HENRY'S EXTRAORDINARY ATTENTION TO THE CIVIL AND PRIVATE DUTIES OF HIS
STATION, IN THE MIDST OF HIS CAREER OF CONQUEST, INSTANCED IN VARIOUS
CASES. -- PROVOST AND FELLOWS OF ORIEL COLLEGE. -- THE QUEEN DOWAGER
IS ACCUSED OF TREASON. -- TREATY BETWEEN HENRY, THE FRENCH KING, AND
THE YOUNG DUKE OF BURGUNDY. -- HENRY AFFIANCED TO KATHARINE. -- THE
DAUPHIN IS REINFORCED FROM SCOTLAND. -- HENRY ACCOMPANIED BY HIS QUEEN
RETURNS THROUGH NORMANDY TO ENGLAND.
1419-1420.
One of the most strikingly characteristic features of the
extraordinary hero, whose life and character we are endeavouring to
elucidate, forces itself especially upon our notice during his
campaigns in Normandy. Neither the flush of victory, nor the
disappointments and anxiety of a protracted siege, neither the
multiplied and distracting cares of intricate negociations, nor the
incessant trials of personal fatigue,[194] could withdraw his mind
from what might perhaps be not unfitly called the private duties (p. 263)
of his high station.[195] If an act of injustice was made known to
him, he could not rest till he had punished the guilty party, and
compelled them to make restitution. If abuses in church or state came
under his eye, (and his eye was never closed against them,) he would
himself personally provide for the necessary reform. If disputes
threatened the peace and welfare of a community over which he had any
control, he delighted to act as mediator and to restore peace. And all
this he did in the midst of the noise, and confusion, and (p. 264)
ceaseless disturbances of a camp in the heart of an enemy's country,
with the same anxious zeal, and attention to details, as he could have
shown in the times of profoundest peace; though now and then dropping
an expression to make his correspondent understand how much more time
and thought he would have devoted to the subject before them, were not
his mind and body so occupied by war.
[Footnote 194: October 28, 1419. The Pell Rolls
record payment of 10_l._ to Master Peter Henewer,
physician, appointed by the King and his council to
go to the King in Normandy. Probably he felt his
constitution even then giving way. But as early as
13th October 1415, after the battle of Agincourt,
payment is made for "diverse medicine, as well for
the health of the King's person as for others of
his army," sent to Calais.]
[Footnote 195: A curious and interesting instance
of Henry's personal attention to business in its
most minute details, when many of his subjects
would have been quite satisfied with the report of
another, is preserved among some of the driest and
most formal acts of the Privy Council. Certain
auditors are instructed to examine, with greater
accuracy than before, the accounts of the late
Master of the Wardrobe; and to make an especial
report to the council, most particularly
(potissimè) of such items as they shall find marked
in the King's own hand "ad inquirendum." Reference
is also made to those sums against which a black
mark has been placed by the King's hand. The date
of this minute (4th July 1421), and the place
(Calais) in which it states that these accounts
were examined by the King, add considerably to the
strength of this example. Henry had then just left
England suddenly on hearing the sad news of a
disastrous defeat of part of his army, and the
death of his brother, the Duke of Clarence, in
battle; and he was at Calais on his road to put
himself again at the head of his forces.]
Among many illustrations of this striking trait in Henry's character,
the following instances will, it is presumed, be deemed generally
interesting, and deserving a fuller notice than a brief statement of
the facts might require.
The first is a letter from Henry to his brother the Duke of Bedford,
then Guardian of England, in which he urges him to attend without
delay to some complaints from the subjects of the Duke of Brittany,
and to take prompt and efficient measures to prevent a repetition of
the injuries complained of.
"BY THE KING.
