Prepared by Jeroen Hellingman and the Distributed Proofreaders Team
The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898
explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
close of the nineteenth century
Volume VI, 1583-1588
Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne.
Editorial Announcement
The Editors desire to announce to their readers an important
modification in the scope and contents of this work. As originally
planned and hitherto announced, the series was intended to furnish
the original sources, printed and documentary, for the history
of the Philippine Islands only to the beginning of the nineteenth
century. To most of our readers, the reasons for this are obvious:
the fact that the classic period of Philippine history is thus bounded;
the comparative rarity and inaccessibility of most material therein to
the general public; the vast extent of the field covered by Philippine
history, and the necessary limitations of space imposed upon the
selection of material for this work; the closing of foreign archives
to all investigators after an early date in the nineteenth century;
and the greater difficulty, in that later period, of securing a proper
historical perspective. But so many and urgent requests have come to
us, from subscribers and reviewers, for such extension of this series
as shall cover the entire period of Spanish domination, that we have
decided to modify the former plan in the manner here briefly indicated.
It is our purpose not to exceed the number of volumes already
announced, fifty-five. We are able to do this because in our original
plan, to avoid a subsequent increase in the number of volumes,
a certain amount of space was purposely left for possible future
changes as a result of later investigations to be made in foreign
archives, or on account of the necessary excision of extraneous or
irrelevant matter from the printed works which are to be presented
in this series. The new title will be "The Philippine Islands:
1493-1898." The early and especially important history of the
islands will be covered as fully as before. For the history of
the nineteenth century, we will present various important decrees,
reports, and other official documents; and provide a clear, careful,
and impartial synopsis of some of the best historical matter extant,
down to the close of the Spanish régime. Throughout the series will
be used, as has been done from the beginning, all the best material
available--historical, descriptive, and statistical--for reference
and annotation. With the copious and carefully-prepared bibliography
of Philippine historical literature, and the full analytical index,
which will close the series; the broad and representative character of
the material selected throughout; and the impartial and non-sectarian
attitude maintained, the Editors trust that this change will still
further enable scholars, historical writers, and general readers
alike to study, with reliable and satisfactory material, the history
of the Philippine Islands from their first discovery by Europeans to
the close of the Spanish régime, and incidentally the history of the
entire Orient.
Contents of Volume VI
Preface ... 13
Documents of 1583-85
Foundation of the Audiencia of Manila
(concluded). Felipe II; Aranjuez, May 5, 1583 ... 35
Two decrees regarding the religious. Felipe II;
San Lorenzo, June 21, 1583, and Aranjuez, April 24,
1584 ... 45
Annual income of the royal exchequer in the
Philippines. Andres Cauchela, and others; Manila,
June 15-30, 1584 ... 47
Letter to Felipe II. Melchor Davalos; Manila, July 3,
1584 ... 54
Letter to the archbishop of Mexico. Santiago de Vera;
Manila, June 20, 1585 ... 66
Two letters to Felipe II. Fray Geronimo de Guzman
[Madrid? 1585]; and Fray Jhoan de Vascones [1585?] ...
76
History of the great kingdom of China (extracts relating to the
Philippines). Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza; Madrid, 1586 ... 81
Documents of 1586
Memorial to the Council by citizens of the Filipinas
Islands. Santiago de Vera, and others; Manila,
[July 26] ... 157
Letter to Felipe II. Alfonso de Chaves, and others;
Manila, June 24 ... 234
Letter from the Manila cabildo to Felipe II. Andres
de Villanueva, and others; Manila, June 25 ... 242
Letter to Felipe II. Antonio Sedeño; Manila, June 25
... 247
Letter to Felipe II. Domingo de Salazar; Manila,
June 26 ... 251
Letter from the Audiencia to Felipe II. Santiago de
Vera, and others; Manila, June 26 ... 254
Letter to Felipe II. Pedro de Rojas; Manila, June 30
... 265
Letter to Felipe II. Juan de Moron; Manila, June 30
... 275
Measures regarding trade with China. Felipe II, and
others; Madrid and Manila; June 17-November 15 ... 279
Brief erecting Franciscan province of the
Philippines. Sixtus V; Rome, November 15 ... 290
Documents of 1587-88
Letter to Felipe II. Alvaro, Marques de [Villa]
Manriquez; Mexico, February 8, 1587 ... 295
Letter to Felipe II. Santiago de Vera; Manila, June
26, 1587 ... 297
Letter from the Audiencia to Felipe II. Santiago de
Vera, and others; Manila, June 25, 1588 ... 311
Bibliographical Data ... 323
Illustrations
Title-page of _Historia del gran reyno de China_, by Juan
Gonçalez de Mendoça (Madrid, M.D.LXXXVI); from copy (Madrigal
edition) in Library of Congress ... 83
Title-page of "Itinerario" at end of Gonçalez's _Historia_,
from copy in Library of Congress ... 135
Signature of Alonso Sanchez, S.J., from MS. in Archivo general
de Indias, Sevilla ... 228
Preface
The present volume covers the period of 1583 to 1588 inclusive. At
the close of two decades of Spanish occupation in the Philippines,
the native population is decimated, and the Spanish colonists are poor,
heavily burdened with taxation, and largely non-producing. The islands
are but nominally defended by a small, irregular, demoralized force of
unpaid soldiers, whose lawlessness and arrogance render them dangerous
to their own countrymen, and tyrants over the helpless natives. The
Audiencia is a costly institution, a burden of which all the people
complain. They have other grievances and many needs, which finally
impel them to send a special envoy to Spain, to procure relief and aid
from the home government. The documents in this volume contain much
valuable information regarding the economic condition of the colony,
and its commercial relations with China and Mexico respectively. As
the Spanish settlers in the Philippines find that they are largely
dependent upon China for their food, those who are wise see the
necessity of encouraging and extending agriculture in the islands;
but others are fired with the lust for wealth and conquest, and urge
upon Felipe II a scheme for subduing China by force of arms, thus to
give Spain the control of the great Oriental world, and incidentally
to enrich a host of needy Spanish subjects.
In Volume V was presented the greater part of the royal decree
establishing the Audiencia of the Filipinas; the document is
here concluded. The duties of certain subordinate officials of
that tribunal--commissioners of examination, jail-wardens, and
interpreters--are carefully prescribed. Such commissioners are
forbidden to play games of chance, except for articles of food ready
to be eaten. Prisoners in jail shall not be allowed to gamble, except
for food. The document closes with a general provision for a tariff
of official fees, and for the care of the Audiencia's archives.
Felipe II decrees (June 21, 1583) that the Audiencia aid the
Franciscan missionaries in the islands; and (April 24, 1584) that the
religious orders there continue to receive from the royal treasury
the gratuities originally bestowed upon them by Legazpi. The officials
of the treasury furnish a statement of their accounts, which shows a
yearly deficit in current expenses; and extraordinary expenses besides,
which nearly equal the total revenue for the year. Alarmed at this
condition of affairs, the Audiencia institutes an inquiry (June 15,
1584) into the commercial and industrial status of the colony; the
witnesses all testify that great scarcity of supplies, and poverty
among the people, are prevalent; that a considerable portion of the
native population has perished; and that the non-productive elements
of the population are much too large.
One of the auditors, Melchor Davalos, writes (July 3, 1584) to the king
a letter which, withal containing some valuable information regarding
matters in the islands, is a curious mixture of pedantry, bigotry,
egotism, and vanity. He mentions the arrival and establishment of the
Audiencia at Manila, complains that he cannot obtain the salary due
him, and relates the services which, he thinks, entitle him to better
treatment. He asks for instructions as to what shall be done with the
Mahometans, and cites the permission formerly given to Legazpi by the
king to enslave the Moros in certain cases, also the example set by
the sovereigns of Spain and Portugal in expelling or crushing the Moors
who inhabited their dominions. Davalos also desires the king to settle
the question of slaveholding by the Spaniards, which he is inclined
to justify; and to take such action as will prevent the Chinese from
obtaining all the money which comes to the Philippines. The utmost
poverty prevails among the Spanish soldiery, who are unpaid; and
Davalos advises that they be sent to make fresh conquests, by which
they can support themselves. The Spanish post in the Moluccas is
menaced by the native king of Ternate, and a large force of troops
is to be sent to its aid. A controversy arises among the Spanish
officers over the appointment of a commander for this expedition,
which Davalos proposes to settle by himself going as commander--thus
satisfying all the discontented captains, as he informs his royal
correspondent. He desires the king to grant him authority to punish
the Chinese for vicious practices, and thinks that the friars should
convert and baptize these heathen more rapidly than they are doing.
The new governor, Santiago de Vera, writes (June 20, 1585) to the
archbishop of Mexico. He encounters many difficulties--coolness on
the part of the bishop, lack of support from his associates in the
Audiencia, and but little acquaintance with the needs of the islands
in the royal Council of the Indias. His duties are onerous and his
responsibilities too great; he asks the archbishop to aid him in an
appeal to the king for relief from these burdens and vexations. Vera
cannot yet procure the quicksilver which he has been asked to send to
Mexico, but will try to obtain it from the Chinese traders. The king
of Ternate has revolted, and affairs there are in bad condition;
more troops are needed, but cannot be spared from Manila. Vera
discusses various matters concerning some of his officers, and
affairs both military and civil. He sends to Spain, under arrest,
two prisoners--one of them Diego Ronquillo, a kinsman of the late
governor Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa, charged with defalcation in
the trust of the latter's estate.
A Franciscan official in Spain, Geronimo de Guzman, sends to the
king (1585) certain recommendations regarding the government of the
Franciscan friars in the Philippines. An Augustinian friar, Jhoan de
Vascones, who has evidently gone from the islands to Spain, writes
in behalf of his brethren there (1585?) to ask the king that more
religious be sent to the Philippines and to other Oriental lands;
that these friars be sent from Spain by way of India instead of Nueva
España; that the authorities of India, secular and ecclesiastical,
be commanded to aid the friars in their missionary journeys; that
the latter be permitted to build monasteries as they may choose, "in
remote and infidel lands," without awaiting government permission;
and that the authorities at Manila be not allowed to send, at their
own pleasure, the friars to other lands.
From the _Historia del gran Reyno de China_ (Madrid, 1586) of the
Augustinian Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza, we have translated such matter
as relates to the Philippine Islands--portions of part ii, and of
the "Itinerary" appended to Mendoza's work. He narrates (book i,
part ii) the efforts of the Augustinian friars to carry the gospel
to the Chinese. These are unavailing until, after the defeat of the
Chinese pirate Limahon (whose exploits are narrated in some detail)
by the Spanish forces, a Chinese officer named Omoncon, who has come
to Manila in search of the pirate, forms a friendly acquaintance with
the Spaniards, and, in return for favors at their hands, promises to
convey to China some Spanish friars. For this mission are selected
Fray Martin de Herrada (or Rada) and Fray Gerónimo Marín, with two
soldiers as an escort--one of whom is Miguel de Loarca, author of the
curious "Relation" which appears in Volume V of this series. They are
well treated by the Chinese, but are unable to establish a mission
in that land, and finally are sent back to the Philippines. In the
second book is related the voyage made by the Franciscans to China
in 1579. At first they ask permission to go thither, which Sande is
not willing to grant; but the conversion of a Chinese priest through
their efforts makes them still more desirous of opening a mission in
that country, and, Sande still refusing to allow this, they decide
to go without informing him of their departure. To this account
is appended an "Itinerary" of the journey made by another party of
Franciscan friars from Spain to China and return. The writer relates
various particulars concerning the Ladrones and Philippine Islands
and their people, both historical and descriptive; the custom of
slavery among them, and their religious beliefs; and the progress of
Christianity in the archipelago--stating that the conversions therein
now number 400,000. A supernatural appearance of a dead man's spirit,
who describes the delights of the Christian heaven, is related in
detail; this leads to many conversions among the natives, but some
declare that "because there were Castilian soldiers in glory, they
did not care to go thither, because they did not wish the soldiers'
company." The products of the islands, and the articles imported from
China, are enumerated, with mention of some current prices for produce.
A general junta, or assembly, of the estates of Manila--the church, the
religious orders, the army, the royal service, and the citizens--is
held on April 20, 1586; and a statement of their grievances and
needs (signed on July 26) is sent to the home government by the
hands of Father Alonso Sánchez, a Jesuit. They complain that the
cathedral church has no suitable building, equipment, or provision
for its services; and there is no means of support for the bishop
and the clergy. They ask that tithes shall be paid, or else that the
prebends be replaced by a few curates, who shall care for the souls
of the Spaniards and their Indian servants. The royal hospital and
that for the Indians are both in great destitution, and should be
aided by royal bounty. More religious instructors are needed; and,
in order to support them, more tribute should be required from the
Indians, and the encomenderos should be compelled to pay tithes. The
city of Manila demands some public property, with which to meet its
necessary expenses; and the abolition of the duties hitherto imposed
on commerce. They ask that the commutation of the royal fifth to
one-tenth be made perpetual; and that offices and encomiendas be
bestowed only on actual residents, who have rendered services in the
islands. Workmen and mechanics in Manila should be paid there, and
not in Mexico; a special official should be placed in charge of the
ships; and there should be no commissary of the Inquisition in the
islands. Complaint is made that too much money is sent thither from
Mexico, apparently by speculators interested in the Chinese trade;
and request is made that the export trade of the islands with Mexico
be confined entirely to citizens of the former. It is asked that
all future cargoes of goods from China be purchased at wholesale, by
Spanish officers appointed for that purpose, and "afterward apportioned
to the Spanish citizens, the Chinese, and the Indians, by a just and
fair distribution," at cost price; that Chinese hucksters in Manila
be suppressed; and that no Chinese be allowed even to remain outside
of that city, save the Christian converts and those who are farmers
or artisans, or who trade in food supplies. The Audiencia has become
a burden; and it should be abolished, or its expenses be paid by
the Mexican treasury. As the country has no agricultural industries,
the king is asked to send farmers, with their families, as colonists;
to exempt these from taxes, for a time, and from military or other
personal service; and to forbid them to change their occupation. The
Indians should be taught European methods of agriculture; cattle and
horses should be imported into the islands and the native buffalo be
domesticated and bred. The cultivation of lands granted to encomenderos
should be enforced. Women should be brought from Spain, and provided
with dowries, in order to become the wives of soldiers and workmen;
and dowries should be provided for some native women, that they may
marry poor Spaniards. Offices should not be sold; and encomiendas
should be made large enough to pay their necessary taxes and other
expenses. The Indians should not be obliged to pay the royal share
of their gold; and their lawsuits should be despatched in the courts
with simplicity and promptness. Tribute should not be collected from
them by force, and without giving them religious instruction; and
the boundaries of some encomiendas should be changed. A "protector
of the Indians" should be appointed, who should not be also the royal
fiscal; he should, besides, have charge of the Chinese. The soldiers
are compelled to serve, yet are allowed no pay, from which many evils
ensue; the troops have become demoralized; and the very existence of
the colony is thus endangered. A regular paid force, of about three
hundred and fifty men, should therefore be maintained; they should
not engage in trade, or serve the officials; the officers should be
clothed with suitable authority; and those sent from Nueva España
should be soldiers, not boys and pages. Urgent request is made that
the city of Manila be strongly fortified; this will inspire respect
among their neighbors, and keep in awe the natives and the Chinese,
who are liable at any time to revolt. Luzón is menaced with invasion
by the Japanese, Malays, and English; and forts should be erected at
various points for its defense. The coasts should be protected against
pirates by a small fleet of light, swift vessels. It must be understood
that no confidence can be placed in the natives, who kill Spaniards at
every opportunity. The conquests hitherto made by the Spaniards should
be further extended; and the districts and islands in which the natives
are disaffected should be subdued and pacified. These will employ and
reward the poor Spanish soldiers, and will afford protection to the
converted natives, who are continually harassed and raided by their
heathen neighbors. The regions that should be subdued range from
the Liu-Kiu Islands to Borneo. The governor should be authorized
to make such conquests, and even "to entrust them, by contract,
to other Spaniards." The king is called upon "to aid in atoning for
the wrongs inflicted on the Indians by the first conquerors," for
which the latter are held responsible by the church, which refuses to
absolve them from sins until payment for these wrongs be made to the
Indians. This the conquerors are unable to do, and request for it aid
from the royal treasury. The king is asked to compel the encomenderos
to give religious instruction to their Indians. The abuses that prevail
in the collection of tributes from the Indians are enumerated; in some
places the natives are revolting, because treated so unjustly. Some
Spaniards still hold Indians as slaves, in defiance of royal edicts;
moreover, the natives themselves hold many slaves; and the priests
are unwilling to grant absolution to either unless they release these
slaves. Request is made for regulation of the system of slavery among
the Indians. Complaint is made that the friars go from the islands
wherever and whenever they please; thus they neglect their duties,
arouse ill-feeling among the Chinese and other foreigners, and in many
other ways do harm. This evil should be corrected by forbidding all
Spaniards to leave the islands, or to give assistance to the friars
in doing so, except by special permission from the authorities.
