Peter Gnapheus, bishop of Antioch, who in the fifth century

appointed her name to be invoked in the prayers of the Church. If such

homage were her due, how came the Apostles and the apostolic Fathers to

withhold it from her? Why was her claim disallowed so long?

We can fully enter into, and are far from disapproving of, the natural

curiosity which prompts an inquiry into the fate of one whom all

generations unite in calling blessed. When we ponder, as we cannot but

do, her privileges above all womanhood besides; when we imagine the

intentness of soul with which she must have watched the course of her

holy Son; perceiving perhaps before all others the manifestations of

divine grace in him; becoming more and more elated in her hopes, as the

presence of God in him became more evident; trembling at the malignity

of the rulers and the madness of the people; and finally sinking in

desolation of heart when every vital hope appeared extinguished; we

cannot but search for an authentic record of what befell her after the

day when the beloved disciple took her to his own home. But being

convinced, as we are, that no such record exists, we dare not fill up

the history with conjectures of our own; much less admit the claims

founded on fable and supported by superstition, which are advanced in

her favor by writers who possessed no more knowledge of her state than

ourselves, and who were much less impressed by experience with the

importance of keeping religion pure, simple, and undefiled. We regard

Mary as one of the most interesting persons presented by history, but as

in no respect connected with the Gospel we receive. Christianity was not

revealed till Christ became a man; and as Mary had no act or part in its

diffusion, she bears no other relation to us than as a being whose lot

engages our sympathies, and whose tender nature and pious character

should excite our affection and emulation. For the same reasons, however

largely we may share the universal curiosity respecting the state of the

dead, however rationally our philosophy may conceive, or however

vividly our imaginations may represent them as living, as observing the

course of events, as participating in our emotions, as enjoying the

manifest presence of God, we dare not found any religious belief or

practice on such speculations. If our religious observances had been in

any way connected with the dead, we should have known something of their

state and offices; but as no such knowledge is imparted, as there was no

pretension to it in the earliest ages, and especially as Christianity

clearly points to God as the sole object of religious worship, we invoke

the departed for no other purpose than to satisfy our speculative

doubts, we attribute to them no other office than that of endearing the

past and hallowing the future, and offer no other oblations than those

of the memory and the affections. Even if we believed them permitted to

intercede for us with our Father, we should be slow to seek their aid;

for if there be one privilege more precious than another, it is that of

direct, intimate communion with Him who knoweth our weakness and our

strength; if there be one provision more sacred than another in the

charter of our 'glorious liberty,' it is that by which they who are far

off and they who are near have equal access unto the Father; not through

the ministrations of inferior spirits, but face to face in the sanctuary

of his presence. He is not only our sure, but our near refuge; not only

our unfailing, but our very present help; not only our hope, but our

perpetual joy. The deepest of our joys and griefs, those which it is

most necessary to confide to Him who caused them, are absolutely

incommunicable to all besides; and what is emphatically true of our

self-communings, that 'the heart knoweth its own bitterness,' is yet

more true of spirit worship, 'no stranger intermeddling with its joy.'

Having thus stated the grounds of our dissent from that clause of the

symbol of Pius IV. which declares that 'the Saints reigning together

with Christ are to be honored and invocated, and that they offer prayers

to God for us,' it is needless to notice what follows; viz. that their

relics are to be venerated; 'that the images of Christ and the Mother of

God, ever Virgin, and also of the other saints, are to be had and

retained; and that due honor and veneration are to be given to them.'

Such practices we hold to be utterly inconsistent with the principle

that God is the sole object of religious worship; which principle is

derived from what we have laid down as the first essential doctrine of

Revelation,--the Unity of Jehovah.