"Right trusty and well-beloved brother, we greet you as well. And
as we suppose it is not out of your remembrance in what wise and
how oft we have charged you by our letters that good and hasty
reparation and restitution were ordained and made at all times of
such attemptats as happened to be made by our subjects against
the truce taken betwixt us and our brother, the Duke of Brittany;
and, notwithstanding our said letters, diverse complaints be made
and sent unto us for default of reparation and restitution of
such attemptats as be made by certain of our subjects and (p. 265)
lieges, as ye may understand by a supplication sent to us by
the said Duke; which supplication we send you closed within these
letters, for to have the more plain knowledge of the truth.
Wherefore we will and charge you that ye call to you our
chancellor, to have knowledge of the same supplication; and, that
done, we will that ye do send us in all haste all those persons
that been our subjects contained in the supplication aforesaid.
And that also in all other semblable matters ye do ordain so
hasty and just remedy, restitution, and reparation upon such
attemptats done by our subjects, in conservation of our truce,
that no man have cause hereafter to complain in such wise as they
[have] done for default of right doing; nor we cause to write to
you alway as we done for such causes, _considered the great
occupation we have otherwise_. And God have you in his
keeping!--Given under our signet, in our host afore Rouen, the
29th day of November."[196] [1418].
[Footnote 196: Cotton. Julius, B. vi. f. 35.]
The next instance occurs[197] on the apprehension entertained of
intended violence and general disturbance of the public peace near (p. 266)
Bourdeaux by two noblemen who disputed about the property of a
deceased lord. Henry's letter is addressed to the Council of
Bourdeaux, giving them peremptory orders to put an instant end to the
feud in his name. It is written in French.
[Footnote 197: The Author cannot undertake to
pronounce how far beyond general instructions the
King himself interfered in each of these
transactions. The letters on the subject of
Brittany and of Oriel College bear internal
evidence that they were dictated by Henry himself.
But the correspondence, still preserved, is too
voluminous for us to believe that he dictated more
of the letters than such as were most important or
most interesting to himself. Still it must be borne
in mind, that we have indisputable evidence of
Henry having minutely examined accounts, at a time
when he "_had great occupation otherwise_,"
directing in his own hand-writing inquiries to be
made as to various items.]
"Very dear and faithful.--Whereas we are given to understand that
great discord and division prevails between our dear and
well-beloved, the Lords de Montferrant and de Lescun, on account
of the lands of the late Lord de Castalhan; we wish this to be
appeased with all possible speed, in the best manner possible,
just as we ourselves would be able to end it. So we wish, and we
charge you, that, immediately on the sight of this, you take the
whole charge into _our_ [_? your_, _voz_, for _noz_] hands;
giving straitly in charge to the said Lords Montferrant and de
Lescun that neither of them make, or procure or suffer to be
made, any riots or assemblies of people, the one against the
other, in the meantime, under great pains upon them by you to be
imposed, and applied to our aid. And this omit in no way, as we
trust in you.--Given under our signet, in our castle of Gisors,
the 26th day of September."
The following letter from Henry to the Bishop of Durham, his
Chancellor, dated 10th February 1418, and written whilst he was
engaged in the siege of Falaise, gives us a pleasing view of the care
with which he attended to the claims of individuals, and his desire to
do justice to a faithful servant.
"Worshipful Father in God, right trusty and well-beloved.
Forasmuch as our well-beloved squire, John Hull, hath (p. 267)
long time been in our ambassiat and service in the parts of
Spain, for the which he hath complained to us he is endangered
greatly, and certain goods of his laid to wedde [pledge];
wherefore we wol that ye see that there be taken due accompts of
the said John, how many days he hath stand in our said ambassiat
and service, and thereupon that he be contented and agreed [have
satisfaction] in the best wise as longeth unto him in this
case.--Given under our signet, in our host beside our town of
Falaise, the 10th day of February."[198]
[Footnote 198: Cotton. Vespasian, C. xii. f. 127 b.]
But whilst Henry could thus direct his thoughts to the redress of
individual grievances, in the midst of the din of war and the
excitement of the camp, he equally shows calmness, and presence of
mind, and comprehensive views of sound policy in his negociations with
foreign powers, and his instructions to his representatives at home.