Then follows a curious scheme for invading and conquering China;
this would bring much wealth to the crown of Spain, and be the
means of converting innumerable souls to the Christian faith; the
king is urged to undertake this enterprise at once. The arguments in
justification of this conquest are left for Father Sánchez to explain
to his Majesty. The forces, equipment, and supplies necessary are
enumerated in detail, as also what part of these can be furnished in
the Philippines themselves, where preparations for the expedition have
already begun. The fleet which is expected to come from Spain with
men and supplies should land in Cagayán, Luzón; the routes which may
be taken by those vessels are described, and that by the Strait of
Magellan is recommended as the shortest and safest. It is desirable
to induce the Portuguese to take part in the proposed conquest; and an
auxiliary force will probably come from Japan. The Jesuit missionaries
who are in China are expected to act as guides and interpreters for
the expedition. The troops should be so numerous and well equipped that
they can at once awe the Chinese into submission; but they should not
be allowed to ravage the country, nor should the native government be
destroyed, as has so often been done in other Spanish conquests. It
must be understood that the proposed expedition is not to deal with
the Chinese as if they were Moors or Turks; it will be sent only
to escort the preachers of the faith, and to see that any converts
that they may gain shall be unmolested by the Chinese authorities;
it should therefore be commanded and officered by honorable, humane,
and Christian men. The gains which would result from the conquest
of China are enumerated--at first, mainly religious; these include
the foundation of many schools, churches, and monasteries for the
Chinese, wherein they will speedily become Europeanized. The writer
praises the natural abilities and excellent qualities of the people,
and especially the virtue of their women. As for worldly advantages,
these are many and great. Every year China can furnish to the Spanish
treasury galleons loaded with gold, silks, and other treasures; much
silver from its mines; and large amounts in rents, taxes, etc. All
China can be divided into encomiendas; and there will be many offices
and dignities to be enjoyed by the king's faithful vassals--indeed,
"a great part of the Spanish people could come to reside there, and be
ennobled." On account of the great virtue, modesty, submissiveness,
and beauty of the Chinese women, they would prove to be excellent
wives for the Spaniards; thus the two peoples would mingle, and
"all would be united, fraternal, and Christian." It is for lack of
such amalgamation that European experiments in Oriental colonization
have hitherto failed; but the proposed scheme will ensure to Spain
success in such expansion. They have thus far failed therein in the
Philippines, scorning the natives as inferior beings, who are fit only
to be their slaves. The Spaniards care only for their own enrichment,
and treat the natives cruelly; consequently the latter are steadily
diminishing, and the condition of the islands is deteriorating. But in
China all will be different, in both temporal and spiritual matters;
and both Spaniards and Chinese will be greatly benefited, enriched,
and increased. Certain minor advantages to arise from the conquest of
China are enumerated--the establishment of numerous episcopal sees; the
foundation of new military orders, and the extension of the old ones;
the creation of many titled lords, and appointment of viceroys for the
conquered provinces. China, thus subdued, will be a vantage-ground from
which Spain can control all Asia and a land-route to Europe. Chinese
colonists can be imported into the Philippines, "and thus enrich
themselves and this land." And, finally, the immediate occupation of
China will forestall any advance into the far Orient by the French,
or the English, or any other heretical nation. This scheme--which as
it proceeds acquires, like a soap-bubble, great size and brilliant
coloring, and proves equally unsubstantial and transient--is signed
by the governor, bishop, superiors of the religious houses, and a
long array of other notables in the islands.
By the mail which carries the "Memorial" are sent various letters
supplementing the information contained in that document, or commending
the envoy, Father Sánchez. The military officials write to the king
(June 24), reminding him that the foothold gained in the islands by
the Christian faith can be maintained only by the presence of troops
there. The soldiers (whose courage and loyalty in the past are praised)
are discouraged, because they have not received the rewards which
they expected; they are lawless and demoralized, and their officers
cannot control them. The defense of Manila is thus imperiled, and
the natives are led to despise the Spaniards. The officers who write
this letter complain because they have been unjustly treated in their
efforts to improve this condition of affairs; they ask for redress,
and for the abolition of the royal Audiencia. A letter from the cabildo
(municipal council) of Manila commends Sánchez as their envoy to the
king. They complain that the Audiencia "cannot be maintained here
without the total destruction of the state," which cannot bear the
burden of this expense; and ask that it be abolished. They ask for a
garrison of three hundred paid troops, and the grant of an encomienda
to the city of Manila. They complain of the losses inflicted not only
upon the merchants of that city, but upon the colonial government, by
the trade which Mexican merchants carry on through the port of Manila
with the Chinese; and demand that this traffic be restricted to the
citizens of the islands. They ask the king to see that more friars
be sent out, both Augustinians and Franciscans. The cabildo recommend
that the archdeacon Juan de Bivero receive from the king some reward
for his hitherto unrecompensed services in the Philippines. On the
same day Antonio Sedeño, rector of the Jesuits at Manila, writes a
letter commending Sánchez for this present embassy, and recounting
his past services to the Philippine colony. On June 26 Bishop Salazar
writes a short letter, regarding some points outside of Sanchez's
commission. One of these concerns the respective precedence of
the bishop and the Audiencia on public occasions. The bishop also
describes the quarrels between the president and auditors of the
Audiencia, and his success in reconciling these differences. He has
delivered, although against his better judgment, certain prisoners
to the Inquisition, in obedience to a royal decree. A letter from the
Audiencia of the Philippines to the king (dated June 26), recommends
an increase in the rate of tribute paid by the Indians; the money
thus obtained could be used to pay the soldiers, which would greatly
improve the standard of military service in the islands. The colonial
treasury is greatly embarrassed by heavy expenses, and the salaries of
the Audiencia would better be paid from Mexico; then the encomiendas of
Indians now taxed for that expense could be assigned to the soldiers
who have so long been serving in the Philippines without pay. The
king is asked to make an annual appropriation for the military and
marine expenses of the islands. Father Sánchez is recommended by
the Audiencia also, as their envoy to the home government. Their
dissensions are now all settled, and some matters which caused these
disagreements are referred to the king for his decision. They notify
him of certain changes which they have made in the customs tariff of
the islands, especially on the Chinese trade; it appears therefrom
that the economic dependence of the Philippines on China is very
close, especially in the matter of supplying food and cattle. Certain
extension of authority which had been granted to the bishop is asked by
the Audiencia for him. The participation of the Spaniards in the rich
Chinese trade has aroused the jealousy of the Portuguese in India,
who are endeavoring to shut out the Castilians from that country;
the king is asked to take such measures as he deems best in this
matter. Complaint is made that a certain Mexican officer has gone,
in disobedience to his orders, to China, apparently to trade.
Pedro de Rojas, a member of the Audiencia, also writes (June 30) in
commendation of Sánchez. He relates the dissensions in the Audiencia
over the appointments to offices, and asks for royal action which
shall settle this difficulty. He seconds the request made in other
letters for the removal of the Audiencia, provided a capable and
honest man be selected for governor, and gives advice regarding
the conduct of colonial affairs. He complains of the injury to the
interests of the colony which results from the Chinese trade in silks
and other luxuries, and advises that it be stopped; then the Chinese
will bring cattle, food, and other supplies, to the advantage of
the Spaniards. The latter have devoted themselves to commerce; and,
as most of them are soldiers, they neglect their military duties,
lose their courage, and have become vicious and demoralized. Rojas
urges that they be restrained from engaging in traffic, leaving the
islands, or transferring their encomiendas to the crown. A seminary
for girls should be established at Manila, and young women from
Spain should be encouraged and aided to come to the islands. The
gold obtained in the Philippines should be sent to Mexico, and a
specified sum of money, in coin, should be sent thence to the islands
each year. Rojas recommends that Bishop Salazar be made governor,
and praises his qualifications for that office; next to the bishop,
the auditor Ayala would be most suitable.
Juan Moron, a military officer, sends (June 30) a report of his
expedition to Maluco with troops to succor the Spanish fort there. He
urges that a stone fort be erected for the defense of Manila, and
that some encomiendas of Indians be granted for the support of the
municipal government; and commends the envoy Sánchez.
A group of documents which contain "measures regarding trade with
China" (1586-90) throws much light on economic conditions in the
Spanish colonies at that time. The first of these (dated June 17,
1586), although unsigned, is apparently written by a member of the
royal Council of the Indias. He cites letters from several Spanish
officials of high standing, to show that the Philippine-Chinese trade
is injuring that of the mother-country and of Mexico; and the complaint
is again made that Spanish money is continually flowing into China,
thus depleting the wealth of the colonies. The writer recommends that
the latter be forbidden to import Chinese goods; and that the viceroy
of Nueva España be directed to take measures to accomplish this. Two
days later, a decree to this effect is signed by the king. Extracts
from a letter written (November 15) by the viceroy, after referring to
the success of the efforts made to sustain the Spanish colony in the
Philippines, and to propagate the Christian faith among the natives
there, indicate the desirability of continuing the trade begun with
China. Through this agency, his Majesty's subjects in the colonies
are benefited, and (a still more important consideration) an open
door for the entrance of the Christian faith into that heathen land
is secured. If the Chinese trade be cut off, the Spanish population
of the Philippines cannot be maintained, and the natives will rebel
against their conquerors. The encomenderos depend upon the Chinese
for clothing and food, and for the opportunity to dispose of the
goods received from the Indians as tributes. In view of all these
considerations, the viceroy has abrogated the royal decree for the
present, and has, besides, ordered the collection of a heavy duty on
all cloth imported from Spain to Mexico.
A brief of Sixtus V (November 15, 1586) erects into a province the
former custodia of the Franciscan friars in the Philippines.
The viceroy of Mexico advises the home government (February 8,
1587) to encourage the merchants who carry on the Philippine trade,
especially by selling to them ships made in the royal shipyards.
Santiago de Vera, governor of the Philippines, writes to the king
(June 26, 1587). He entreats that more soldiers be sent, and that
they be supplied with food and other necessaries; for, as those
hitherto sent have received no food or pay, most of them have died
from their privations, or from the unhealthful climate. In view of the
recent destruction of the city of Manila by fire, Vera has forbidden
the people to build any more houses of wood, obliging them to use
stone for that purpose. Finding the city practically defenseless,
Vera has begun to build near it a fort and other means of defense;
and he asks for a small number of paid soldiers as a garrison for
the city. He has assessed on the encomenderos and other citizens
and on the Indians the expenses of these works. Another fort is
needed at Cavite. The king is asked to grant money and workmen
for completing these fortifications. Copper has been discovered in
adjoining islands, also sulphur. The trade with China is important
and flourishing; and the products of that country are offered at
Manila at very low prices. The Chinese ask that the Spaniards will
establish a trading-post in their country. Friendly intercourse with
Japan is commencing, and the Jesuit missionaries there are freely
allowed to preach the Christian faith. Vera has remitted the duties
on goods brought to Manila from Japan and Macao. A controversy has
arisen between him and the bishop, the latter having ordered that
the Chinese converts to the Christian faith should cut off their long
hair, which causes many to avoid baptism: the king is asked to settle
this question. Vera has sent to Macao for the recalcitrant Mexican
officer who was mentioned in a previous document. A Japanese prince,
a Christian, offers to aid the Spanish with troops in any warlike
enterprise that they wish to undertake.
A letter from the Audiencia to Felipe (June 25, 1588) reports the
capture of the treasure-ship "Santa Ana" off the California coast,
by the English adventurer Thomas Candish, which has caused much loss
and hardship to the Spaniards in the Philippines. Complaint is made
of vexatious imposts levied on the Philippine trade by the viceroy of
Mexico; the Audiencia ask that he be ordered to cease these measures,
also that he shall not meddle with letters sent from Spain to the
islands, or with the personal affairs of officials there. The existence
of the Philippine colony is endangered by the trade which is beginning
between Mexico and China; and, having lost its best ships, colonists
are no longer sent to augment its population. Gratuities from the royal
treasury have been bestowed upon the various religious communities. The
Audiencia commends the labors of the Jesuits, but advises that a
college be not established for them, as they request, since "there
are in all this country no students to attend their teachings." The
hospitals should receive more aid from the crown. The difficulties
between the bishop and the Audiencia are explained; but they are now
adjusted, and peace prevails. It will be well to send many religious
to the islands, provided they belong to the orders already there.
The Editors
August, 1903.
Documents of 1583-85
Foundation of the Audiencia of Manila (concluded). Felipe II;
Aranjuez, May 5, 1583.
Two decrees regarding the religious. Felipe II; San Lorenzo,
June 21, 1583, and Aranjuez, April 24, 1584.
Annual income of the royal exchequer in the Philippines. Andres
Cauchela, and others; Manila, June 15-30, 1584.
Letter to Felipe II. Melchor Davalos; Manila, July 3, 1584.
Letter to the archbishop of Mexico. Santiago de Vera; Manila,
June 20, 1585.
Two letters to Felipe II. Fray Geronimo de Guzman
[Madrid? 1585]; and Fray Jhoan de Vascones [1585?]
Sources: These documents are obtained from the original MSS. in the
Archivo de Indias, Sevilla--excepting the royal decrees, which are
found in the _Crónica_ of Santa Inés and in the "Cedulario Indico"
of the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid, respectively.
Translations: The first document is translated by Henry B. Lathrop,
of the University of Wisconsin; the second and fourth, by Alfonso
de Salvio, of Harvard University; the third, by Arthur B. Myrick,
of Harvard University; the fifth, by José and Clara M. Asensio;
the sixth, by Herbert E. Bolton, of the University of Texas.
Foundation of the Audiencia of Manila (_concluded_)
Commissioners
251. [Examinations not to be repeated.]
252. _Item_: We command that the said commissioners of examination
[_receptores_], and special clerks who go on inquiries, shall not
play games of chance, except for articles of food ready to be eaten,
on pain of removal from office.
253-259. [Form of entry of witness's oath; fees charged must be
endorsed; cases must be accepted promptly, in due order; absence and
accounting for writs; fees received must be recorded; commissions may
not be begged for; reports of investigations made out in public form
must be given to the parties.]
260-264. [Taxing of charges; discharge of commissioners on completion
of commission; commissioners may not be employed if they are relatives
of clerks, attorneys, or advocates, or if they have boarded or lodged
with them within a year; procedure on second trial.]
265-272. [Procedure in the assignment of commissions; cases accepted
must not be thrown up; requests of parties for summoning of witnesses
are not to be entered on the record; testimony is to be taken before
local magistrates, if so desired; rights of commissioners-in-ordinary
and of supernumerary commissioners to assignments.]
273. _Item_: A commissioner of inquiry may be appointed as soon as
there shall be two court clerks appointed, or even one, that possible
frauds may be avoided.
274-277. [Procedure in the event of challenge of commissioner;
procedure for appointment of commissioners within and without the
five leagues; oath of commissioner for outside cases; commissioners
and clerks to take down testimony themselves, with no other person
present.]
278. _Item_: No supernumerary commissioner shall be appointed
without being examined, and giving bonds for the administration
of his office. No dependent or member of a household of our said
president and auditors may be appointed to such commissionership,
under penalty that the clerk appointed contrary to this ordinance
shall lose all fees and salary for the time during which he shall
occupy himself with the commissionership.
279-280. [The number of lines on a page in a record of inquiry; the
number of words in a line; the excellence of handwriting required;
the dating of reports of examinations.]
Bailiffs
281-284. [The bailiff's [_portero_] duties; his fees those of the
bailiffs of the royal council; a lodging to be given him in the
building of the Audiencia; tardiness fined one peso; excessive fees
to be repaid sevenfold to the exchequer; presents for good news
not to be accepted--penalty, fourfold repayment to the exchequer;
the bailiff to enforce rules of precedence.]
Jail Wardens
285-286. [The warden [_carcelero_] shall accept no gifts from
prisoners or others for them; shall not oppress them, or relax their
imprisonment, or dismiss or arrest them without warrant; his oath.]
287. [His fees are those assigned to alguazils in the official table
of fees.]
288. [A separate ward must be provided for women.]
289. [Nightly inspection is required. If prisoners escape through
the warden's fault or negligence, he must suffer their penalty,
or pay their debt]
290. [A full record of the prisoner's name and the circumstances of
his imprisonment must be kept]
291. _Item:_ He shall not entrust the keys of the prison to any Indian
or black, on pain of being compelled to pay in his own person and
estate the damage and injury which shall follow from his having so
entrusted the keys.
292. [Warden and jailers are to have no business dealings or
familiarity with the prisoners, or eat or gamble with them.]
293. [The jailers must live in the prisons.]
294. _Item:_ There shall be a chaplain in the prison, to say mass
before the prisoners daily; and the ornaments and other things
necessary therefor shall be provided and paid for from the exchequer
fines. The jailer shall take care that the chapel or place where mass
is said shall be clean.
295. _Item:_ He shall cause the prison and the cells thereof to be
swept twice a week; and to be provided with clean water, so that
the prisoners may drink without paying any fee. No jail-fee shall
be charged to boys arrested for gambling, or to officials of our
Audiencia arrested by order of our president and auditors--under a
penalty of a fine of four times the amount, paid to our exchequer.
296. _Item:_ No permission or opportunity for gambling shall be given
in the jail, for money or other things except food. Wine shall not
be sold to the poor; or, if sold, shall be sold at the price it is
worth, and no more. No jail-fees shall be received from the poor
under penalty of a fourfold fine for our exchequer.
Interpreters of the Audiencia
297. _Item:_ We ordain and command that there shall be a body of
interpreters for our said Audiencia; and that before they are admitted
to exercise that office they shall swear in due form to perform their
duties well and faithfully, in declaring and interpreting the case
or matter committed to them, clearly and openly, without concealment
or addition--declaring simply the fact of the crime, business, or
testimony under examination. They shall likewise swear not to be
partial to either side, or to favor one more than the other, and not
to accept any reward for their service beyond the fee assessed and
fixed for them, under the penalty decreed for forswearers, and the
damages and interests of the parties, and a sevenfold return of the
amount received, and removal from office.
298. _Item:_ They shall receive no gifts or promises from Spaniards,
or from the Indians, or from other persons who shall have or shall
expect to have businesses or suits with them. They shall not accept
such gifts or promises, of great or small amount, even for articles of
food or drink; and even if these are voluntarily offered, without any
request for them being made by the said interpreters or by others. In
case of violation of this ordinance, they shall pay sevenfold what
they have taken, for our exchequer; and charges thereof shall follow
the procedure prescribed for charges against the judges and officials
of our Audiencia.
299. _Item:_ We ordain that the said interpreters shall not listen,
in their own houses or out of them, to Indians who shall come to plead
or do business in our Audiencia; but shall take them, without listening
to them, to the said Audiencia, that there the case may be heard and
determined in conformity with justice. In case of violation of this
ordinance, they shall suffer for the first offense a penalty of three
pesos for the court-room; for the second, double the penalty applied as
aforesaid; and for the third, in addition to the said double penalty,
they shall be dismissed from office.