The next essential doctrine is,

II. The unlimited extent of the Redemption by Christ.

A large proportion of the differences which have arisen in the Christian

world respecting the doctrine of redemption, proceed from the variety of

meanings which is attached to the term _salvation_. While one party

understands by it an admission to the privileges of the Gospel, and a

consequent emancipation from the penalties of the old dispensation;

another, the state of virtue and peace which will prevail when

Christianity has compassed the globe; and a third, a future state of

perfect bliss in contrast to one of eternal torment; there is little

hope of a mutual understanding respecting the doctrine of Justification.

Our part now is to state our own views, and not to enter on any

discussion of those of others.

We believe that by _salvation_ the Scripture writers commonly signified

the state of privilege into which Christian believers were brought by

their adoption of the principles of holiness and peace which the Gospel

affords. Thus, according to its original meaning, the term was

appropriated to a state of comparative blessedness in this world; but as

the principles of the Gospel exert the most powerful influence over our

spiritual state, over our capacity for happiness in a future world, the

term Salvation has naturally and not improperly been accommodated to

signify a state of future safety and bliss. That it did not always mean

this, however, is evident to all attentive readers of the Scriptures; as

there is not one of Paul's epistles or discourses which would be

intelligible, if he were supposed to declare his converts saved from the

pains of hell, instead of from the dominion of the evils of heathenism,

or the condemnation of the Jewish law. By _redemption_, we understand a

release from the same evils and penalties effected by a sacrifice on the

part of a benevolent mediator. By _remission of sins_, we understand the

forgiveness and consequent remission of punishment which are promised in

the Gospel on condition of repentance and newness of life. By

_justification_, we believe the sacred writers sometimes to signify the

process by which believers are released from all obligations incurred

towards the old law, and brought into a state of spiritual freedom; and

sometimes that free state itself. We conceive that this interpretation

of terms--not new and arbitrary, but only divested of the false

associations which have been long gathering round them--will clear up

most of the mysteries which obscure a very important Christian doctrine,

and enable us, in comparing scripture with scripture, to discern a

consistency of views and a depth of truth which afford an irresistible

evidence of their divine authority.

The whole scheme of revelation we conceive to be the method designed by

the divine wisdom, and adopted by the divine benevolence, for bringing

the human race into a state of purity and peace more rapidly than could

be effected by the religion of nature. The welfare of the whole race was

no less the object of the Jewish than of the Christian dispensation,

though its apparent privileges were confined to the peculiar people.

These privileges, immediately and positively advantageous to the chosen

people, were remotely and relatively so to others, by establishing

before their eyes evidences of a divine moral government; and as a moral

government implies consistency of authority, it affords a strong

presumption of the unity of the Governor. The Jews were led on from the

fundamental principle of the Divine Unity to the apprehension of a

divine moral government; while observant heathens, perceiving the moral

results of the national vicissitudes of the Hebrew people, deduced

thence the truth of the Unity of the Deity. Meanwhile, both were

advancing to a state of fitness for a fuller revelation; the Jews more

rapidly than the heathens, as being specially placed under the

schoolmaster who was to bring them unto Christ; but still, dispensing

spiritual benefits towards the heathen, for whose sake as well as for

their own they were placed in a state of privilege. The old

dispensation, though a condition of light and privilege compared with

that of nature, was a state of darkness and bondage when contrasted with

Christianity. Though the Hebrews had more elevated conceptions of God

and clearer notions of duty than the Gentiles, they yet could not

appreciate the riches of divine grace, or the extent of divine and human

relations, or the full beauty of holiness. They were burdened by a heavy

yoke of ritual observances; an escape from the penalties of the law was

impossible; and especially, they had no certain knowledge of a future

life. The blessings therefore which Christianity offered,--the

_redemption_ from the bondage of the law, the _remission_ of the

penalties of sin on repentance, the _justification_ by which they were

placed in a condition of spiritual power and freedom,--were worthy of

all the exultation experienced and all the thanksgivings expressed by

those who were thus redeemed, forgiven, and justified. These blessings

were yet more valuable to the Gentiles, in proportion to the more

rigorous bondage and deeper moral darkness to which they had been

subjected. Instead of the strict but salutary discipline of the law,

they had sustained the tyranny of lawless appetites and passions, had

lived without other restraints than those of nature; and had no hope in

death, but the glimmering and uncertain presages which their own

faculties or long-corrupted traditions supplied.