In the spring of 1419, letters were received by Henry from several
cities of Flanders, which, together with his answers to them and his
instructions to his brother, will not be read without interest. The
towns of Ghent, Ypres, Bruges, and Franc apply to Henry for his
protection and friendship, or rather for a renewal or continuance of
that especial favour which they had enjoyed in former days; they refer
more particularly to the kindness of his "grandfather, John Duke of
Lancaster, of noble memory, who, because he was born among them, ever
showed them most singular love and regard." This letter, (p. 268)
written in French, and dated 24th March 1418, is given under the seals
of the three first towns, and the seal of the Abbot of St. Andrew for
the people of Franc, because they had no common seal. Henry's answer,
in Latin, assures them, "If the people of Flanders will behave towards
England as they are said to have done in times past, we shall rejoice
to give no less valuable indications of our favour than did our father
or grandfather; and we have instructed our brother, the Duke of
Bedford, and our council, to send ambassadors with full powers to
Calais, to negociate a peace between England and you." Probably Henry
did not pen this letter himself; but, whoever indited it, the letter
contains fewer barbarisms, and has more indications of classical
scholarship in the writer, than are often found in modern Latin.[199]
Henry forwarded both the Flemish prayer and his own answer to his
brother, with instructions in English; and, shortly after, he sent a
long letter to his Chancellor, the Bishop of Durham, as well on that
negociation, as on an affair in dispute between the English merchants
and the Genoese. This document shows how minutely Henry investigated
the matters on which he wrote; and how sensible a view he took of the
interests of our commerce, and how dispassionate was his judgment. The
Genoese had seized goods belonging to English merchants, who laid
claim for a compensation. Henry's letter states the exact sum (p. 269)
at which the English estimated their merchandise, and the lower price
fixed by the Genoese;[200] and then, in consideration of the injury
done to English commerce by the Genoese letters of marque, Henry
recommends the English merchants to accept the offer made by the
Genoese, provided they stipulate that the English merchant vessels
shall have as free course of trade to Genoa as the Genoese desired to
have to the ports of England. This correspondence is found among the
"Proceedings of the Privy Council." The whole is well deserving the
perusal of any one interested in the history of British commerce, but
is on too extensive a scale for insertion at length in this work.[201]
[Footnote 199: Bib. Cotton. Galba, B. i. f. 131.]
[Footnote 200: The English merchants (Henry says)
valued their goods captured at 10,000_l._ the
Genoese estimated them at 7,180_l._ and they are
willing "for to stand in our good grace and
benevolence, to pay without any exception 4,000_l._
at reasonable times; our subjects and our merchants
of our land having hereafter free coming and going
to Genoa, as they of Genoa desire to have into our
realm of England."]
[Footnote 201: A letter addressed by Henry, whilst
he was at Mante, to one Thomas Rees and other
merchants of Bristol, (October 11th, 1419,) shows
what accurate information he received of even
minute affairs in England. He tells them that they
have imported goods from Genoa, and he desires to
select from them such as he might wish to have,
promising to pay for them honestly.]
The only other instance which the Author of these Memoirs would add to
the preceding (though many and various examples of the same kind are
at hand) is one which brings all the associations of opening (p. 270)
life before his mind, and recals days which can never be forgotten,
whilst they can never be remembered without the liveliest feelings of
gratitude to the Giver of every good. The days which he spent within
the walls of that college to which Henry's letter refers, are long ago
past and gone; but they have left a fragrance and relish on the mind,
and the remembrance of them is sweet.