300. _Item:_ They shall not arrange the pleadings of Indians, nor be
attorneys or solicitors in their cases and affairs, under the penalty
prescribed in the preceding ordinance, applied as aforesaid.
301. _Item:_ They shall be present at the meetings of court, at
hearings, and at inspections of prisons, on every day that is not
a holiday. At least in the afternoons they shall be present in the
house of the president and auditors. All the above-mentioned duties,
and each and every part and matter thereof, they shall take care
to distribute among themselves in such a way that there shall not,
by the default of them or of any of them, be any failure or delay in
determining cases or other matters--under a penalty of two pesos for
the poor for each day when the interpreters, men or women, or any of
them, shall fail to do their duty in any of the aforesaid matters;
and that, in addition, they shall pay the damages, interests, and
costs to the party or parties detained for this cause.
302. _Item_: They shall not absent themselves without license from
our president, under penalty of losing salary for the time while
they were absent, and a fine of twelve pesos for the said court-room,
for every instance of violation of this ordinance.
303. _Item_: We command that when they shall be occupied with suits
or matters outside of the place where our said Audiencia shall sit,
they shall accept nothing from the parties, directly or indirectly,
beyond the fee assigned them. They shall make no bargains or agreements
with the Indians, or partnerships, in any manner--under penalty
of repaying sevenfold that which they thus accept and bargain for,
and of perpetual discharge from office.
304. _Item_: For each day when any one of the said interpreters shall
go out on commission and by order of our said Audiencia, from the
place where it shall sit, they shall take as fee in addition to their
salary two pesos, and no more; and shall accept no food or anything
else from the parties, directly or indirectly, under the penalty of
being obliged to repay it sevenfold to our exchequer.
305. _Item_: For each witness examined, if the interrogatory is of
more than twelve questions, they shall receive two tomins; if the
interrogatory is of less than twelve questions, one tomin, and no
more, under penalty of paying fourfold to our exchequer. But if the
interrogatory shall be long and the case laborious, the auditor before
whom the examination is conducted may assess, in addition to the other
fees, a moderate sum proportionate to the labor and time consumed.
306. _Item_: We command that the interpreters, each in turn, shall
be in attendance at nine in the morning on every day when cases are
heard, in the offices of the court clerks, to receive the memorandum
which will be given him by the fiscal for summoning witnesses whom
it shall be desirable to examine for the dues of the treasury--under
a penalty of half a peso, for the poor of the prison, for every day
of failure to be present.
307. And since, in regard to the fees to be taken by the officials
of the said Audiencia, an official tariff [_arancel_] has been made,
we command that what is contained therein shall be observed and
fulfilled until other provisions are made and decreed by us.
308. _Item_: We ordain and command that, in the rest of the cases and
matters, coming before the said Audiencia not here determined upon,
shall be followed the ordinances made by us, and to be made by our
said president and auditors.
Tariff of fees
309. [A list on which shall be entered the official tariff of fees
must be posted in the court-room, and copies must be kept in the
clerks' offices.]
310. _Item_: We ordain and command that our said president and auditors
shall make a tariff of fees, in accordance with which our chief clerk
of mines and the other officials who have no official tariff shall
take their fees; and that they shall do the same in all the governments
of their district, paying consideration to the nature of the offices,
the region where they are situated, the expenses there, and the lack
of supplies that may exist therein. These tariffs of fees are to be
sent when made, with the signatures of the president and auditors,
to our said council, to be examined and confirmed; and in the interim
the tariffs which shall be made shall be observed.
Archives
311. _Item_: We command that in the house of our Audiencia there
shall be a room in which there shall be a cabinet wherein shall be
deposited the records of cases determined by the said Audiencia, after
the decrees of execution [_executorias_] have been transcribed, the
records of each single year being placed one above another. The court
clerk shall place on each record of a case a strip of parchment stating
the persons and the subject of the case. This shall be done within
five days after the decree of execution has been transcribed. And
in another part of the said room another cabinet shall be placed, in
which shall be deposited the grants, decrees, and documents pertaining
to the state, preëminence, and jurisdiction of the said Audiencia and
provincial court [_provincia_] of its district. All shall be locked
and the key be kept by the chancellor [_chanciller_]. All records
shall be covered with parchment.
312. _Item_: We ordain and command that whenever an event occurs
for which no provision or decree is made in these ordinances, and in
the other decrees, provisions, and ordinances enacted for the said
provinces, and in the laws of Madrid made in the year [one thousand]
five hundred and two, and the provisions therein, [1] and command
that our president and auditors, clerks and advocates, and other
officials of our said Audiencia shall each, within thirty days,
take the copy of this ordinance.
313. _Item_: We command that in the said Audiencia there shall be a
record in which shall be entered all royal orders [_cedulas_] which
we shall send or shall have sent to them; and they shall take care
to observe and obey the same. And since it is our will that the said
articles and ordinances above written shall be observed, and since
it is likewise fitting for our service and the administration of our
justice, we give commandment to our said president and auditors of
the said Audiencia, which is accordingly to be established in the
said city of Manila of the said island of Luçon, and to our fiscal,
alguazil-mayor, and the officials and servants thereof whom the content
of the said ordinances affects--both to those whom we now send and
to those who shall be appointed henceforth--to each and every one of
them, that they shall regard, observe, and perform them, and cause
them to be observed and performed, in everything and for everything,
as is contained and decreed in the said ordinances; and that they
shall not proceed or act, or permit any to proceed to act, in any
manner contrary to the tenor and form of these and of their contents.
Given at Aranjuez, May fifth, one thousand five hundred and
eighty-three.
I The King
I, Antonio de Erasso, secretary to his Catholic Majesty, caused this
to be written at his command.
The licentiate _Diego Gasca de Salazar_
The licentiate _Alonso Martynez Espadero_
The licentiate _Don Gonsalvo de Çuñiga_
_Don Lope de Vaillo_
The licentiate _Emojosa_
The licentiate _Francisco de Villafañe_
Ordinances to be observed by the Audiencia established by your
Majesty's command in the city of Manila, of the island of Luzon,
of the Philipinas.
[_Endorsed:_ "Establishment of the Audiencia of Manila, and the
ordinances which must be observed. In the year 1583."]
Two Royal Decrees Regarding the Religious
The Audiencia to Aid the Franciscans
The King: To the president and auditors of our royal Audiencia,
established at our order in the island of Luzón in the Filipinas
islands. To those islands have gone recently descalced religious of
the order of St. Francis to preach the holy gospel, and to engage
in the instruction and conversion of the natives therein; and more
will go thither regularly, both from these kingdoms and from Nueva
España. Now because we hope that, by means of their instruction and
example, much fruit will be gathered among those natives, therefore
we desire--a thing befitting the service of God, our Lord--that they
be aided, and held in all estimation, so that with more energy and
fervor they may continue their good purpose; and we order you that, as
far as you are concerned, you aid them to the utmost of your ability,
and extend to them all possible protection, whenever occasion offers,
as their exemplary life merits. San Lorenzo, June twenty-one, one
thousand five hundred and eighty-three.
I The King
Countersigned by Antonio de Eraso, and approved by the members of
the council.
Legazpi's Aid to the Religious Approved
The King: To Doctor Santiago de Vera, president of our royal Audiencia
established in the city of Manila, in the Filipinas islands; or,
in his absence, to the person or persons to whom the government of
the islands has been entrusted. Father Andres de Aguirre, [2] of
the order of St. Augustine, has reported that the adelantado Miguel
Lopez de Legaspe gave orders in my name to pay, as a gratuity for the
support of each of the religious who were engaged in the conversion
and instruction of the natives of those islands, one hundred pesos of
Tepusque and one hundred fanégas of rice. Thus the religious have been
aided, although in later years the judges and officials of my royal
exchequer have paid this gratuity with some reluctance, alleging that
for such payments my orders must be produced. The matter having been
examined by my Council of the Indias, it was agreed that I should
issue this my decree, by which I command you to provide for giving
the aforesaid gratuity to the said religious, as above stated. This
decree is to be executed without fail.
I, The King
By order of his Majesty:
Antonio de Eraso
Aranjuez, April 24, 1584.
Annual Income of the Royal Exchequer in the Philippines
Report of the annual income from tributes and other sources of
profit appertaining to his Majesty in these islands of the West,
and the ordinary expenses therein.
The tributes from the villages belonging
to the royal crown amount in one year to
twenty-two thousand pesos of eight reals
each XXII U. [3] pesos
Dues from tithes and assays of gold, four
thousand pesos IIII U. pesos
From import duties on merchandise which
comes from Nueva España and China, six
thousand pesos VI U. pesos
Fines accruing to the exchequer, one
thousand pesos I U. pesos
-------------
XXXIII U. pesos
Salaries and ordinary expenses
The yearly salaries of the president,
auditors, and fiscal of the royal
Audiencia amount to sixteen thousand
five hundred and forty-four pesos of
the said gold XVI U. DXL[IIII] pesos
The salaries of two royal proprietary
officials, and of another who serves to
fill a vacancy, four thousand six
hundred and eighty-seven pesos and four
tomins IV U. DCLXXXV[II] pesos
Gratuities to the religious orders,
three thousand pesos III U. pesos
Collection of tributes, one thousand
five hundred pesos I U. D pesos
Ordinarily there are a hundred seamen,
shipwrights, and forge-men, whose wages
are paid from the royal treasury in
Nueva España; and some assistance,
charged to that treasury, is given to
them in this island, as aid for their
support, besides their ration of rice--
which amounts in one year to two
thousand pesos II U. pesos
Item: Fifty-five Indians who are
carpenters, and a like number of iron-
workers, for work on the ships; and a
hundred other Indians for services in
casting artillery, building houses for
the royal service, work on the
fortifications, manning the oars on
three fragatas, and ordinary service--
who earn two thousand pesos II U. pesos
Item: Twenty thousand fanégas of rice
for the sustenance of the seamen,
shipwrights, and iron-workers, and the
Indians for the above works and services;
at the rate of two tomins a fanéga, this
costs five thousand pesos V U. pesos
Five hundred quintals of iron, at one
peso a quintal U. D pesos
Also five hundred quintals of cordage,
net weight, at one peso a quintal U. D pesos
Also five hundred quintals of pitch,
at one peso a quintal U. D pesos
Five hundred pesos' worth of charcoal,
for the forges U. D pesos
One thousand pesos' worth of timber,
logs, and planks, for the dockyards
and work on the ships I U. pesos
For the repairing of magazines, royal
buildings, and fortifications, and for
timber for the same, one thousand
pesos more I U. pesos
The said expenses amount to forty-one
thousand eight hundred and thirty-one
pesos XLI U. DCCC. XXXI pesos
Accordingly, in one year the exchequer
incurs a debt of eight thousand eight
hundred and thirty-one pesos; usual
debt of the treasury each year VIII U. DCCC. XXXI pesos
The said account does not include extraordinary expenses that arise,
such as the pacification of the natives throughout these islands, and
certain other expeditions, and material for their defense--expenses
that occur each year (especially for the past three years), in this
region. With the aid sent to Maluco, repairs on his Majesty's galleon
which came from that place, the rebuilding of the fort and magazines,
and the buildings which have been erected for the royal Audiencia
and its president and auditors, the said works have cost his Majesty
in all more than thirty thousand pesos in the said three years for
extraordinary expenses, for which sum the royal exchequer is indebted.
Extraordinary expenses for three years, XXX U. pesos
Andres Cauchela
Juan Baptista Roman
Domingo Nerdules
In the city of Manila, in the Philipinas Islands, on the fifteenth
day of June, one thousand five hundred and eighty-four, the honorable
president and auditors of the royal Audiencia established in this said
city stated that, in order that his Majesty might be informed of the
value of provisions and other articles sold in this island, as well
as of the harvests therein and of the supplies that are brought from
Nueva España and the realms of Castilla, they gave orders to make,
and they did make, before me the following investigation.
Luis Velez Cherino
And, for the said investigation, the honorable licentiate Rojas,
auditor of the royal Audiencia, took and received an oath before God
and the blessed Mary, and on the sign of the cross and on words of
the holy gospels, from Don Antonio Gofre Carrillo, treasurer of his
Majesty's royal exchequer in this city and the Philipinas islands-under
which obligation he promised to tell the truth. Being asked regarding
the tenor of the title of this inquiry, he said that this witness knows
that every year one or more ships come from Nueva España to these
islands for traffic, which bring, as merchandise, velvets, satins,
damasks, taffetas, ribbed cloths in colors, velvet caps, shoes and
stockings, linens from Holland and Rouen, wine, vinegar, oil, olives,
capers, preserves, hams and fat bacon, flour, soap, hats, netted hose,
Cordovan leather, raisins, almonds, and many other articles from the
produce of España and Nueva España. All these things are in this land
usually worth double their value and cost in Nueva España. Many times
we have experienced lack of wine for saying mass and for the sick;
sometimes a jar holding an arroba of wine has been worth at least one
hundred gold pesos, and even much more. These things which are brought
from Nueva España are so necessary that the people, especially those
of gentle birth, could not do without them. For instance, they cannot
clothe themselves with stuffs that are made in this land, or with
those that are brought from the mainland; for these are thin silks
of such quality that garments made of them are worthless, for lack
of durability and fineness. Consequently, they would not be worn if
the people were not very poor. The supplies that we have at present
in this country are pork and buffalo meat, fowls, rice, wax candles,
and lard; and the Sangleys' flour, which is very poor and cannot be
eaten. It is now held at so high a price that what was bought four
years ago for a tostón cannot now be bought for three pesos. Where they
used to give six fanégas of rice for one tostón, they now ask three
pesos, at one tostón a fanéga. They used to sell twelve to sixteen
fowls for four reals; at present, when there are no large fowls,
they cost two or three reals apiece, instead of a tostón. A hog that
used to cost alive four to six reals now costs six or seven pesos,
and no one is found to buy. This witness thinks that the cause for
the high prices in this country is that so many Spaniards have come
hither, that so many of the natives of these islands have perished,
and that so few people cultivate the soil or breed fowls or swine. [4]
The witness knows this because, during the four years that he has
spent in this land, he has seen that the conditions and events are as
he has described them. He asserts this to be the truth, on the oath
that he has taken. He declares that he is twenty-seven years of age,
rather more than less; that he has no personal interest in this affair;
and is fully competent to be a witness. He signed this with his name,
The licentiate Pedro de Rojas
Don Antonio Gofre Carrillo
Before me:
Luis Velez Cherino
[Then follow the depositions of Juan Arze de Sadornel, Andres
Cauchela, the captain Juan Pacheco Maldonado, Pedro Carballo,
the ensign Christobal de Axcueta, Don Juan de Bivero (treasurer
of the Manila cathedral, and a priest), and Don Juan de Armendares
(canon of the cathedral, and a priest). They are couched in almost
the same words as the foregoing. The testimony of all shows the high
cost of living in the islands, and ascribes the cause to the great
number of Spaniards, the deaths by disease and war of many natives,
and the coming of great numbers of Chinese for purposes of trade,
they as well as the Spaniards being non-producers. Of the natives
many have engaged in trade and but few till the soil, thus increasing
the dearth of provisions and forcing prices still higher. The two
priests do not take the oath in the same form as the laymen, but by
"placing the hand upon the breast, and swearing by their priestly
word." After all of these depositions, each of them attested in due
form by the notary, the document continues:]
All the above, according to what passed before me, the said clerk of
the court, I have given and delivered, signed with my name and signet
[i.e., flourish] to the honorable president and auditors, written on
ten sheets together with this present, accompanied with my signet. In
the city of Manila, in the Filipinas islands, on June thirtieth,
in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-four--the witnesses
being Rodrigo de Leon and Alvaro Mendez de Herrera.
Luis Velez Cherino.
The words are crossed out where is read _poner, a, y, queste de_; and
corrected where is read _hacienda, tostones_, and _come_; and _de_
has been inserted between the lines. I, Luis Velez Cherino, court
clerk of the royal Audiencia established in this city of Manila,
have written this and caused it to be written; and here I affix my
signet to such document, in witness of the truth.
Luis Velez Cherino.
Letter from Melchior Davalos to Felipe II
Royal Catholic Majesty:
It was through divine inspiration, we may believe, that your Majesty
appointed a president and auditors for this extremity or beginning of
the world; for at the very time when Governor Don Gonzalo Ronquillo had
just died or was about to die, in this city of Manila, the Council,
more than four thousand leagues from here, resolved upon and decreed
the foundation of the royal Audiencia in Manila, and we came hither--as
president and governor, Doctor Santiago de Vera; I, who was living
quite neglected in Mexico, as first auditor; the licentiate Rojas
as second auditor, and the licentiate Ayala as fiscal. It is said
that another auditor, the licentiate Bravo, remained in Castilla;
all of us excepting him came here. We set sail from the port of
Acapulco on the ninth of March, according to the new computation of
time which your Majesty, by order of the supreme pontiff, commanded
us to observe. I mention this point because we who came enjoyed an
experience never known before--namely, that while at sea we kept
Ascension day, Whitsunday, Trinity Sunday, and Corpus Christi day;
when we landed we kept and celebrated the same feast-days in Manila,
because the new reckoning was not yet in force there, and does not come
into effect until the fifth of October of the present year. It is a
memorable event that according to the said new reckoning we arrived
here on the twenty-sixth of May, and according to the old on the
sixteenth of the same month. [5] The Audiencia was established with
all the authority and pomp possible. We found the city burned down,
and no habitable houses except those of straw, rushes, and boards,
which could easily burn down again any day. Concerning this and other
matters, a report will be sent by the president. The officials of
the royal exchequer not only refused to lend me money, but did not
even pay me more than half of the three months' salary due me from
the time when I left Acapulco. The others have drawn their salaries
from the time when they left Castilla, the president since he left
Mexico, and I only from the day when we set sail. I am not unworthy of
favors, most potent sire; for I have spent forty years in continual
study, thirty of which have given me much experience in matters of
justice and legal pleading, and this is well known in Mexico. If
the records of the past be examined in the Council, it will be seen
that in the ten or twelve months while I was fiscal of that royal
Audiencia I accomplished more than did my predecessors for twenty
years. Besides all this, I am a man of good repute. I was an advocate
for the Inquisition during more than eleven years, namely, from the
time when your Majesty established it in Mexico. My uncles and the
relatives of Doña Maria de Sandoval, my wife, won Nueva España, as can
be seen by the records of the royal Council of the Yndias; and no one
is more worthy to receive the remuneration for his services than are
my wife and I. By virtue of a decree ordering me to remove my entire
family and household, the royal exchequer of Mexico lent me for the
space of two years two thousand pesos to aid me on my voyage. This
assistance was not sufficient, and, not being able to sell my estates,
I was obliged to leave them deserted, because I had already sold my
negroes. I shall be entirely ruined unless your Majesty release me
from the payment of those two thousand pesos, or at least give me
a continuance of ten years. I entreat your Majesty for this, since
in order to foster decency among the women I brought here three sons
and a nephew, whose exceedingly honorable and virtuous reputation is
known throughout Nueva España, where I brought them up.