The mode of preparation for the introduction of the Gospel affords a

strong presumption that its benefits were intended for the whole race.

The Jews had been led on to the point when their spiritual development

absolutely required a more expansive revelation; and the Gentiles were

prepared, by their observation of the Hebrew people, and by their own

wants, sins, and sorrows, to receive with joy happier tidings than their

fondest hopes could anticipate, and richer benefits than their desires

could previously have comprehended. The benefits of the Gospel, after

being offered to the Jews and partially accepted by them, were freely

held out to the whole human race, and received by all who were conscious

of the need of them: so that the Gospel was truly what the aged Simeon

declared it, 'the salvation which God had prepared before all people; a

light to lighten the Gentiles, and the glory of his people Israel.'

Yet there were many among the people of Israel who were blind to this

glory, and many of the Gentiles who rejected this guiding light. This

rejection was not caused by any restrictive quality in the revelation,

any provision in the Gospel itself for the limitation of its privileges:

nor was it caused by any previous arbitrary decree of the ordainer of

salvation, that on account of some very ancient event, totally

unconnected with the present dispensation, a large majority of the human

race should be rendered absolutely incapable of participating in the

blessings of redemption. It was occasioned by the prejudices of narrow

minds, by the ignorance of darkened minds, by the spiritual pride of

presumptuous minds, by the petty hopes and fears of selfish

minds,--prejudices, ignorance and selfishness naturally arising in the

then state of the world, and not to be immediately or speedily got rid

of but by miracle: a mode of agency which the Divine Being has

frequently made use of to sanction his revelations, but never to prepare

the human mind for their reception. Thus spiritual ignorance and moral

blindness are, we apprehend, the only obstacles to universal redemption;

and we firmly believe that these obstacles are only temporary. The

Gospel itself bears such an indisputable character of permanence and

universality (as we shall hereafter show), and so evident a provision is

made for the gradual dissipation of darkness and error, that we may

confidently anticipate the time when the hope of the Gospel shall be the

rich possession of every individual of every nation.

That it will be so we conclude, not from the persuasion of our own

hopes, or at the bidding of our reason in opposition to the declarations

of Scripture; but because every principle derived from the Gospel

sanctions the commands of our reason and affords a warrant of our hope.

There is in no Gospel, History, or Epistle, a hint of any restriction or

limitation of the blessings of redemption. Christ is ever spoken of as

having died for all; there are thanksgivings in the name of all,

invitations embracing all, and anticipations of the ultimate bliss of

all. Those who are mourned over, reproached, entreated, compassionated,

because they will not accept freedom and peace, are spoken of as

excluded by their own unfitness for grace, arising from natural causes,

and not by any sin of any ancestor, or by any arbitrary decree of God,

or by any repellant and exclusive character in the dispensation of grace

itself. Its most distinguishing character, on the contrary, was its

boundlessness. Its first work was to throw down the wall of partition

which had separated the favored people from others, to abolish arbitrary

distinctions, to exchange the multifarious conditions of the old law for

the few, simple and universal requisites of salvation declared in the

new. If other distinctions have since been instituted, other conditions

imposed, other requisites insisted on, they are no part of Christianity,

and shall no more impede its ultimate prevalence than the cloud which

shrouds the lightning can prevent its shining from one part of the

heaven unto the other.

It may be objected, and with justice, that this method of considering

the scheme of justification makes out the gift of grace to be only

ultimately and not strictly universal; unlimited in its tendencies, but

hitherto very limited in the diffusion of its blessings: and hence may

arise an inquiry concerning the fate of those who have died without the

hope of the Gospel.

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