Oriel College, founded by Edward II, not long before his unhappy
murder, for the promotion of sound learning and religious education,
has been, if any college ever was, faithful to its trust. When Henry
V. was (as we believe) studying under the care of his uncle, the
future Cardinal, John Carpenter, afterwards Bishop of Worcester, was
resident in Oriel; and between him and young Henry a close intimacy,
we are told, was formed. These friendships, cherished when the heart
is most warm, and the best feelings freshest, not only endear the two
friends to each other through life, but excite in each an interest in
whatever belongs to the other. On this principle we may believe that
Oriel College, and its peace and welfare, were objects of no ordinary
interest to Henry; certainly his friend, John Carpenter, felt so
grateful to the society in which he had imbibed the principles of
philosophy and religion, as to found one new fellowship in addition to
the eight of its original foundation, and the four founded by his
contemporary, though probably his senior, John Frank, Master (p. 271)
of the Rolls. About the time when Henry was pursuing his victories in
France, an unhappy dispute arose to interrupt the harmony of this
little community. Perfect peace is reserved for the faithful in
heaven; on earth we must not expect to pass through life either as
insulated individuals, or as members of any society, however sound may
be its principles, and however Christian may be the general temper of
its members, without some of those disturbing vexations which admonish
us (with many other warnings) not to suffer our hopes to anchor here.
Just as in a family, quarrels in a college are the more fatal to the
comfort of its members in proportion to the narrowness of the circle
which surrounds them, and to the closeness of the bond which more
frequently compels them to meet together. The citizen of the world may
avoid one whom he cannot meet with satisfaction and pleasure; the
inmate of a college comes in contact with his brethren every day. The
place of prayer, the refectory, the social board of kindly
intercourse, all well calculated to cherish and ripen feelings of
friendship, yet if unkind sentiments are lurking in the breast, only
provoke their expression, and cherish the heartburnings, and fan the
embers of discord into a flame.
In a college the first spark of unkindness, unbrotherly, anti-social
feelings, should especially be extinguished: disunion there is more
fatal to comfort and ease, and peace of mind, and the enjoyment (p. 272)
of whatever blessings might otherwise be in store, than in any other
community except that of husband and wife, parent and child, brother
and brother. To no combination of Christians would the Apostle with
greater earnestness repeat his injunction, "Love one another."
What was the immediate subject of dispute at the time when Henry
interfered with Oriel College, the Author has never been able to
discover. There is no auxiliary evidence, and the only source of
reasonable conjecture must be the internal testimony of the King's
letter itself. The epistle is an original, preserved in the Tower of
London; its date is 7th of July, and in the town of Mante. This fixes
it (with as much certainty as we can ever expect in such matters) to
the year 1419; when Henry seems to have made Mante his chief residence
for some time, and was certainly there both before and after the 7th
of July in that year.
This letter is very interesting, particularly to Oriel men, for other
reasons, and especially because it contains indisputable proof of the
position maintained by them, that not the Chancellor, nor the King by
his Chancellor, but the King himself in person, is the visitor. May
his interference on a similar occasion be never again needed! May
discord between the Head and the Fellows, or between the Fellows among
themselves, be for ever banished! But should the voice and the hand of
the visitor be ever required "to stint the controversy," the (p. 273)
visitor of this "ancient and royal house"--is the King of England
only. The letter is in itself characteristic of Henry, and affords,
probably, a fair specimen of the style of an English gentleman of that
day.
"BY THE KING.[202]
"Worshipful father in God, our right trusty and well-beloved, we
greet you well. And for as much as we lately sent for Master
Richard Garsedale, one of the contendents of the Provost of the
Oriell, to that end that for his party should nothing be pursued,
neither at the court of Rome nor elsewhere, but that that
controversy should be put in respite unto our coming home with
God's grace: for our occupation is such that we may not well
intend to such matters here. Wherefore we will that ye make both
the said Garsdale, which cometh now home by our leave, and
sufficient of both the parties that neither of them shall (p. 274)
make further pursuit of appeal at court of Rome, nor no manner of
pursuit there, or elsewhere, as touching the said controversy,
unto our coming as before; at which time our intent is to put the
same controversy to a good and righteous conclusion, and the said
party in rest. And if any of them have the said pursuit of appeal
hanging in court, that they abate it, and send to revoke it in all
haste: and that they make all such as been their attornies or
doers in court spiritual and temporal to surcease. And we will
furthermore, as touching our said College of the Oriell, that ye
put it in such governance as seemeth to your discretion for to do,
unto our coming. And God have you in his keeping!--Given under our
signet, in our town of Mante, the 7th day of July.