With the help of God, who in His infinite mercy made me pleasing
and well liked, I shall endeavor to live, administer justice, and
deal with others irreproachably. Since this is so, and I dwell in
a land where there is so little stability and truth, I beseech your
Majesty not to judge me without first hearing me. I greatly honor the
president, and the authority which even a duke would maintain if he
were here as your Majesty's lieutenant; for in distant regions this
befits the service of your Majesty. Nevertheless, in what concerns
the administration of justice, I strive to lose no opportunity. The
president is in poor health at present, and I do not know whether in
his letters he has touched upon the matters which I shall mention here.
I wrote from Mexico beseeching your Majesty, for the peace of the
royal conscience and of the consciences of us who serve here, that
a consultation be held to decide upon what shall be done with the
Mahometans, of whom these islands are full. I sent a report, and
said that, keeping the matter in mind, I would send a more detailed
account from here; but I could not find time for study, on account of
my continual occupation in the sessions of the Audiencia and rendering
opinions. This year I am probate judge, and for the first four months
of the year provincial alcalde; and since people find that matters are
readily settled I am beset by the natives with their petty lawsuits. I
wish that I might have had more time to collect what can be put
together, and to write on law. However I shall not neglect perchance
to make some slight report. The following is a clause from a letter of
your Majesty which I found, addressed to the adelantado Miguel Lopez
de Legaspi, the first discoverer of these islands, in effect this:
"We have also been petitioned in your behalf concerning the Moro
islands in that land, and how those men come to trade and carry on
commerce, hindering the preaching of the holy gospel and disturbing
you. We give you permission to make such Moros slaves, and to seize
their property. You are warned that you can make them slaves only
if the said Moros are such by birth and choice, and if they come to
preach their Mahometan doctrine, or to make war against you or against
the Indians, who are our subjects and in our royal service. But in
no way or manner shall you enslave the Indians who have embraced the
doctrine of Mahoma; on the contrary, you shall endeavor to persuade and
convert them to our holy Catholic faith by kind and lawful methods."
To make universal arrangements is to pass infallible rules, and in
law we can hardly find such a rule; therefore we must distinguish
in both times and occasions. With due respect, it seems to me that
all Mahometans are enemies of the Church; and all the Ismaelites,
their allies, confederates, and descendants must have the words of
the Scriptures (as found in the 16th chapter of Genesis) written in
their hearts: _Hic erit ferus homo, manus ejus contra omnes et manus
omnium contra eum_. [6] Wonderful events occurred (and it would be
well for your Majesty to have them examined and investigated) in the
histories of Portugal, in the _Decadas_ of Barros and in the books
of Osorio, the good bishop of Algarve, [7]--who, by command of his
Majesty the king, Cardinal Don Enrrique, wrote in Latin the history
of the life, deeds, and virtues of the most renowned king Don Manuel,
your Majesty's grandfather. All these books abound in accounts of
field and naval battles, which the viceroys and captains-general of
Malaca, Goa, Calicud, Ormus, and many other places, fought against
well-known Moros of that region and those from Samatra, Java, and
Bornei, who were aided by Turks, Mamelukes, Moors from Tunez [Tunis],
and Moors who were driven away from Granada at the time of the
Catholic kings. In a battle against Alfonso de Albuquerque [8] were
seven hundred Mamelukes, three hundred Turks, and a thousand Moors
from Tunez and Granada--sent there by the Sultan of Egipto [Egypt]
before the Turks had defeated him. They peopled and filled these
islands. Every year Turks come to Samatra and likewise to Borney; in
Maluco and in Ternate these Turks are gathered against your Majesty,
and have caused a great number of Christians who were instructed in
the Catholic faith to apostatize. Moreover the king of that place
is allied with the English heretics, and the Moros have inflicted
terrible martyrdoms upon the Christians of these regions. The care
with which the Turks have always offered help, both past and present,
and that showed by the sultan at the time of Pope Julius the Second,
is well known, and can be verified in the history by the said bishop of
Algarve, book 4, folio 122. The sultan wrote to the pope, complaining
of the said kings Don Manuel and the Catholic Don Fernando--saying that
the Moors whom the latter had driven away from Granada and Castilla
had gone to Egipto to complain; and that King Don Manuel was pursuing
the Moors through the Red Sea and neighboring regions. He added that
if this were not remedied, by ordering the said princes to desist
from persecuting the Mahometans, he would destroy the holy house at
Jerusalem and the sepulcher of the Redeemer. As can be verified, the
letter contains many profane remarks against Christianity. It was sent
by a Franciscan friar who lived in a monastery on the mount called
Sion, and who was guardian there at Jerusalem. The said pontiff, as
soon as he saw the letter, sent a copy of it to Castilla and Portugal
through the same friar. King Don Manuel, your Majesty's grandfather,
sent the celebrated answer to the pontiff, saying that he gave advice
neither to the Apostolic See nor to the sacred council of cardinals;
but what he answered (and he would do it with all his might) was to
persecute Mahometans forever. He added that the Holy Father was much
to blame for the sultan's pride, since he did not gather and unite
in peaceful alliance the Christian princes, who were divided by wars
in their own interests, and were neglecting so common an interest
as that of undoing the power of Moors and Turks. He also answered
that he understood his father and father-in-law, the Catholic king
Don Fernando, to give the same answer. As I have said before, the
histories of Portugal are full of these old enmities. It seems as if
this evil sect had increased and multiplied in the West as well as
in the islands and countries of the East. Indeed the various causes
for this are to be found in the condition of these regions and in
the measures, decrees, or instructions like those issued for Peru,
Nueva España, and the other Yndias.
Concerning slavery, the main thing to be noticed is that we have
here many kinds of slaves: some are slaves because their fathers
and grandfathers were such; others sold themselves _ad pretium
participandum_, either to make use of the money or to pay their debts;
others were captured in war; others became slaves because, being
orphans, they were held in that condition for food and expenses; others
were sold in times of famine by their fathers, mothers, or brothers;
others bear that name because of loans, for interest multiplies
rapidly among the Indians and the Moros, and thus a poor man becomes
a slave. There are men who become slaves on account of crimes, and
failure to pay fines and penalties; and others for not having paid
the tribute or tributes of their lords. Each of these reasons is an
argument for justifying slavery. I chose to mention these details
because it is proper to notify your Majesty and your Council of them.
Your Majesty has passed laws forbidding any one to take money out
of your realms, or to buy or sell to pirates. But every year the
Chinese take away all the money there is. There are many ships here,
twenty-five or thirty in number, with four thousand men who have
come here to trade. We fear no extortion on their part, because of
the great importance to them of our commerce; but, as we have no
merchandise to give them, having nothing except reals, it will be
advisable for your Majesty to send orders as to what we should do,
and how we are to decide the question of slaves, since there are so
many classes of them, as I have shown above.
The poverty of the soldiers who come here is extreme, for they draw
no pay, and the country cannot support them. It would be advisable
to send orders to employ them in conquests, and to send over many
soldiers. Also orders should be given to build some galleys which
should not lie idle and become ruined, as did those left by Doctor
Sande. Although the Indians and Moros here have taken to the oars with
reluctance, we are greatly aided by having here, usually, Chinese who
are willing to be hired at a low price. In all this may your Majesty
take such measures as are most advantageous to your service.
About twelve days ago we received letters from Maluco, in which the
captain commanding at that place says that the king of Ternate is now
powerful, and has seized the most important stronghold. A reënforcement
of eighty or a hundred men, with supplies, had been sent to him before
the arrival of the Audiencia; and he says that he can hold out until
the end of October or November. Speaking of the war which is to be
carried on, the president was and is about to send four hundred men
and a thousand friendly Indians. He is perplexed about the election
of the captain-general, for each of the captains who seek that post
desires to be sole commander, while the rest show displeasure that
one of their equals should be appointed. Moreover, no one of them is
pleased that Captain Bartolome Vaez Landero may be the commander. He is
a Portuguese, who came here from Macan through the agency of Governor
Diego Ronquillo, and remained here to protect this land with two ships,
well equipped with artillery, in the service of your Majesty. On seeing
this controversy, I proposed to the president on St. John's day that
I and my sons, with our weapons, would go with the soldiers to serve
in this expedition. The captains who are candidates are satisfied to
have me for their general, and the Portuguese captain and his men are
even more pleased. The president says that we shall deliberate upon
what should be done, and still he has not come to any decision with
me. He will wrong me if he withholds from me the leadership in this
affair. In all that pertains to justice, I shall always be ready,
with the help of God, who will favor me, to recover your Majesty's
territories and to punish your enemies.
It is also important for the service of God that, by order of your
Majesty, some decision be made as to the punishment that we shall
inflict upon the Chinese or Sangleyes for the infamous crime which,
as people here tell me, they practice on board their ships. [9]
I am studying the question in order to inform this Audiencia; but,
since the punishment may hinder commerce, it will be necessary to
observe moderation, until your Majesty shall inform us what should
be done in this matter. I have reproached and admonished the friars,
telling them that they ought to exhort these wretched people. Some of
them tell me that they are unwilling to baptize the Chinese, because
they feel sure that they will apostatize as soon as they return to
their own country. I tell them that they should do what it is in
them to do; and that, if God does not choose to call these people,
at least it should not be left undone by the friars. I shall always
insist upon this.
When I spoke of Ternate, I forgot to mention a very important matter,
which perhaps is already forgotten. There was a king in Ternate
called Cachil Boleyfe, aged and very prudent, regarded by the Moros
as a prophet. He was taken to Malaca because of a certain crime;
and, having been acquitted, he received baptism and died there as a
Catholic. He said that, having no legitimate successor, he constituted
King Don Juan the Third of Portugal his heir to the kingdom and islands
subject to Ternate. This will was brought to Ternate, and all the
chiefs of the kingdom swore allegiance to the new king, with great
feasting and solemnity. Possession of the kingdom was taken, with
all the ceremonies required by law. This is what the historians say,
especially Juan de Barros--in the third _Decada_, book five, chapter
six. At the end of the seventh chapter, he says that the fortress now
held by the tyrant was built by Captain Antonio de Brito, who began
the work with his own hands on St. John's day, in 1522. He did this
with the consent of all the Moros, and therefore called the fort San
Juan. It is well that your Majesty should know the very foundation of
your rights, and should at least understand that my endeavor is to give
information and service. May God permit your Majesty to live, without
setting a bound to your life; for the human race and the Church of
God have need of this. From the city of Manila, July 3, in the year 84
(according to the old reckoning, as I have said). Most powerful Lord,
your most humble servant kisses the feet of your Majesty.
The licentiate _Melchior Davalos_
[_Endorsed:_ "To the sacred royal Catholic Majesty of the
king, Don Phelipe, our sovereign lord. In his Council of the
Indies." "Philipinas. To his Majesty, 1584. From the licentiate Melchor
de Abalos, July 3." "Examined; there is nothing to be answered."]
Letter from Santiago de Vera to the Archbishop of Mexico
Most Illustrious Señor:
I was more content to learn of the health of your illustrious Lordship
[10] than to know that you governed that land--since the first is
of so great importance, and the other is merited by your Lordship. I
hope that our Lord will bestow on you the see of St. Peter, that all
may be as we your servants desire.
After having written another letter which accompanies this, I received
that of your illustrious Lordship which came in the ship "San Juan." As
in the other I have referred to some things that may be omitted here,
and as I do not wish to weary your Lordship with a long account of
business attendant on your charge, I write this only to assure your
Lordship that you may command me.
Great satisfaction was felt in this country that the ship "Mora"
arrived so miraculously at port. The death of the crew, I assure
your Lordship, was not for lack of supplying themselves here with the
necessaries for the voyage; for although but little time was spent in
despatching the ship, I exercised much diligence in seeing that more
men and provisions were shipped than is customary. There are things
which our Lord permits; since it was His will that they should die,
it was an instance of His great clemency.
I have always tried to fulfil your Lordship's commands in regard to the
lord bishop, and he may command me and I will obey; but I know of no
means in the world whereby I can preserve his love and make it lasting.
I kiss the hands of your illustrious Lordship for the kindness that
you do me in encouraging me to the work of this office; but as I am
old and worn, the extra duties are very heavy for me, especially
since I receive so little aid from my associates, and since the
Council [of the Indias] so poorly seconds my efforts. As they are
so far away and do not know affairs here in detail, they make some
regulations so far from what is proper that, if they were complied
with, it would be the undoing of this land, and his Majesty's service
would suffer greatly. In order that your illustrious Lordship may
understand how affairs stand, I declare that everything concerning
the government and war in these islands depends on the president. He
must attend to everything punctually; and, in order to comply with
his Majesty's commands, he must pay over and spend from the royal
treasury what is necessary for the affairs of government and of war. No
account can be given thereof, and in delay there would result great
inconveniences. The despatch of the ships would cease, as well as
the work in the shipyards, the defense of these islands, and the
supply of aid to other islands, in accordance with his Majesty's
commands. Knowing all this, which is evident, I received the decree
of which a copy goes with this. This gave an opportunity for the
officials to excuse themselves from honoring my orders for money,
and soon the Audiencia commanded that they be not observed. For
the revocation of this decree it is necessary to wait three years,
and although in my commission his Majesty has given me full power for
everything, I am prevented for the most trivial reasons from exercising
my authority. I am writing to his Majesty, but it will be of more
effect to give an account thereof to your illustrious Lordship; for,
if nothing is done, it is of no use whatever for his Majesty to have
a governor or captain-general, nor is there any reason for his Majesty
to go to such expense from the royal exchequer only to have it lost.
I have tried to make arrangements with the Sangleys here for them to
bring me a quantity of quicksilver, [11] according to your Lordship's
orders; but for some time past they have been carrying it to the
Japanese; in that country there are many silver mines, where they
receive a good price for it. On this account the quicksilver has
increased in value, and they are so shrewd merchants that they will
not believe that this kind of traffic is desired. I shall proceed with
them gradually, until it can be seen whether they will give it at the
price which your Lordship has fixed. I shall advise your illustrious
Lordship of the result thereof.
I appreciate greatly the favor which your illustrious Lordship has
done me, by the favorable and prompt despatch of these ships. I kiss
your Lordship's hands a thousand times and everyone here does the
same, as I have informed them of the difficulty of the task which your
Lordship has so easily accomplished. Although I have tried to despatch
the ships here with all haste, I am informed by sailors who understand
the matter that it is not safe to send them out until the twentieth or
twenty-fifth of June. The weather is not settled until then, and they
usually put into a harbor during bad weather. Nevertheless, henceforth
I will have them sail from here in the middle of June, in order that
there shall not be the inconveniences to which your Lordship refers.
Although much merchandise has come from China this year, little has
been sold for lack of reals, and the Indians hid and kept the goods
until now. At the news of the arrival of the ships, and the knowledge
that they bring considerable money, they have taken courage and have
rejoiced exceedingly. In order that these Indians may increase their
trade to any extent, it is necessary that money be sent in sufficient
amount and at regular intervals.
Your illustrious Lordship commands me to observe the orders given to
Francisco Gali about the discovery of the route from these ports toward
Nueva España. I will keep your Lordship's commands to the letter,
and will try to advise you soon, although the ship "San Juan" is of no
use, as it is worm-eaten and old. I shall have carpenters examine it,
and if it will not serve, I shall have them inspect the ships which
I have here, to see if any are fit, and to avoid the expense and delay.
Your Lordship commands that the mining of gold be done with the aid
of quicksilver, as is done in Talpaxagua. In another letter I gave
an account to your Lordship of what has been done in mining here.
We have seen the royal decrees concerning the harmony which his
Majesty commands us to maintain with the viceroy and captains of
India and Maluco, whom we must aid. On one occasion they sent an
urgent request from Maluco, the captains assuring me that with two
or three hundred men the whole matter could be settled, and the fort
and islands be restored to his Majesty. They had been usurped by
the petty king of Terrenate, as will appear in a copy of the letter
accompanying this. As these men could be spared from here without
risk, I sent about four hundred arquebusiers and a large number
of natives with artillery, powder, and ammunition. There were also
twenty-seven small boats and fragatas and one galley, sufficiently
provided for one year. Although they became separated on the way,
and because of the weather six boats were lost on the coast of Panay,
I had others provided, and they continued their voyage--all except
one boat with two pieces of artillery and fifteen or twenty men,
and some powder and ammunition. Moreover a galleon sent as succor
from India with two hundred Portuguese did not arrive; and the
Moros had fortified themselves, together with many Jabos [Javanese],
Turks, and those of other nationalities. There was also negligence
on the part of Diego de Acambuja, the commander of that fort, [12]
by whose order this aid was sent, in accordance with the commands of
his Majesty. Some suspicions were entertained of this commander and
there were indications that he did not wish the war to end, because
the bartering in cloves and the trade thereabout would also come to
an end, as your illustrious Lordship will see by the accompanying
relation. Although in our camp there was great eagerness to attack
the Moro, nothing was accomplished--a result partly due to the
controversies between Captain Pereyra, whom his Majesty had commanded
to take charge of the place, and Diego de Acambuja, who held it, over
the latter's surrender of the fort. I have been assured by persons who
have witnessed the affair, and I have so understood, that, should his
Grace desire not to abandon that holding and to keep the government of
Maluco in the power of Castilians, there will be great difficulty in
winning it. No more aid can be sent from here unless his Grace supply
aid to this country, with an allowance for the former object--as is
done in Florida, which is of less importance. Provision should be
made for sending troops and arms, since his Grace has not enough in
the royal treasury for our needs here, and there are no more troops
than are needed for defense. I beseech your illustrious Lordship thus
to explain the affair to his Majesty.
In regard to Don Diego de Alcaraso, I have no merit in favoring and
advancing him, since he deserves it, and is extremely judicious and a
thorough gentleman. He is supported without any trouble or annoyance
whatever. He is the governor in the fort at Mindoro, and is at present
in this city. Don Pedro de Angulo has not arrived from Maluco, and,
as to affairs there, I am particularly anxious in his behalf. For
some months I have had Bustamante employed at a salary which he still
enjoys, and now that I know that your Lordship is pleased with this
I shall put him in a better place. Captain Machuca has been guilty
of great stupidity, for as he was about to depart to take charge of
the governorship of a fort, provided and appointed according to his
deserts, he got married, and not as well as I could have wished. I
shall give a present to Father Pina, as your Lordship orders.
Your illustrious Lordship grants me grace so often that I can only
show my gratitude by beseeching our Lord to keep your Lordship for
the many years necessary, and during which I would have you live. I
well realize the favor done my daughter, and it is enough that your
Lordship has shown her kindness, to have all the nuns do the same.
Although there are facilities in this country for making ships of all
kinds, and the best yet built has not exceeded in cost six thousand
pesos--and many private individuals would after this engage in it
for the sake of gain if they could maintain the industry--yet the
expenses incurred with the necessary force of sailors and workmen,
can be sustained only by the king. The greatest difficulty is in the
bringing of the anchors and rigging from Vera Cruz. Your illustrious
Lordship knows from experience what it costs his Majesty to transport
sailors to Mexico, from there to these islands, and from here to the
port of Acapulco; and the expense of overhauling the ship, and of
keeping it there a winter. Therefore although I wish to aid Captain
Esteban Rodriguez in the despatch of the ship that he has built,
I do not know if it can depart hence for lack of men. It is hard to
find them; for, although a large number of sailors usually come here
from Nueva España to bring the ships here, they are all needed on the
return. They bring here the fragatas and vessels which convey hither
aid and means of defense for this land, and take back the provisions
and other supplies needed in the king's service. Nevertheless,
I shall do everything possible for the said captain.
I believe that Baltasar de Aldana, nephew of the schoolmaster Don
Santiago Sanchez, will embark in this ship, which he is permitted to
do through your illustrious Lordship's orders.
I understand thoroughly that I am importunate, but the requirements of
health and the discontent of Doña Ysabel oblige me again to beseech
your Lordship to favor me and try to influence his Majesty to grant
me grace in España--in the meantime permitting me to act as auditor in
Mexico, with permission to serve his Majesty there, as I have fulfilled
my commissions here, and am of little use, being now old and worn. It
is just that I be established in a place where I can leave my wife
and children. I hope, by the grace of God and that of your illustrious
Lordship, that I may shortly be delivered from this captivity.
The artillery which I brought returned in the ships "Mora" and "San
Martin;" and because the ship "Santa Ana" is of such importance,
I ordered three excellent pieces of bronze artillery to be placed
on board besides powder and ammunition. In order that we may not
suffer from the lack of artillery in giving this, I beseech your
illustrious Lordship to have the artillery returned in the same ship,
"Santa Ana," as the Japanese have commenced to show signs of hostility,
and it is not desirable that they or other pirates should make light
of our power.
By two conveyances I am sending plans of the site and city of
Terrenate to his Majesty; one goes through the Council and the other
directly to the royal person, both being transmitted by the hand of
your illustrious Lordship--whom I beg to send them with the letter
packets, so that the one for the royal person is delivered through
Antonio de Heraso, and the other directly to the Council.
There is one Juanes Viscayno, whom we wish to hold in the criminal
court, as he was a false witness in a serious case against one Artiaga
Panadero, a resident of that city [Mexico]. He is sent as a prisoner;
may your Lordship be pleased to command that he be delivered to
the alcaldes.
I ordered Diego Ronquillo, the former governor of these islands, to
present himself at the royal criminal court at Madrid, to account
to his Majesty for the large sum of money that had been delivered
to him as the executor and trustee of Don Gonçalo Ronquillo. [13]
He is escorted by an alguazil to the royal prison of that Audiencia,
so that, in case sufficient bonds are not given at his presentation
in the criminal court of his Majesty, he may be held a prisoner, in
accordance with the said residencia, which I am sending. I beg your
illustrious Lordship to command that these arrangements be carried out.
Juan Martin Coyfino will, I believe, escort these prisoners; and,
as he is a very zealous man, I have recommended that he take with
him the Sangley religious. [14] I entreat your illustrious Lordship
to see that his companion is rewarded, also to order the payment
of their expenses. May our Lord watch over the illustrious person
of your Lordship and may the prosperity of your house increase as
we your servants desire. Manila, June 20, 1585. Illustrious Lord,
your servant and client kisses the hands of your illustrious Lordship.
Doctor Santiago de Vera [15]
Two Letters to Felipe II
With regard to the letters of Fray Joan de Plasencia, custodian
of the descalced friars of the custodia of San Gregorio de las
Philippinas--communicated to me by the secretary, Joan de Ledesma,
in pursuance of an order by the council--I declare that the truth
is that Fray Joan [16] de Talabera, commissary of the same descalced
friars, who went from here, took a commission from the nuncio (quite
contrary to the custom among religious orders), from which no benefit
has resulted. Accordingly, although the said commission is clearly an
affair of no value in law, the office of the grantor having expired,
yet since those religious are very scrupulous, and have but little
knowledge of this matter, it might be well that the present nuncio
revoke the commission, and that the said custodia be governed by the
authority of the order, as are all the other provinces of our order.
Hitherto the province of San Josepe [in Mexico], of the descalced
friars from Castilla, has had charge of that custodia, by apostolic
brief; and it was not subject to me, nor might I send friars thither or
remove them. But when the said province considered how inadequately it
could govern the custodia, the brief was renounced in the session of
the chapter which was held in this year 85 at the town of Cadahalso,
and that custodia has been assigned to me; and henceforth whatever
may be necessary can be supplied for the said province, [17] by order
of the council.
As for sending friars to the said custodia, I have information that a
religious of the same descalced order, who comes from that country to
discuss this matter, went direct to Monzon without going to Madrid
to report the needs of his custodia to his Majesty. Therefore it
appears to me that the sending of religious, and other matters,
might be suspended until his arrival.
Fray Geronimo de Guzman
That which the order of our glorious father St. Augustine, resident
in the Philipinas and the lands of China, humbly asks from his Majesty
and from his royal Council of the Indias is the following:
First, that his Majesty cause to be sent to those realms the greatest
number of religious who can possibly go, in response to the very
pressing need (which is felt now more than ever) for preachers
of the gospel of God. They ask this not only for the lands held
by his Majesty which are now at peace (where there is much need),
but also for the great kingdom of Cochin China, for that of Sian,
and for other foreign lands--to which those who lack so great a
blessing, since they have no one to show them the way, beseech and
call us. Herein the religious of that province beg of his Majesty
that he reward the hardships which they have suffered, and are now
suffering, in his service and that of God.
Item: that the said religious shall not go [from Spain], as
heretofore, by way of Nueva España, inasmuch as the majority remain
there, and not a third part of those who have departed for those
regions, at the expense of his Majesty, have ever arrived there. Nor
even of those who have come from there [the Philippines] has a single
religious returned; because all have remained in España, or in the
province of Mexico. This has occasioned no little trouble to those
of us who reside there. From this it follows that the intention
of his Majesty is defeated, and the result which is attempted is
not attained. On this account our order there begs his Majesty to
command that the said religious shall make the voyage by way of India
to Malaca, and from Malaca to Macan, [18] where friars of our order
have gone to settle. The vicar-general has my instructions as to what
the religious should do if they go thither, as I hope they will.
There are better opportunities for the friars to distribute themselves
from Macan, for the preaching of the gospel, than from any other
place--especially too, as the said journey is no less short and
safe by this route than by Nueba España; for it is quite certain
that the religious may not remain in any place where they are not
greatly needed, or where they may not produce much fruit among
infidel heathen. Herein there is need of a decree to the effect
that neither the viceroy nor the archbishop of India, nor any other
authorities whatsoever, ecclesiastical or secular, shall hinder the
said religious from making any journey or from asking alms; but that
they shall give the said religious every aid and protection, in order
that they may go from India to Malaca, and from Malaca to Macan,
and from Macan to whatever place their superiors may order. Still
another decree is needed, that the said religious or any others of
our order may, provided that they have instructions to that effect
from their superiors, freely build monasteries in remote and infidel
lands--without awaiting mandate, order, or permission from the viceroy
or archbishop of India, or from other authorities. This requirement is
very inconvenient and a hindrance, inasmuch as in many of those places
it is not possible to go for and return with the said permission within
the space of a year--during which time it may well happen that the
opportunity would be lost, and with it the fruit which it might bear.
Another decree is also needful in order that the governor and the
Audiencia of Manila, the bishop or any other person, may not cause
hindrance or opposition to the provincial of our order by sending
religious at will to countries of China or other infidel lands,
as seems best to him for the service of God; for the instruction
in the faith, which the religious have established in the islands,
is sustained at their charge.
This our community begs and entreats from his Majesty, at this time;
and for this purpose they have sent to these lands of España a native
religious, named Fray Jhoan de Vascones, interpreter and minister of
these districts.
Fray Jhoan de Vascones [19]
[Endorsed: "The Augustinians of the Filipinas. Council General of
the Indias."]
History of the Great Kingdom of China
Compiled by Father Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza. Madrid: Printed by Pedro
Madrigal, in the year 1586.
Source: A copy of the Madrigal edition of Mendoza's _Historia_,
in the Library of Congress.
Translation: The translation is made (of such parts as relate to
the Philippine Islands) by James A. Robertson.
History of the Great Kingdom of China
[Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza's [20] _Historia_ is divided into two
parts--the first part containing three books; the second two books,
and an "Itinerary" of certain Franciscan priests, who made the
circumnavigation of the globe. Much of the matter for the _Historia_
was gathered from Chinese books carried to Manila from China by Martin
de Rada and his companions, the first Augustinians to go to China, and
translated by them. In addition, much information was obtained from the
Augustinians and their lay companions, and from the Franciscans--in
especial from Father Martin Ignacio, one of those who composed the
"Itinerary." The Philippine Islands are treated in portions of the
second part, and in a portion of the "Itinerary;" this matter we
reproduce in translation.
The first book of Part I consists of ten chapters, wherein is given a
rapid survey of the country of China and its people and government;
of certain social and economic conditions, and of its products. The
second book, consisting also of ten chapters, treats of the religion
and superstitions of the Chinese (wherein some peculiar parallels with
the Christian religion are drawn), their mortuary and marriage customs,
and treatment of the poor and infirm. The third book has twenty-four
chapters, wherein are treated, in some detail, many different matters
relating to China. These include an historical account of the kings of
that empire; a description of the royal city; the fifteen provinces
of the empire, their government, garrisons, and means of defense;
laws of warfare; the royal council and its method of procedure; the
judiciary and the execution of justice; scholarship and education; [21]
ceremonies at banquets and on other occasions; their ships and certain
of their occupations; and their morals. Our author finds interesting
the use of artillery and the knowledge of the art of printing in China,
prior to their invention in Europe. This part concludes with an account
of Chinese courtesy to foreign ambassadors; and of the embassy to that
country, entrusted to Gonzalez de Mendoza and other religious in 1580,
by the Spanish king, but not carried into effect.]
Second Part of the History of the Great Kingdom of China
This second part is divided into two books and an itinerary, and
discusses the following topics.
The first book contains in sequence the things witnessed and heard in
that kingdom by Fathers Martin de Herrada, provincial of the order
of St. Augustine in the Felipinas Islands, and his associate Fray
Geronymo Marin, [22] and some soldiers who accompanied them.
The second, the miraculous voyage to this same kingdom by Father
Fray Pedro de Alfaro, custodian of the order of St. Francis in the
Felipinas, and his associates.
An itinerary of the father custodian of the same order, Fray Martin
Ignacio, who went from España to China, and thence back to España,
by way of East India, thus circumnavigating the world; the very
remarkable things that he saw and heard during the voyage.
Book First
The departure of the Spaniards from Mexico to the Felipinas
Islands, and the information obtained there of the great Kingdom of
China. Chapter I.
While Don Luis de Velasco, viceroy and lieutenant for the Catholic
king, Don Felipe, our lord, was in charge of the government of the
kingdom of Mexico, his Majesty ordered him to fit out a large fleet in
the Southern Sea, to levy the soldiers necessary for it, and to send
it on a voyage of discovery to the islands of the West. The renowned
captain Magallanes (when he circumnavigated the globe in the ship
"Victoria") had already given information about these islands. The
viceroy obeyed most carefully and assiduously his Majesty's orders. He
fitted out the fleet at great cost, and despatched it from Puerto de
la Navidad in the year sixty-four. As general of it, and governor
of the land to be discovered, he appointed the honorable Miguel
Lopez de Legaspi, who died afterward in the same islands with the
title of adelantado, one year previous to the entrance into China of
Fathers Fray Martin de Herrada, Fray Geronymo Marin, [23] and their
associates. The Spaniards explored the said islands, and colonized
some of them for his Majesty, especially that of Manila. This island
has a circumference of five hundred leagues. The city of Luçon (also
called Manila) was settled there. It is, as it were, the metropolis
of the island. In this city the governors who have gone to the
Felipinas since their discovery have, as a rule, resided. There
also a cathedral church has been founded, and a bishopric erected,
his Majesty appointing to this office the very reverend Don Fray
Domingo de Salazar of the order of Preachers, in whom are found the
qualities of holiness, upright conduct, and learning requisite in that
province. He was consecrated in Madrid in the year one thousand five
hundred and seventy-nine. There are also, at present, three monasteries
of religious--one of Augustinians, who were the first to enter these
islands in obedience to his Majesty's orders, and have preached
the evangelical law to the great gain of souls, and with no little
suffering, many of them having lost their lives in this occupation;
the second, of descalced friars of the order of St. Francis, of the
province of San Joseph, who have approved themselves by their good
example, and have been very useful in those regions; and the third,
of Dominicans or Predicants, who have been of no less service. All
of these have passed a certain time in these islands. Afterward the
Jesuit fathers came to these regions; they have been of great help
to the above-mentioned religious.
On their arrival at these islands, the Spaniards at once heard
many things concerning the great kingdom of China, both through
the relations of the islanders, who told of that country's wonders;
and through what they themselves saw and heard, after a few days,
from the crews of certain vessels entering that port with merchandise
and very curious articles from that kingdom. These latter told them
in detail of the greatness and wealth of that country, and the many
things related in the first three books of this history. As soon as
the Augustinian religious (then the only religious in those islands),
and especially their provincial, Fray Martin de Herrada--a man of
great worth, and most erudite in all branches of learning--were
aware of the greater advantages possessed by the Chinese, who come
to trade among those islands, in comparison with these islanders,
and especially in the matters of civilization and ability, they
immediately conceived a great desire to go to preach the gospel
to those people, so capable of receiving it. With this object in
view, they began most carefully and studiously to learn the Chinese
language, which the above-mentioned provincial mastered in a short
time, making also of the same a grammar and dictionary. Besides this,
they gave many gifts and presents to the Chinese merchants, in order
to be conveyed to their country. They did many other things, which
are illustrative of their holy zeal--even to offering themselves as
slaves to the merchants, in order that, in this manner, they might
enter the country for the purpose of preaching. But all these efforts
were of no avail, until the divine will showed another and better
method, which will be related in the following chapter.
The sea-power of the pirate Limahon from the Kingdom of China, and
his defeat of Vintoquiam, a pirate from the same Kingdom. Chapter II.
The Spaniards were enjoying in peace and quiet their new settlement of
Manila, without apprehension of any accident that might disturb their
peace, and ignorant of any hostile treachery that might harm them; for
the islands were quite pacified, and submissive to the Catholic King
Felipe, our lord, and the trade with the Chinese was continuing. This
last seemed sufficient guarantee to ensure their present quiet; and
likewise, because they knew of the law among these people (as has been
related in the history) that prohibited them from warring with anyone
outside of their own kingdom. [24] They were enjoying this peace when
Limahon, a pirate from the kingdom of China--of pirates there is, as a
rule, no lack along this coast, both because of the dense population of
the kingdom, so that necessarily, vagabonds are by no means uncommon;
and (the principal reason) because of the tyranny exercised by the
rulers toward their subjects--came to these islands with an immense
fleet, as will be related hereafter, with the intention of working them
harm. This pirate was born in the city of Trucheo in the province of
Cuytan, called by the Portuguese Catim. He was the son of parents in
moderate circumstances, who, while he was a child, reared him in the
midst of vice and license. On this account, and by his own nature,
he was quarrelsome and evilly disposed. He would learn no trade,
except to commit robberies along the highway, in which he became so
proficient, that very soon he had a large following--more than two
thousand--of whom he was the acknowledged chief, and came to be feared
throughout the whole province where he committed his depredations.