"To the worshipful father in God, our right
trusty and well-beloved, the Bishop
of Durham, our Chancellor of England."
[Footnote 202: It is thought right to subjoin the
following transcript of this epistle in its
primitive garb, except the abbreviations.
"BY THE KYNG.
"Worshipful fader yn God oure right trusty and
welbeloved, we grete yow wel. And forasmuche as we
lete sende for Maistre Richard Garsedale oon of the
contendentes of the prevoste of the Oriell to that
ende that for his partie shulde no thyng be
poursuyd neither at the courte of Rome ne
elleswhere, but that that contraversie shulde be
put in respit unto oure comyng hoom with Goddes
grace, for oure occupacion is such that we mow nat
wel entende to suche also Lentwardyn, come afore
you, and that ye take surety matteres here.
Wherefore we wol that ye make boothe the said
Garsdale whiche cometh now hoom be oure leve, and
also Lentwardyn com afore you, and that ye take
seurte soufficeant of bothe the partiees, that
neither of hem shal make ferther poursuyt of
appelle at courte of Rome ner no manere of poursuyt
there or elleswhere as touching the said
contraversee unto oure comynge as before, at whiche
tyme oure entent ys to put the same contraversie to
a goode and rightwyse conclusion, and the said
partie yn rest. And yf any of hem have ye saide
poursuyt of apelle hangyng yn courte that they
abate hit and sende to revoke hit yn al haste, and
that thay make al suche as been thaire attornes or
doeres yn court spirituel or temporel to surcesse.
And we wol ferthermore as touching oure said
college of the Orielle that ye put hit yn suche
governance as semeth to yowre discrecion for to doo
unto oure comyng. And God have you yn his keping.
Yeven under oure signet in oure town of Mante, ye
vii. day of Juyll.
"To ye worshipful fader yn God our right
trusty and welbeloved ye Bisshop of
Duresme oure Chaunceller of England."]
Whilst Henry was occupied by his campaign in France, a (p. 275)
parliament met October 16th, 1419, and voted one-fifteenth, and
one-tenth, and one-half part of them both. In this parliament that
enactment was made on which our authority chiefly rests for believing
the Queen-Dowager, Bolinbroke's widow, to have been guilty of
conspiring her son-in-law's death. The act, after declaring that she
was accused by friar John Randolf, and other credible witnesses, of
having compassed the King's death in the most horrible manner; and
that Roger Colles of Shrewsbury, and Peronell Brocart, lately living
with the Queen, were violently suspected of having been partners in
her guilt; enacted that all the lands, and castles, and possessions,
as well of the Queen as of her accomplices, should be seized for the
King's use, provision being made for the maintenance of the Queen and
her servants.
Meanwhile, much progress was made in France towards a peace between
Henry, the French King, and the young Duke of Burgundy. An armistice
was signed between Henry and Charles at Mante, November 20, but only
for the Isle of France; and, at the close of the month, the (p. 276)
Duke of Burgundy, then at Arras, signed his consent to the articles
which Henry had commissioned his ambassadors to lay before him, which
were these:
First, that he should have the Princess of France in marriage.
Secondly, that he should not disturb the King of France in the
possession of the crown; but suffer him peaceably to enjoy it, and
receive its revenues as long as he lived. Thirdly, that the Queen also
should during her life retain her title and dignity, with such a part
of the revenues of the crown as would be suitable to maintain the
royal honour. Moreover, that the crown of France, with all its
dominions, should, after the death of the King, descend to Henry and
his heirs for ever; that, in consequence of the incapacity of the
King's mind, Henry should as Regent administer the affairs of
government, with a council of the nobles of France; with other
stipulations subservient to these grand fundamental points.
The Duke of Burgundy also agreed on certain articles[203] of amity
between himself and Henry, stipulating to give his own support of
Henry's authority and rights as Regent and King; in return for Henry's
protection of him in all his rights, and against all his enemies,
especially against the murderers of his father.