When the king and his council learned of this, the former ordered
the viceroy of the province where the pirate was, to assemble all the
garrisons of his frontiers, and to try to capture him, and carry or
send him alive to the city of Taybin, or if that were impossible, to
secure his head. The viceroy ordered the necessary forces to assemble
for this pursuit, with all haste. When the pirate Limahon was aware
of this this--seeing that he was not sufficiently strong with the men
at his command to defend himself against the forces coming against
him, and that he was in great danger if he waited--he collected his
companions, and led them to a seaport a few leagues from that place,
going thither with so great rapidity and so secretly, that before the
inhabitants of this place, accustomed to live quite without fear of
such assaults, were aware of it, he was master of the port and all its
vessels. In these vessels he and all his men embarked immediately,
weighed anchor, and made for the open sea, thinking (and with good
reason) themselves safer there than on land.
Perceiving now that he was master of that whole sea, he began to
plunder as many vessels as he could, both foreign and native, so that,
within a short time, he was well provided with seamen and the other
necessities demanded in his new calling. He pillaged and despoiled
all the coast towns, and committed many other atrocities. He became
powerful, having collected a fleet of forty vessels, composed of
both those that he had seized in the first port, and those that he
had appropriated at sea, and a large following of shameless men,
quite satiated with their robberies and murders. He bethought
himself of undertaking things of greater import, and set about it,
having the boldness to attack large towns, and committing numberless
atrocities--so that throughout that entire coast where he was known he
was greatly feared; and even in coasts very far from there the report
of his cruelties was spread abroad. While engaged in these practices he
happened to meet with another pirate like himself, named Vintoquiam,
also a native of China, who was resting at anchor in the port, not
apprehending any danger. Here, gaining the advantage through his
great daring, he fought with the latter's fleet, and conquered him,
although Vintoquiam had sixty vessels, large and small, and a strong
force of men, capturing fifty-five of his vessels; Vintoquiam escaped
with the other five. Limahon, now finding himself with a fleet of
ninety-five vessels, manned by a numerous and bold following (all of
whom knew that execution awaited them if taken), grew bolder and lost
every atom of fear, devising new atrocities; and he not only attacked
and plundered large cities, but seized and destroyed them.
A fleet is prepared in China against the pirate Limahon, and
he retires to Tonzuacaotican, where he hears of affairs in the
Felipinas. Chapter III.
Each day saw an increase of the complaints made to the king and his
council by the Chinese who suffered at the hands of Limahon. For this
reason, the king once more ordered the viceroy of that province in
which the pirate was committing his depredations, to hasten to have
this man intercepted. Within a short time, the viceroy prepared one
hundred and thirty large vessels, manned by forty thousand men, all
under command of a gentleman named Omoncon. This man was ordered to
seek and pursue the pirate, being expressly commanded to capture or
kill him, even if he should endanger his ships and men while doing
it. Limahon was at once informed of all this, through certain secret
friends. As he saw that the plan to pursue him was being pushed forward
in all earnestness, and that he was inferior to his enemy in point of
ships and men, he determined not to await the latter, but to withdraw
from that coast. In his flight he betook himself to a remote island,
Tonzuacaotican by name, forty leagues from the mainland, and lying
in the pathway to the Felipinas. Limahon remained in this retired
island with his fleet for some days, without daring to return to the
mainland, for he knew that the king's fleet was guarding the coast;
and although he despatched a few vessels on marauding expeditions,
they did nothing of importance--returning, on the contrary, pursued
by the king's powerful fleet. He made some sallies with part of his
vessels from this island, robbing all the vessels that he encountered,
which, with their cargoes of merchandise and other articles, were
sailing between the different islands, or between the islands and the
mainland. Among them he happened to meet two Chinese merchant vessels
plying from Manila to China. Immediately he had the holds of these
vessels searched, finding the rich cargoes that they carried, which
consisted of articles of gold and Spanish reals of four to the peso,
given to them in exchange for the merchandise carried by them to the
islands. Limahon informed himself thoroughly of the characteristics
and wealth of the land, and especially of the Spaniards in the
city of Manila--who in all did not exceed seventy, because the
others had left Luzon for the exploration and colonization of new
islands. Then--ascertaining that these few were living without any
fear of enemies, and therefore had no fort; and that their artillery,
although good, was not in position, either for defense or offense--he
determined to go thither with his entire fleet and following, in order
to kill them; and to make himself master of the island of Manila and
its environs, where he thought to be safe from the power of the king,
who was trying to capture him. In accordance with this idea, he set
about this enterprise with the utmost possible despatch.
Departure of the pirate Limahon for the Felipinas, and arrival at
the city of Manila. Chapter IIII.
The pirate resolved to go to capture the Felipinas Islands, and to make
himself master and king of them all, first killing the Spaniards--a
thing that seemed easy of accomplishment, because of their small
number. He was convinced that he could live here quite free from
anxiety, and without his present fear of the great power of the king,
because these islands were so far from the mainland. Leaving those
islands where he had sought shelter, he set sail toward those of
the Felipinas, passing those islands called Illocos, [25] near to a
town called Fernandina, founded recently by Captain Juan de Salzedo,
who at that time was lieutenant-governor there. Four leagues from
this place, Limahon met a small galley sent out by the said Juan
de Salzedo after provisions, with but twenty-five soldiers aboard,
not counting the rowers--both soldiers and rowers being in very
small numbers, for they felt quite secure in this region, and had
no suspicion of meeting enemies. When the pirate Limahon's fleet
discovered the galley, they came down upon it, invested it, and
taking it easily, burned it, and killed its crew, without excepting
a single person. After this capture, Limahon continued his voyage,
according to his plan, and passed by the town of Fernandina, but
not so secretly that he escaped being seen by its inhabitants. The
latter informed the above-named lieutenant-governor of it, expressing
their astonishment at seeing so large an assemblage of vessels,
a sight never before witnessed in those islands. To him also, this
was a cause for wonder, and he was not a little troubled at what it
might mean. Seeing that these vessels were directed toward the city
of Manila, and thinking that so great a fleet, coming from such a
direction, could portend no good to the inhabitants of the city (who
were living in security and were but few in number, as we have said
above), he resolved to set out immediately with the greatest despatch
possible, and with the greatest number of men he could muster--about
fifty-four Spaniards--to endeavor, although at the risk of much
labor, to get the start of them, and warn the people of Manila,
and help them place the artillery in position, and do other things
needful for the defense of the city. The captain set out to carry this
determination into effect with all haste, from which it resulted that
the city and all its inhabitants were not completely pillaged and
destroyed. However, it was not possible to avoid all damage; for,
as their vessels were small, and the rowers few in number and not
picked men (since their hasty departure did not allow a choice), and
as they were going from one region to another to get food--all these
things combined prevented them from arriving as soon as they wished,
or as was desirable. Limahon, being well provided with provisions and
all other necessities, and favored with good winds, kept the lead
of them, arriving at the bay of the city of Manila on St. Andrew's
eve in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-four. Here he
cast anchor that night with his fleet. As he knew that the success of
his undertaking lay in his quickness, and in action before he should
be seen by the inhabitants of the city, or perceived by those in its
neighborhood, he embarked--being aided in this by the darkness of the
night--four hundred picked soldiers, of whose courage he was thoroughly
assured and satisfied, in small boats, commanding their captains to
exercise all diligence in arriving at the city before daybreak. He
despatched this detachment with orders to fire the city first of all,
and not to leave a single man living in it. He promised to join them
at the first light, in order to help them should it prove necessary,
as was the case. But, since nothing is done contrary to God's will or
permission, it was not possible for the pirate Limahon to attain his
end with the four hundred soldiers, as he thought to do; for all that
night the land-breeze blew, becoming ever stronger as night deepened,
and proving contrary to their desires. Consequently they were unable to
disembark that night, although they tried to do so, striving with all
their strength and cunning to sail against and overcome the wind. Had
it not been for this, without any doubt they would have attained their
evil purpose quite easily, and the city and its inhabitants would
have been destroyed; for Limahon's plan and desire, as was manifest
in the order given to his captains, was to raze and destroy the city.
Limahon sends four hundred soldiers as a vanguard to burn the city
of Manila, who are resisted by our men. Chapter V.
Notwithstanding all the trouble caused them by the wind, the four
hundred Chinese succeeded in reaching land a league away from the
city at eight o'clock on the morning of St. Andrew's day. Leaving
their boats at this point, they disembarked and immediately began
their march in battle-array with the utmost rapidity, placing in the
fore part two hundred arquebusiers, and immediately behind these the
other two hundred, who were pikemen. But being espied by some of the
inhabitants--as could not be otherwise, because of the level and open
nature of the ground, and the great number of soldiers--these hastened
to give immediate notice of the invasion. Coming into the city, they
cried: "To arms! to arms! the enemy is upon us!" But their warning
availed little, for no one believed it. On the contrary, they imagined
it a rumor that had arisen among the natives themselves, or some jest
that they were trying to practice. At last the enemy had reached the
house of the master-of-camp, Martin de Goyti--his house being the
first in the city in the direction taken by the enemy--before the
Spaniards and soldiers within the city caught sight of them, and even
before they would put any confidence in the noise and rumor. The enemy
immediately fired the house of the said master-of-camp, killing him and
all the inmates, so that no one escaped except the wife, and her they
left grievously wounded and stark naked, believing her to be dead,
although she was afterward cured of her wounds. During this time of
this their first act of cruelty, the citizens were assured of the
truth; and although none of them had ever imagined so unlooked-for
an event, finally they sounded the call to arms and began to try to
save their lives. Some soldiers made an immediate sally to the shore,
in the lack of order usual in events of this nature. In consequence,
the Chinese killed them all, not even one of them escaping. Therefore
the rest of the Spaniards formed into one organized body, and showed
some resistance to the enemy, now entering the city and firing it,
the while uttering their shouts of victory. This resistance was
characteristic of Spaniards upon finding themselves in such dangers;
and it was so stubborn and courageous that it sufficed to restrain
the fury of those who hitherto had been victors, and even to make
them retire, notwithstanding the very great disproportion between
the two forces. In retiring, the Chinese lost some soldiers without
inflicting any serious loss on the Spaniards, who performed many
remarkable deeds in this defense. Thereupon the Chinese, inasmuch as
they had left their boats at some distance, because they had no time
to bring them nearer, resolved to abandon the assault begun by them,
in its present condition; and to seek shelter and refresh themselves
from their past toil, in order that they might return later with their
captain-general Limahon (whom they were awaiting), to bring their plan
to completion, a thing that they considered to be, by this means,
very easy of accomplishment. When they reached their boats, as they
feared some danger, they began a return to the fleet, steering directly
toward the place where they had left it; they caught sight of it not
long afterward, past a point in sight of the city of Manila. Taking
their course toward the fleet, they came to the flagship, in which was
the pirate Limahon. They related to him the affair in all its details,
and how, on account of the contrary winds, they had been unable to
reach land in the time set by him, and which they wished. Therefore
they had not completed the undertaking and had deferred it, because
of his absence, until a better opportunity. He consoled them, and
thanked them for what they had done until then. He promised them to
make a very speedy end to his damnable purpose, and at once commanded
that the bow of his flagship be directed toward a port called Cabite,
situated two leagues from the city of Manila. From this latter place
the said fleet could be easily seen passing on its way.
The governor of Manila fortifies himself in order to await the
onslaught of the Chinese, and drives them back. Limahon having returned
occupies the land along the Pangasinan River. Chapter VI.
The governor, Guido de Labaçares, who, by the order of his Majesty,
had succeeded to the governorship at the death of Miguel Lopez de
Legaspi, was then in those islands, and in that of Manila. He, taking
into consideration the pirate's great fleet and large following,
and the few defenses and means of resistance in the city, assembled
the captains and citizens with the utmost despatch, and with their
unanimous approbation set about making some defenses, while the
enemy was in the port aforesaid, that the Spaniards might defend
themselves to the best of their ability. For the Spaniards could not
abandon the city, while life remained, without loss of their credit;
for in only this one of all the islands thereabout could they feel
secure. This determination was speedily put into execution, the work
lasting during the two days and nights while the pirate delayed; and no
opportunity was neglected, nor was any person excused from the work,
notwithstanding his rank, for the courageous soldiers well knew that,
if they remained alive, the fatigue and weariness would soon pass
away. With this incessant work, they were enabled to make a fort out of
planks, and casks filled with sand, with such other means of defense
as these few hours permitted. They brought out four pieces of very
excellent artillery that were in the city. These were placed in good
position, and all the people were gathered in the little fort thus
made. This occurred, as we believe, through the providence of God,
our Lord, who did not choose that the many souls baptized in those
islands, and sealed with the light of the knowledge of His most holy
faith, should return into the power of the devil, from whose grasp He
had drawn them by His infinite mercy. Neither did He wish that the
convenient proximity of those islands to the great kingdom of China
be lost, by which means, perhaps, his divine Majesty has ordained
the salvation and rescue of all that country. The night before the
assault, Captain Juan de Salcedo, lieutenant-governor of the town of
Fernandina, arrived--who, as we said, was coming for the purpose of
aiding the Spaniards of Manila. His coming and that of his companions
was clearly the chief remedy for both the city and its inhabitants;
for, besides being few, the work of the late resistance and that of
preparing the defenses for the coming assault, together with the fear
left in their hearts by the danger in which they beheld themselves,
had rendered them feeble and in great need of help such as this; and
he seemed to all of them to have been sent miraculously by God. With
this arrival, all recovered courage and the assured hope of making a
courageous resistance. They prepared themselves for this immediately,
because the pirate, before dawn of the morning following--two days
after the assault, as above related, by the four hundred soldiers at
his orders--appeared with his entire fleet in front of the port. He
disembarked about six hundred soldiers, who without delay fell upon
the city, which they were able to sack and burn at will, as indeed
they did; for the inhabitants had abandoned it, as above stated,
at the order and command of the governor, gathering at the fort for
greater security.
Having set fire to the city, they attacked the fort, flushed with
their past murders, and fully persuaded that the inmates would offer
little resistance. But the outcome was not so certain as they thought,
because of the great valor and courage of those inside, through which
all the pirates who had the daring to enter the fort paid for their
boldness with their lives. Upon seeing this, the Chinese withdrew,
after fighting almost all that day, and losing two hundred men (who
were killed in the assault), besides many wounded. Of the Spaniards
but two were killed, namely, the ensign Sancho Ortiz, and the alcalde
of the same city, Francisco de Leon.
The pirate Limahon, who was a man of astuteness and ability, in
consequence of all this--and as it seemed to him that to persist
further in his design against the steadfastness of the Spaniards,
which was different from what he had experienced hitherto, was to lose
time and people--resolved to embark and sail to the port of Cabite,
whence he had come. First he collected very carefully his dead, whom he
buried afterward in the above-named island, remaining there for this
purpose two days. Then leaving this place, he returned by the same
route that he had followed in his assault upon the city of Manila,
until he arrived at a large river forty leagues away, Pangasinan by
name. Thinking this to be a rich country, and that he could remain
there safe from those who, by the king's orders, were looking for
him, he resolved to stay there, and to make himself master of that
place. This he did with very little trouble, and by means of a fort
which he built, one league up the river; he remained there for some
time, collecting tribute from the natives, as their true lord. He sent
out his vessels to rob all who should be found along those coasts;
and the report spread abroad that he had seized the Felipinas Islands,
and that all the Spaniards there had been killed or had fled. Thereupon
great terror and fright filled all the neighboring villages settled
upon this great river Pangasinan; and all of them, with no exception,
received Limahon as lord, and as such obeyed him and paid him tribute.
The master-of-camp, Salzedo, attacks Limahon, burns his fleet, and
besieges him for three months in a fort; whence the pirate escapes
by dint of great effort. Chapter VII.
When the governor of the islands and the citizens of Manila heard
that the pirate Limahon was asserting, wherever he went, that he had
killed and defeated the Spaniards; considering that if this were not
checked speedily, great harm might result from it, which could not
be remedied so easily afterward as it could at the present time;
and that their allies and vassals throughout all those islands,
placing credence in the pirate's assertion, might rise against them,
and kill them with ease, because of the great number of the natives
and the fewness of the Spaniards, who until the present had sustained
themselves solely by the report of their invincibility--they took
counsel together, and determined that as large a force as possible
should be raised, and sent in military array in pursuit of the
pirate. They knew that he must, of necessity, have stationed himself
near Manila; and that he would not dare return to China, because he
was afraid. They thought that, by the use of the same artifice and
strategy employed by Limahon, they might come upon him unawares,
as he had caught them. They believed that, although they could not
destroy him totally, they could, at the very least, take vengeance
for the damage wrought by him, so that the lie would be given to
the report spread abroad by the said pirate. Thus the Spaniards' old
security would remain, and they would be held in greater estimation
by the natives near them, who knew them; and would even attain the
friendship of the king of China, against whom Limahon was a traitor,
and whom he had offended. This resolve they set about executing
immediately, as such an undertaking required. Meanwhile they heard,
as certain, that the pirate was stationed on the Pangasinan River,
where he had made a strong settlement. Upon obtaining this news--which
was most agreeable to the Spaniards--the governor summoned all the
people dwelling thereabout, ordering them to come to the city where
he resided. At this same time, he sent word to all the encomenderos
or seigniors of the villages of those islands called Pintados,
ordering them to assemble at the same place with as many ships and
men as possible, both Spaniards and natives. All this was done and
completed quickly and gladly; and the natives, especially those of
the said Pintados Islands, came willingly. All these, together with
the other people who lived in the city, set out under command of
Captain Juan de Salzedo, whom the governor, in his Majesty's name,
had appointed to the office of master-of-camp (rendered vacant,
as has been related above, by the death of Martin de Goyti at the
first assault of the city of Manila). The governor remained behind
with only a force sufficient to guard the city and the fort, which
had been built again, and the well. The master-of-camp took in his
detachment two hundred and fifty soldiers and five hundred friendly
Indians, all unanimous in their intention to avenge the mischief that
they had suffered, or to die in the attempt.
This entire force embarked in small boats, and in two fragatas brought
from nearby islands, as no time had been given, in the haste necessary
for this expedition, to wait until larger ships could be found. And,
even had they waited, they would have found but a poor supply of
vessels; for the inhabitants of this region, as soon as they saw the
city attacked by the pirate, had risen against the Spaniards--believing
that the latter could not escape so great a force, although from the
Spaniards' first entrance into the said islands, they had been very
submissive--and burned a small galley anchored at Manila, together
with two other large vessels.
The master-of-camp, with the force above mentioned, left Manila on
the twenty-third of March, in the year one thousand five hundred
and seventy-five, and arrived at the mouth of the Pangasinan River
at dawn on Holy Wednesday following, without being espied by anyone;
for, as was important, they observed great care. The master-of-camp
disembarked his entire force immediately, together with four pieces
of artillery, leaving the mouth of the river blockaded with all his
vessels, some of which he had ordered to extend themselves so that no
one might enter or go out, or warn the pirate of their arrival. He
ordered others of the vessels to reconnoiter the enemy's fleet and
his fortifications. He charged them especially to endeavor not to be
seen, for this was essential to the success of the undertaking. The
captains did as they were ordered, finding the pirate as free from
anxiety of any danger there, as the city of Manila had been at his
attack. This security resulted from his having heard that, although
they were discussing in China the question of attacking him, this
could not be done soon, for they could not know or be perfectly sure
of his whereabouts; and from his certain knowledge that the Spaniards
of the Felipinas had no vessels, for, as we have said above, they had
been burned, and they had received so much damage that they would
endeavor rather to recover from their past ill-treatment, than to
avenge injuries. The master-of-camp having ascertained thoroughly this
great lack of care, and the most retired path to the pirate's fort,
ordered Captain Gabriel de Ribera and his men to march immediately by
land, and as suddenly as possible to assault the enemy, making as much
noise and confusion as he could. The captains, Pedro de Chaves and
Lorenço Chacon, with forty soldiers apiece, he ordered to ascend the
river in the swiftest vessels. The time was to be appointed so that
both the land and sea forces would arrive at the fort at the same
instant, and make the assault at the same time, so that they might
the better succeed in their purpose. He himself remained behind with
all the rest of the forces to await the opportunity and to furnish
aid in any emergency. This plan succeeded very well, and each party
gave the best account of itself--the water force firing the enemy's
fleet, while the land force, aided by those who had set the fire,
entered the palisade constructed by Limahon for his defense, and as
a protection for his men. They entered the fort also and killed more
than one hundred Chinese, besides capturing more than seventy women,
whom they found within the palisade.
When Limahon heard the noise, he hastened to the fort,
which--notwithstanding that it had been made as a defense, in case
the fleet of the Chinese king, which he knew had been prepared to go
in search of him, should chance upon him there--served to save his
life on this occasion. He ordered some soldiers to skirmish with the
Spaniards, now quite worn out by that day's work and the oppression
caused by the intolerable heat of the burning vessels and the houses
within the palisade, all of which were ablaze at the same time. The
captains, on perceiving this, and the lack of order among their men,
which they might not remedy, because they themselves were almost worn
out (although the aid sent them very opportunely by the master-of-camp
had given them a moment's respite and added new courage), gave the
signal for retreat, with the loss of five Spaniards and more than
thirty of their Indian allies, whom the pirate's soldiers killed,
besides some others that had been wounded. Upon the following day,
the master-of-camp arrayed all his forces in line of battle, and set
out for the fort with the intention of giving battle if he could find
an opportunity. Arriving there, he established his camp at a distance
of less than two hundred paces from it, but he found that during that
night the pirate had fortified himself strongly, and in such wise
that it was considered dangerous to attack the fort; in it had been
mounted three large pieces of artillery, and many small culverins,
besides other contrivances for discharging fire. Upon observing this,
the master-of-camp--recognizing that his artillery consisted only of
small pieces and was insufficient for assaulting the fort; and that
the supply of ammunition was inadequate, because it had been spent
in defending themselves against the assaults made by the pirate on
Manila--in accordance with the advice of his captains, determined that
(since the enemy had no vessels, by which he might escape by water,
nor any resources or material with which to build them, and very little
food, because the latter had been burned with the vessels) it would be
better and conduce more to his own safety to besiege the fort and to
settle down there until hunger should wear out the enemy, in order
that they might thus be forced to surrender, or capitulate under
certain conditions. Notwithstanding the nature of these conditions,
the enemy would consider them better than death by hunger. This
resolve seemed good to all of them, although quite the contrary of
their expectation happened; for during the blockade by land and water,
which lasted for three months, the pirate was so clever, and planned
so well, that he made some boats inside the fort, trimming them in
the best manner possible. In these he and his men escaped one night,
as will be told--a thing that seemed impossible and caused great
surprise to the Spaniards, a surprise which was heightened on finding
that he had gone with so great cunning, without either the land or sea
force hearing it. I shall not relate the events of these three months,
although some were most notable, for my purpose is to show the events
that gave occasion for the entrance of the Augustinian religious and
their companions into the Chinese kingdom, and to tell those things
which, they declared, were seen there by them. For this reason I have
given the coming of Limahon, and all the rest of the above relation.
Omoncon, captain of the Chinese king, coming in search of the pirate
Limahon, encounters our Spaniards. Chapter VIII.
During the period of the siege, as related in the preceding
chapter, certain boats were going to and coming from the city of
Manila--distant, as I have said, but forty leagues from the mouth
of the Pangasinan River--for the purpose of bringing provisions and
other necessities for the support of the army.
It happened one day that a vessel under command of Miguel de Loarcha,
[26] having on board father Fray Martin de Herrada, provincial of the
Augustinians (who had come to Pangasinan to see the master-of-camp,
and was returning to Manila to hold a meeting of his order), met in the
island and port of Buliano, seven leagues from the Pãgasinan River,
as they were going out of the port, a Sangley ship, which was about
to enter the port. Thinking it to be a hostile vessel, they bore down
upon it, together with another ship in their company. Those aboard
the ship were only the said father provincial and five other Spaniards
and the sailors. The Sangley ship, seeing them bearing down upon it,
tried to take flight; but, the contrary wind not permitting this,
as a consequence, the Spanish ships, by means of sail and oar, came
within cannon range, and even nearer, in a few moments. On one of
the Spanish ships was a Chinese named Sinsay, who had been in Manila
many times with merchants, and was very friendly and well known to the
Spaniards, and understood their language. When this man saw that the
ship was Chinese, and that, from its appearance, it was not a pirate,
he requested our men not to fire or do any damage until it was known
clearly who its occupants were. He went to the bow of the vessel and
hailed them, thus ascertaining that theirs was one of the ships of the
fleet sent by their king in search of the pirate Limahon. They had left
the fleet behind and put out to sea in order to explore those islands,
to ascertain whether the pirate were in any of them. In order to gain
this information, they were about to put in to the port of Buliano,
whence the Spaniards were coming out with two ships, and from whom
they tried to flee, fearful lest they should prove to belong to the
pirate. Thus assured on each side, the two parties joined together
in all peace and friendship. The Spaniards immediately entered a
small boat, and went over to the Chinese ship, taking with them the
said Synsay as interpreter, in order that he might talk with the
Chinese. In the ship of the latter was a man of much influence named
Homoncon, who bore a decree from his king, which he showed to the
Spaniards and to the father provincial, in which the king and his
council pardoned all of Limahon's soldiers, on condition that they
immediately left the latter and enrolled themselves under the royal
banners; and it bestowed great reward upon whomsoever should capture
or kill the said pirate. Thereupon Sinsay told him of the coming of
the pirate to the island, and all the story of the siege, as related
above; and that the pirates were shut up on the Pangasinan River,
whence escape was impossible. The captain Omoncon was overjoyed at
hearing this news, and gave expression to a thousand demonstrations
of his joy. He embraced the Spaniards many times, and by other signs
indicated his great pleasure. Then he wished to return to the fleet,
but to have more certain information, as he was assured that the death
or capture of the pirate was expected daily, he resolved to go to
Pangasinan, since it was so near, to converse with the master-of-camp,
together with Sinsay--a man well known on both sides--through whose
medium they could discuss the best methods for the confirmation
of peace and friendship between the Chinese and Spaniards, and for
the capture or death of the pirate. With this resolution, they set
out--the Chinese for Pangasinan, where they arrived that same day;
and the Spaniards for Manila, whither they were going for provisions.
Omoncon is cordially received by the master-of-camp, and entertained
in Manila by the governor, with whom it is agreed that the Augustinian
fathers shall go to China. Chapter IX.
When the master-of-camp heard of the purpose of Omoncon, he
received him cordially and courteously. And having recounted to
him the extremity to which he had brought the pirate (for it seemed
impossible for the latter to escape from it, except by taking wings,
like a bird), he advised Omoncon that, until the consummation of their
hopes, which could not be long, he should go to Manila, which was
quite near, and pass the time with the governor and the other Spaniards
there--because he [the master-of-camp] himself was quite sufficient to
accomplish his purpose, and it was unnecessary that the king's fleet
should come thither, or sail out of the safe port where it had cast
anchor. For this purpose he offered to give Omoncon a vessel with
oars (one of those that he used to bring provisions), under command
of Pedro de Chaves, who was about to go to Manila--assuring him that
he would deliver the pirate to him, dead or alive, within the few
days that all thought sufficient to end the undertaking. Omoncon,
considering this suggestion reasonable, acted upon it at once, and
embarked with the above-named captain, sending through the high seas
the ship in which he had come thither, because of its great size and
draught. This ship returned to anchor at the river whence they had
set out, because of the strong winds that prevailed; these proved
but little hindrance to the oared vessel, because it went along the
land, sheltered thereby from the winds. In a few days they arrived
at the port of the city of Manila, where they were well received and
feasted by the governor. Omoncon remained there several days, after
which, seeing that the siege was continuing, and that his delay there
might cause some suspicion of his death--and knowing, too, that the
fleet was waiting for him, and was quite ready to proceed to attack
the pirate, who he was assured would not escape from the Spaniards
who were besieging him; and that the Spaniards would, without any
doubt, send Limahon, either dead or alive, to the king, as they
had promised--he resolved to return to China, with this good news,
purposing to come hither again, in order to get the pirate after he
should be captured. Having resolved upon this, at the end of several
days he went to the governor, to whom he communicated all his plans,
so that the latter should permit him to put them into execution. The
governor approved his determination, and made the same promise as the
master-of-camp--namely, that as soon as the pirate was captured or
dead, he should be taken to the king without delay; or that he should
be put in safe keeping, and word despatched that he should be sent for,
or that Omoncon himself should come. Moreover, the governor promised
to provide the latter immediately with everything necessary for the
voyage without any lack whatever. Omoncon was very grateful for this
offer, and in payment therefor promised the governor that he would
take with him to China the fathers that his Excellency should send,
and a few soldiers, if the latter wished to accompany them. He was
confident in the good news he carried, by virtue of which he hoped
that he would run no risk by doing this, and that the viceroy of
Aucheo would not take it ill; for he had learned and heard from
the Augustinian fathers, that his Excellency, and the governor's
predecessor in office, Adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, had desired
many times to send some religious to the Chinese kingdom, to engage
in the preaching of the gospel, and to study the affairs of that
kingdom. They had, however, never been able to attain their desire,
because of the unwillingness of the Chinese merchants trading at that
port to take anyone--although whatever sum they should ask would have
been given them--as they feared the punishment that would be inflicted
upon them, according to the law of the kingdom. For security that no
ill-treatment would be showed to these men, he offered to leave pledges
to their satisfaction. The governor was very glad at this offer,
for this was what he and all the inhabitants of the islands had been
eagerly desiring for a long time. Therefore he accepted it immediately,
telling Omoncon that he absolved him from his promise and pledges, for
he was quite well satisfied as to his worthiness, and that he would
commit no act unbecoming his person or office. The governor, very
joyful over this news, at once summoned the Augustinian provincial,
Fray Alonso de Alvarado, [27] who had been elected to this office
but a few days previously. The latter was a man of very holy life,
and one of those despatched by the emperor, our master, in search of
Nueva Guinea. The governor informed him of the offer of the captain
Omõcon, whereat he greatly rejoiced, exclaiming that, notwithstanding
his age, he himself would go. To this the governor wonld not consent,
because of his age, and for other personal reasons. They consulted
together as to who should go and who was most suitable for the
matter in hand--namely, as we have said, to effect the entrance of
our holy Catholic faith into that kingdom. They resolved to send
only two religious, for there were but few of them in the islands,
together with two soldiers. The two religious selected were father
Fray Martin de Herrada, a native of Pamplona, who had but lately
been provincial, and was moreover a most erudite and holy man, who,
with this very desire, had learned the language of the said kingdom,
and who, to attain his desires, had offered himself many times as a
slave to the Chinese merchants, in order to be taken to China; and
as his companion father Fray Geronymo Marin, likewise a very erudite
religious, and a native of the City of Mexico. The soldiers selected
to accompany them were named Pedro Sarmiento, chief constable of the
city of Manila, a native of Vilorado, and Miguel de Loarcha, [28]
both of as high rank and of as good Christian life as were requisite
for this matter. These latter the religious intended to take so that,
if they themselves should stay with the king in order to preach the
gospel to him, they might return with news of their success, and of
what had been seen, in order to inform the governor thereof, and, if
necessary, the king, our master. The offer of the captain Omoncon,
and the choice of the governor and the said provincial immediately
spread through the city, and, amid great rejoicings, was approved
by all; because those appointed were, as has been said, of so high
station. All were assured that these men would fail in no point in what
was charged to them, and would lose no opportunity. Much more envy
than pity was expressed, as this was a matter that everyone desired,
especially for the service and honor of God--and secondarily for the
advantage that would accrue to all of them, through the great trade
that would ensue, and the despatch of so good news to the king. Then
the governor summoned those who had been appointed, to the presence
of the captain Omoncon, and told them what had been resolved upon,
whereat they accepted their commission with much joy and expressed
their thanks. As a mark of gratitude, the governor, in the presence
of all, gave to Omoncon himself a gold chain of excellent quality,
and a most magnificent and well-made garment of scarlet cloth [_grana
colorada_], which the latter held in high estimation, and which
is esteemed much more in China, as they do not possess it in that
country. In addition to this, he gave a suitable present to send to
the governor of Chincheo, who, at the king's command, had despatched
Omoncon in pursuit of the pirate; and another present for the viceroy
of the province of Ochiã, who resided in the city of Aucheo. And in
order that Sinsay (who, as I said above, was a well-known merchant)
should not take it ill or feel aggrieved, and that he might not be the
cause of the undertaking receiving any injury, the governor presented
to him another gold chain; for he had, moreover, well merited this,
as he had ever been a faithful friend to the Spaniards. Then, at the
command and order of the governor, all the Chinese slaves whom Limahon
had in his possession and who were captured in the fort of Pangasinan
as aforesaid, were collected. These the governor gave to Omoncon,
allowing him to take them freely. Likewise the governor ordered that
the master-of-camp, and the soldiers and captains who were engaged
at the siege, should deliver all those who remained there, binding
himself to pay to the soldiers to whom such belonged, the appraised
value of the captives. This done, he ordered everything necessary for
the voyage to be fully prepared, which was done within a very few days.
Omoncon sets out with news of the pirate Limahon's extremity, taking
with him to China the Augustinian fathers. Chapter X.
On Sunday morning, June twelfth, in the year of our Lord one
thousand five hundred and seventy-five, the aforesaid governor
and all the citizens assembled to go in a body to the monastery of
St. Augustine. Here a most solemn mass of the Holy Spirit was said. At
its conclusion and after all had entreated God to direct that voyage
for the honor and glory of his divine Majesty, and for the salvation of
the souls of that great kingdom, which Lucifer had so long possessed,
Omoncon and Sinsay took leave of the governor, and of the others,
thanking them for the kind treatment and the presents that they had
received. In return for this, Omoncon promised to remain their loyal
friend for all time, as they would see by his deeds, and to take with
him those whom he had of his own volition requested, and accepted with
the security of himself; and said that he would suffer death rather
than that any harm should come upon those in his charge. The governor
and the others returned thanks for this new offer, giving Omoncon to
understand that they had the utmost confidence in his promises. With
this they took leave of him, and at the same time of the religious
and their two soldier companions, at which parting tears were not
lacking on either side.