[Footnote 203: These articles were signed on the
following January during the armistice.]
To effect these great ends, a general armistice was concluded at (p. 277)
Rouen, December 24th, to continue to the 1st of March, from which it
was provided that the Dauphin should be excluded. This truce was
afterwards prolonged to March 24th. Meanwhile, the war was vigorously
carried on by the English and Burgundian forces against the Dauphin;
whilst on the confines of Normandy, where the English at that time
were stationed, every thing was conducted by the people of the two
nations in as amicable and familiar a manner as though the peace had
absolutely been concluded, and the English King were Regent of France;
an object, as they professed, most devoutly desired by the people of
Paris, who sent their deputies to bespeak the good offices of Henry
for the preservation of their rights and liberties.[204] Henry's
ambassadors made many objections to the terms of the proposed treaty,
chiefly on the ground that, by accepting them, Henry would injure his
then title to the throne of France. But he saw himself that all
essentials were provided for; and desirous of terminating the war, and
more anxious (we may believe) to make the beloved Princess his own
wife, left Rouen on his journey to Troyes, where the French court and
the Duke of Burgundy were. Henry passed so near to the walls of Paris,
that the people hastened out of the city to see him; and they (p. 278)
greeted him with joyous and welcoming acclamations.
[Footnote 204: About this time, John, Duke of
Bedford, the King's brother, had an offer of the
reversion of the crown of Naples; but the
negociations ended in no successful issue.]
Henry, arriving at Troyes, made an immediate visit to the King, the
Queen, and the Princess. How far the love of Henry towards Katharine
expedited the negociations we cannot tell. Every difficulty, however,
vanished; and a final agreement and perpetual peace was made and sworn
to "by Charles, King of France, and his dearest and most beloved son,
Henry, King of England, constituted heir of the crown and Regent of
France." Henry having consented during Charles's life not to assume
the title of King of France, Charles promised always to style Henry
"our most illustrious son, Henry, King of England, heir of France."
After Charles's death, the two kingdoms of England and France were to
be for ever united under one King. Many other articles swell this
solemn league, which are all subservient to these leading provisions.
This treaty was signed at Troyes, May 21, 1420, in the presence of the
Emperor Sigismund and many of the Continental princes, all of whom
became parties thereto. On the same day Katharine and Henry were
affianced before the high altar of St. Peter's Church, in Troyes; in
which city proclamation of the peace[205] was made both in the French
and the English tongue. It was afterwards proclaimed at Paris, (p. 279)
and the principal cities of France; and, on June 24, it was proclaimed
in London, after a solemn procession and a sermon at St. Paul's Cross:
and an ordinance was made for breaking the great seal of England, and
making another, on which to the King's title should be added, "Regent
and heir-apparent of France;" and a corresponding order was given to
the officers of his mint at Rouen for a change of the inscription on
the coinage there."[206]
[Footnote 205: The heartfelt satisfaction and joy
with which this peace between the two countries was
generally hailed as a new and unexpected blessing,
is conveyed to us in a most lively manner by the
letter which Sir Hugh Luttrell wrote to the King on
the occasion, and which bears at the same time
incidental testimony to Henry's condescending and
kind attention to his old comrade in arms. Sir Hugh
was the Lieutenant of Harfleur, and Henry had
himself sent him an account of the happy issue of
his struggle.... He ascribes it to the providence
of the Creator that Henry had concluded a perpetual
peace between two realms which ever, out of mind of
any chroniclers, had been at dissension; and had
brought to an end what no man had hitherto wrought;
"thanking God," he continues, "with meek heart,
that he hath sent me that grace to abide the time
for to see it, as for the greatest gladness and
consolation that ever came into my heart; not
dreading in myself that He who hath sent you that
grace in so short a time, shall send you much more
in time coming."--Ellis's Original Letters,
xxviii.]
[Footnote 206: On this subject, T.D. Hardy, Esq. in
his Introduction to the Charter Rolls, just
published by the Record Commission, gives the
following clear and satisfactory
information:--Until the 9th of April 1420, Henry V.
styled himself in his charters and on his great
seal, "Henricus Dei gratia Rex Angliæ et Franciæ et
Dominus Hiberniæ" And on the Norman Roll of the
fifth year of his reign he is sometimes styled Duke
of Normandy, in conjunction with his other titles,
as "Henry par le grace de Dieu, Roy de Fraunce et
d'Engleterre, Seigneur de Irlande, et Duc de
Normandie." On the above 9th of April he
relinquished the title of King of France during the
life-time of his father-in-law, Charles,
preliminary to the treaty of Troyes, which was
signed the 21st of May, 1420; and during the
remainder of his life he styled himself, "Henricus
Dei gratia Rex Angliæ, Heres et Regens Franciæ, et
Dominus Hiberniæ."
Notwithstanding an article in the agreement of the
9th of April, that during the life of Charles,
Henry V. should not assume the title of King of
France; yet within ten days he issued a precept
from Rouen relative to the Norman coinage, upon one
side of which was to be inscribed, "Henricus
Francorum Rex." As Henry had not then signed the
article of peace at Troyes, it did not perhaps
occur to him that he was thus breaking his
agreement with France.--Rot. Chart. p. xxi.]
The marriage of Henry with Katharine[207] was celebrated with (p. 280)
great magnificence by the Archbishop of Sens, on the 30th of May, in
the presence of the principal nobility of Burgundy and France. The
Duke of Burgundy first, and then all the other assembled nobles, swore
allegiance to Henry, as Regent of France. "For," (as the
historians[208] say,) "the fame of his heroic actions in war, when his
person was unknown to them, had acquired him a universal esteem; and
they knew not what most to admire, his courage, conduct, or success.
But now his noble presence, in which there was a due mixture of (p. 281)
majesty with affable deportment, procured a greater veneration. They
knew him to be prudent in councils, experienced in war, of an
undaunted courage in dangers, and prosperous in all his enterprises;
and therefore they persuaded themselves that their country would be
happy under the influences of his government." It is said that they
were confirmed in these anticipations of good, as well as exceedingly
delighted, by the speech which he addressed to them in full assembly,
showing the moderation and temper of his soul. At the close of his
address they unanimously expressed their confidence in his honour, and
the highest regard for his interests.
[Footnote 207: It is said, but whether on good
authority does not appear, that Henry placed
English attendants about the Queen's person;
allowing only five French to wait on her, of whom
three were matrons and the other two young ladies.
Her confessor was John Boyery (query Bouverie?),
doctor in theology.--Pell Rolls, 18th June 1421.]
[Footnote 208: See Goodwin.]
The Dauphin, however, continued to prevent the establishment of peace;
and, having obtained from the Scotch parliament a reinforcement of
seven thousand men, under the command of the Earl of Buchan, still
proved a formidable enemy to Henry. But, never relaxing his exertion
whilst any thing remained to be done, Henry prepared most vigorously
to meet the forces thus united against him.[209]
[Footnote 209: Among the forces which he had drawn
together, were a body of chosen men and archers
from the parts of Wales; but whether they were
natives of the Principality, or English soldiers
drawn from the garrisons there, does not
appear.--Pell Rolls, 3rd June, 8 Henry V. i.e.
1420.]
He retained still in his camp the King of Scotland, by whose (p. 282)
influence he had hoped to draw the Scots from the service of the
Dauphin; but they would not listen to their monarch whilst he was the
King of England's prisoner. The English army, however, was recruited
by a considerable reinforcement, which the Duke of Bedford had brought
over with him. He had governed England as Regent, during the King's
absence, with great zeal and wisdom; and he now left the Duke of
Gloucester to rule the kingdom in his stead.
Many cities and garrisons attached to the Dauphin held out with much
resolution and fidelity to his cause, and the English had full
employment in reducing them. The town of Melun was defended with most
determined obstinacy. During the protracted siege of this place, Henry
was surrounded by all the magnificence and state of a royal court
amidst the noise and disorders of war. His Queen, also, "with a
shining train of ladies," came to the camp; for whom "a fair house was
built, at such a distance as secured them from any danger of shot from
the town." The royal bride and bridegroom had been allowed a very
brief interval for that enjoyment of each other's society in
retirement and privacy which is denied to few in any rank of life
immediately on their union. Their marriage was solemnized on the 30th
of May at Paris, and for one short week only from that day are the
records silent as to Henry's residence. On the 7th of June he was at
Villeneuf, engaged again (if, indeed, there had been any (p. 283)
interruption of his public duties,) in the business of the state. From
July the 9th to the end of September he passed, with very few
exceptions, his day alternately at Paris, and in the camp before
Melun, which was about ten leagues from the capital. It was, we may
reasonably conjecture, to make this new life of war as little irksome
to Katharine as the circumstances would allow, and to provide an
additional source of amusement and gratification, that Henry sent to
England for those new harps for himself and his Queen, to the purchase
of which at that time we have already referred.
At the surrender of Melun, a circumstance took place characteristic of
Henry's firmness and justice, mingled at the same time with feelings
of friendship and kindheartedness. A gentleman of his household, who
had fought with him at Agincourt, and was high in his esteem, was
convicted on clear evidence of having received a bribe during the
treaty for the surrender of the town, which tempted him to favour the
escape of one suspected of being an accomplice in the Duke of
Burgundy's murder. The young Duke of Burgundy and the Duke of Clarence
petitioned for his pardon; but Henry gave orders for his execution,
saying he would have no traitors in his army. At the same time he was
heard to declare he would have given fifty thousand nobles that
Bertrand de Chaumont had not been guilty of such a crime.
Shortly after the surrender of Melun, Charles and Henry went (p. 284)
together to Paris, accompanied by their Queens. The royal party were
met by the citizens with every demonstration of joy and devotedness;
and, in honour of Henry, most persons of quality dressed themselves in
red.[210] The first solemn act performed at Paris after the rejoicings
were ended, was the attainder of the Dauphin and his accomplices for
the murder of the Duke of Burgundy. He was denounced as unworthy of
succeeding to any inheritance, and sentenced to perpetual banishment;
judgment of death being pronounced against all his accomplices. A
knowledge of these proceedings only stimulated him to further acts of
violence.
[Footnote 210: "The English colour." See Goodwin.]
Henry's court was at the Louvre, whilst Charles' was at the Hôtel de
St. Paul. The two courts were marked by a wide difference in splendour
and attendance. The palace of Charles was deserted, whilst Henry's was
crowded by almost all the great men of France.
Having now established the government of France, and provided for its
maintenance during his absence, Henry proceeded with his royal bride
towards England. In Normandy he was well received by the estates, who
were assembled at Rouen, and who voted him a subsidy of 400,000
livres. On leaving this place, he constituted the Duke of Clarence his
Lieutenant of Normandy, and gave commission to the Duke of Exeter (p. 285)
to administer the government in Paris.[211] With his Queen and the
Duke of Bedford he reached his native land in safety on the last day
of January, or the first of February 1421; and he immediately
communicated to the Archbishop his wish for him to appoint a day of
public thanksgiving.[212]
[Footnote 211: In the parliament (2nd December
1420), Humfrey, Duke of Gloucester, being
Lieutenant of the kingdom, provision was made that,
should the King arrive, the parliament should
continue to sit without any new summons: the reason
also is given; because the King, being heir and
Regent of France during the life-time of his
father-in-law, and King after his death, would
often be in England and often also in France. In
this parliament a prayer is preferred against the
Oxford scholars, who in vast numbers and armed
attacked gentlemen in the counties of Oxford,
Bucks, and Berks, and robbed them.]
[Footnote 212: On 30th January, the Pell Rolls
record payment of 20 _l._ for bows, arrows, and
bowstrings, a present from Henry to his
father-in-law, the King of France.]