They all embarked immediately on a ship belonging to the islands,
one which had been prepared for this purpose; and left the port,
accompanied by another Chinese merchantman, which was at Manila. In
this ship Sinsay embarked with all the ship supplies, in order to take
them to the port of Buliano, where Omoncon's large ship was stationed,
and in which the voyage was to be made. This vessel, as we have said
above, had put into port because of the stormy weather. They arrived
at the said port on the following Sunday, for the weather had proved
exceedingly contrary, and they lost sight of the said vessel that
was in their company and carried the provisions. They found this
ship anchored at the port, for, because of its deeper draught,
it had sailed better and faster. They found in it, likewise, two
Spanish soldiers, whom the master-of-camp had sent from Pangasinan
(for he had seen, from that place, the aforesaid ship enter the port),
with the order that the fathers should proceed thither. This order
made the religious and soldiers fearful least the master-of-camp
should try to detain them until the end of the siege of the fort
should be seen (which was expected daily), in order that they might
carry the pirate Limahon with them, dead or alive. Consequently,
it was almost unanimously decided not to obey the order, and not
to discontinue the prosecution of their voyage, so much desired by
all, when each hour seemed a year; and as they feared lest something
might prove an obstacle or hindrance to their purpose. But coming to
a better conclusion, inasmuch as they were mindful of the excellent
disposition and Christian spirit of the master-of-camp--whom father
Fray Martin had considered as a son; for he was the grandson of the
adelantado Legaspi, the first governor, colonizer, and discoverer
of the Filipinas, whom the father had accompanied from Mexico,
and had brought with him the said master-of-camp when he was still
a child--they resolved to obey the order and go to take leave of
him and their other friends in the army. For this purpose they
left the port and directed their course to Pangasinan, a distance
of but seven leagues from the said port. And after they had sailed
three leagues, so violent and contrary a wind struck them that they
were unable to proceed, and were forced to return to the port of
departure. They sent their unanimous decision with Pedro Sarmiento,
by means of the vessel in which the above-mentioned two soldiers
had come thither--inasmuch as, being small and furnished with oars,
it could, without so great danger, and sheltered by the land, reach
Pangasinan more easily--in order that he might, in the name of all,
give their compliments to the master-of-camp and take leave of him,
and of their other friends. He was commissioned to request these not
to forget in their prayers to commend them to God, and to ask that He
would protect and aid them, that they might attain the consummation
so greatly desired by all. He was enjoined to bring back with him the
interpreter whom they were to take with them, namely, a Chinese lad,
baptized in Manila and named Hernando, who was thoroughly acquainted
with the Spanish language. Pedro Sarmiento arrived at Pangasinan and
carried out his orders to the letter. But the master-of-camp was
dissatisfied with this, as well as the captains and soldiers with
him, by whom the fathers and soldiers were greatly and deservedly
loved. These determined to send a summons to the fathers, asking
the latter to come to see them, since they were so near. When the
fathers heard this message, they were not without the suspicion above
mentioned. But inasmuch as they could not refuse to obey his order
and civil request, they left Buliano under a favoring wind--for the
storm had abated by this time, leaving the sea somewhat rough--and
arrived on the same day at Pangasinan, where they were received with
the utmost rejoicing by the master-of-camp and the others. Their
suspicion proved to be quite contrary to the others' thought; for the
master-of-camp not only did not detain them, but sent them on their
way with all haste, delivering to them immediately, according to
the governor's order, all the slaves--whom the soldiers to whom they
belonged surrendered willingly, when they understood the purport of
the order. He also gave them the interpreter for whom they asked, and
everything else necessary for the voyage. The master-of-camp begged
Omoncon by letter, for the latter had remained at Buliano, to care
for and protect them as was expected from him, and promised him the
same thing as the governor in respect to sending the pirate, dead or
alive, as soon as either end should be attained. He also petitioned
father Fray Martin de Herrada to take with him Nicolas de Cuenca,
a soldier of his company, so that the latter might purchase for him
certain articles in China. The father accepted this man willingly,
promising to treat him as one of his own men, and to regard him as
such. Thereupon they set sail for the port of Buliano, whence they
had come hither, taking leave of the master-of-camp and the rest of
the army, not without the shedding of tears, no less than by those at
Manila. The master-of-camp sent with them, to accompany the fathers
and their companions, as far as the said port, the sargento-mayor,
[29] who bore the letter to Omoncon and a present to the same of
provisions and other articles. Furthermore, he sent by him two letters,
one for the governor of Chincheo, and the other for the viceroy of
the province of Ochian. In these letters he related the burning of
Limahon's fleet and the killing of many of his followers; and said that
he held the pirate so closely besieged that escape was impossible, and
that before long he must surrender; and that after taking him, either
dead or alive, he would send him, as the governor of Manila had written
and promised them. Two presents accompanied these two letters, namely,
a silver vessel and certain garments made of Castilian cloth--which the
Chinese value highly--besides other rare articles which the Chinese do
not possess. He made most courteous apologies for not sending more,
because of being in his present situation, and all his belongings
at Manila. That same day they arrived, under a favoring wind, at the
port of Buliano, where they found Captain Omoncon awaiting them. The
latter received the message delivered to him by the sargento-mayor in
the name of the master-of-camp, for which he returned hearty thanks,
and renewed the promises that he had made to the governor.
[Chapters XI-XXIX inclusive treat of the departure of Omoncon and
the Spanish priests and soldiers from Buliano for China, and the
experiences of the latter in that country. Landing at the port of
Tansuso, in the province of Chincheo, they receive a hospitable
reception. From this port they journey to Chincheo, the residence
of the governor, by whom they are well entertained, and to whom they
deliver the letters sent by the governor of the Philippines. Their next
destination is Aucheo, where the viceroy of the province resides. Here
also a cordial reception is accorded them, but they are regarded
somewhat in the light of prisoners, the viceroy forbidding them to
leave their lodgings, being fearful lest they discover some things
in the city that might occasion future injury to the Chinese. The
present sent to the viceroy by the Spanish governor is despatched
to the king, because of a Chinese law that "prohibits those holding
a government office from accepting any present without the king's
permission, or that of his council." The delays in obtaining a
satisfactory audience with the viceroy become permanent upon rumors
that circulate regarding new piratical depredations from one who
is suspected to be Limahon. The viceroy, suspecting that Omoncon,
Sinsay, and the Spaniards have lied to him regarding the pirate,
determines, after closely questioning the fathers, to send them and
the soldiers back to Manila. Accordingly these set out for Tansuso,
with a promise of better results after exact news of the capture or
death of Limahon. These chapters abound in interesting observations
of Chinese life, descriptions of cities, ceremonies, etc., and show
the great liberality of the Chinese in their gifts. Several Chinese
plays are witnessed, one of which is described. All things interest
these first Spaniards in China, even the Chinese compass "divided
into twelve parts, and their navigation without sea-charts." They
observe carefully, "delighting their vision with new things, that
had never been seen before." Chapter XXX relates their departure from
Tansuso and their journey toward Manila, stopping at various islands
on the way. At the island of Plon, definite news of Limahon's escape
from Pangasinan is obtained. Chapter XXXI deals with the escape of
Limahon. This resourceful man constructs a few clumsy boats out of
the half-burnt remnants of his fleet, which his men had brought into
the fort at night, without being detected by the Spaniards. With these
he escapes to the island of Tocaotican. "This news greatly distressed
them all, especially Omoncon and Sinsay. These turned against our men,
alleging that that occurrence and the pirate's flight smelt of mystery,
and must have happened with the Spaniards' consent, or because the
pirate had given gifts to the master-of-camp, so that the latter would
allow him to depart; and that it was impossible for him to escape
from such a plight in any other manner, even had the Spaniards been
asleep." These suspicions are dissipated on their arrival at Manila,
forty-five days after the departure from Tansuso, a run that should
have been made in ten days. In chapter XXXII is told the return of the
Chinese to their own land. While in Manila, certain of the Chinese
inquire into the tenets of Christianity. They advise correspondence
between the Spanish governor and the Chinese king with the object of
allowing an entrance for the gospel into China. The chief officer of
the convoy fleet is prevented from becoming a Christian only through
fear of exile and the confiscation of his property; for there is a
"law in his kingdom which is adhered to strictly, and which forbids
any one from embracing a religion at all contrary to that of the
country, without the consent of the king and his council, under
penalty of death." This law has caused certain Chinese merchants to
settle in Manila. Limahon ends his career on a distant island where
he had sought refuge, dying of melancholy because of his reverses. A
relation of the expedition to China was despatched to Felipe II.]
Second Book of the Second Part of the History of the Great Kingdom
of China
In which is contained the voyage made to this great kingdom in
the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine by father Fray
Pedro de Alfaro, custodian in the Filipinas Islands of the order of
the blessed St. Francis, of the province of San Joseph; and three
other religious of the same order. The miraculous entrance into that
kingdom, and all that happened to them during their seven months'
residence there, and all they discovered and saw--all of which are
most notable and interesting.
The Franciscan fathers arrive at the Filipinas Islands, and try to
gain entrance to the mainland of the kingdom of China, with great
desire to preach the holy gospel. Chapter I.
On the day of the Visitation of our Lady, in the year one thousand
five hundred and seventy-eight, there arrived from España at the city
of Manila, in the Filipinas Islands, father Fray Pedro de Alfaro, [30]
appointed custodian of that province, with fourteen religious of the
same order. They were sent by his Catholic Majesty, King Don Felipe,
our sovereign, and his royal Council of the Indies, as helpers to
the Augustinian fathers--who, until then, had been occupied alone in
the islands in the conversion of the natives, and had been the first
preachers of the gospel therein, which they had preached with much zeal
and to the great good of the natives. The said fathers had baptized,
when the Franciscans arrived, more than one hundred thousand of the
natives, besides preparing and catechizing the others for baptism;
and, in addition, preparing themselves so that at the first opportunity
they might enter the kingdom of China to preach the holy gospel. After
the Franciscans had lived in the islands for the space of one year,
busying themselves in helping the Augustinians, and in the conversion
and instruction of the natives, learning during this time through
the reports of the Augustinian fathers themselves, and from many
Chinese merchants who were constantly coming to the islands with
merchandise, of the many wonderful things of that great kingdom and
the countless number of souls, whom the devil held in his service,
deceived with false idolatry--they were filled with great zeal and
longing for the salvation of these people, and with the desire to
go thither to preach the holy gospel, although it should be at the
risk and peril of their lives. They made known this desire several
times to the governor then in those islands for his Majesty, namely,
Doctor Francisco de Sande, entreating his favor and permission to go
to the said China, with certain Chinese merchants then at that port
with their vessels; and offered, of their own accord, to gain the
consent of the latter, even at the price of becoming their slaves,
or in any other manner possible. But as often as they discussed
the matter with the governor, it was evident that he looked upon
the idea coldly, and put them off with hopes. Mindful of the fact
that their chief purpose in coming from España had been, to attempt
to effect an entrance into that kingdom to preach the gospel, and
having their desires heightened by their intercourse with the Chinese
themselves, since they were a nation of ability and discretion,
and of excellent understanding--which quickened their desire, and
persuaded them that it would be easy to make them understand the
things pertaining to God--they determined to employ other methods,
since that which they were trying to attain with the good will of
the governor was so uncertain. It happened that, after several days,
when they had discussed the matter, and had petitioned God with great
urgency to guide and direct it as should be most to His service, and
for the gain of those souls, a Chinese came to the Filipinas, who was,
as they heard, one of the priests and religious of that kingdom, of
whom a great number exist in all the towns of China. This man went to
the monastery of the said fathers several times, and discussed with
them the creation of the world, and other things which opened the
way for the latter to declare to him matters pertaining to God, which
he was much pleased to hear. After having told them in great detail
of the magnificence and secret things of the great kingdom of China,
for whose conversion the fathers had so great a desire; and after he
had asked many careful and keen questions about the Christian faith,
he begged them urgently, at the end of several days, to baptize him,
as he wished to become a Christian. Inasmuch as he had instruction
in the tenets of our Catholic faith, they granted his pious desire,
to the incredible joy of all the inhabitants of the city, and to his
own joy also. After becoming a Christian, he became an inmate of the
monastery, and would never eat anything but uncooked herbs; and when
he discovered that all the religious arose at midnight for matins,
and that they disciplined themselves, and spent much of the night
in prayer before the holy sacrament, he failed no whit in imitating
them, and in doing all he saw them do, and with proofs of very great
devotion. All this aroused in the father custodian and all of his
associates the longing to attain what they so greatly desired, as
stated above. Therefore they had recourse once more to the governor,
and once more was explained, in most urgent terms, what had been
already asked him so often; namely, in regard to his effecting some
arrangement whereby the religious might go to the kingdom of China to
preach the law of God, the father custodian offering himself as one
of these. They stated that, if leave were not given them, they would
go without it, on the first occasion that offered, relying on that
given them by their superiors and by God to work for the salvation
of their neighbors. Neither all this argument, nor the example of the
excellent spirit of the recently-christianized Chinese, was sufficient
to persuade the governor; on the contrary he clung obstinately to his
former opinion, answering them that it was still too early, because
our friendship with the Chinese was but slight; and that already the
Augustinians had tried to effect an entrance to China many times,
but had been unable to attain their desire--on the contrary, the
Chinese who took the latter with them had left them deceitfully on
some islands--until the opportunity afforded by the pirate Limahon and
the coming of the captain Omoncon. Then the latter had conveyed them,
with the good news of the straits to which the pirate was come; and
notwithstanding this they were ordered to return from Aucheo without
being allowed to remain in the country to preach the holy gospel. And
now to make this attempt would give the Chinese opportunity to make
daily jests of the Spaniards. Therefore they should wait until God
should open the door for this entrance, at such time as His holy
will should determine, which could not be much delayed. The father
custodian having received the governor's reply, and seeing that he
persevered in his obstinacy in not seeking means whereby they could
effect their desired entrance upon the mainland, commenced secret
negotiations, with the object of procuring, by all available means,
some way of making the journey--even without the said governor's order,
if no other way were possible. They set about this at once, for the
father custodian and father Fray Estevan Ortiz Ortiz--religious, who
with this intention had learned the Chinese language, and could now
speak it reasonably well--communicated their desires to a soldier,
very devout in his worship, and especially well inclined toward them,
namely, Juan Diaz Pardo. This man had several times manifested and
declared to them his great desire to perform some service for God,
even at the risk of his life. He approved their desire, promising
to accompany them until death. Being thus agreed, they all went to
discuss the matter with a Chinese captain, then at the port with
a vessel, who had come to their convent many times to question
them about God and heaven, and who showed signs of an excellent
understanding, seemingly consenting to everything with expressions
of great pleasure and delight. They imparted their desire to him,
beseeching him to lend his aid for its successful issue. He offered his
aid, and promised to take them to China, on condition that they would
give him some presents for his sailors. The soldier, Juan Diaz Pardo,
promised him everything that he wanted, giving him a few reals then
and there as a token of good earnest. In order that this might be done
without the governor or anyone else perceiving it, it was agreed that
the captain should take his departure hastily, going to the port of
Bindoro, twenty leagues distant from Manila, and there he should await
them. He was to take with him the above-mentioned baptized Chinese. The
captain used all haste, and left for the port agreed upon. Within a
few days he was followed by the father custodian and his associate,
and their friend the soldier. But, at their arrival, they found the
Chinese captain had reached a new determination, and neither gifts
nor petitions could persuade him to fulfil his promises in Manila. On
the contrary, he returned them the earnest-money that he had received,
and absolutely refused to take them; for he knew that, if he did, he
would lose his life and property. Seeing this, the recently-baptized
Chinese religious wept bitterly in his indignation and sorrow, because
the devil had changed that captain's heart, so that the holy gospel
might not be preached in that kingdom. The father custodian consoled
him, and resolved to return to Manila and to await another occasion,
which they did. After they had spent several days there, it happened
that the governor summoned the father custodian one day, and asked
him for a friar to send to the Cagayan River, whither he had but a few
days before sent certain Spaniards to form a colony. The custodian said
that he would give him a friar, and that he himself would accompany the
latter as far as the province of Illocos whither he was going to visit
the missions; thence he would despatch him to the Cagayan River, as
his Excellency ordered. The father custodian asked as companions, for a
guard during the journey, Sergeant Francisco de Dueñas and the soldier
Juan Diaz Pardo (their friend, as above said), intending to go from
there to China, as was done, and as will be told in the following. The
governor, wishing to please him, granted this request, and the father
custodian set out in haste, taking with him the above-named soldiers
and one religious as associate, by name Fray Augustin de Tordesillas
[31]--he who afterward related from memory what had happened to them
in China, whence has been taken this little relation.
They arrived at Illocos, where father Fray Juan Baptista [32]
and father Fray Sebastian de San Frãcisco, of their own order, were
busied in instructing the natives. This was on the fourth of June. The
next day they held a council, at which it was unanimously resolved
that all there should venture themselves to go to China to convert
those pagans, or else die in the attempt. Therefore it was decided
to approach another soldier likewise of their company, named Pedro
de Villaroel. They told him--without declaring their own intention,
so that he might not disclose it--that, if he wished to accompany them
and the two other soldiers, who were about to go together upon a matter
of great service to God, and the gain of many souls, he should say so,
and without asking whither, or to what end, because this could not be
told until due time. He answered immediately that he would accompany
them willingly, and would not abandon them until death. Thereupon they
all, with peculiar gladness, betook themselves to the vessel in which
the father custodian and his associate, and the two other soldiers,
had come thither from Manila. This was a fairly good fragata, although
supplied with but few and indifferent sailors. After all had embarked
and had stowed away what could be collected in the short time at their
disposal, for sustenance while on the way, they set sail on that
very day, the twelfth of the same month of June, after saying mass
and beseeching God to direct their voyage for His holy service. They
set sail Friday morning, and, although they attempted to leave the
port, this was impossible, for the sea was running high and pounding
so furiously upon the shoals, that they, persisting in the effort to
offset it, were in danger of being wrecked. Therefore they returned,
very sad at heart, to the harbor, and there they remained that day.
[The remainder of the second book (chaps. ii-xv) treats of the voyage
of the Franciscans to China, their stay in that country, and their
return to Manila. They are forced to return to the harbor for the
second time on account of contrary weather, which so affects one of the
priests, Estevan Ortiz, "that no entreaties availed to persuade him
to finish the voyage they had undertaken. On the contrary he answers
that he will tempt God no further, since these signs that they have
seen are sufficient to prove that it is His holy will that they shall
not make the journey at that time." On the fifteenth of June, however,
the little band of three priests, three soldiers, and a Chinese lad
(as interpreter) taken in the siege of Limahon, set sail from llocos,
fearful of pursuit by the governor. Reaching the Chinese coast, they
go ashore near Canton, kneel down, and "with great devotion, chanted
the _Te Deum laudamus_, giving thanks to God who had brought them so
miraculously to the kingdom of China." They receive the freedom of the
city after various investigations, the Chinese officials believing the
false stories of shipwreck that the interpreters tell for their own
benefit. The Portuguese at Macao fail in their attempt to turn the
Chinese against the Spaniards. Hunger forces them to beg their food
in the streets of Canton; but the officials, on hearing this, order
that provision be made for them from the royal revenues. By order
of the viceroy, they journey to Aucheo, but are speedily ordered to
return to Canton, to await a Portuguese vessel, that they may be sent
from the kingdom. On leaving China the little party separate into
two divisions, the father custodian and one other going to Macao,
that they may there learn the Chinese language thoroughly, while the
other two return to Manila, which is reached February 2, 1580 "where
they were received by the governor and the rest with great joy, and
their fault in having departed without leave was pardoned." The father
custodian reports from Macao a rich harvest field in Cochin China.]
[The first ten chapters of the "Itinerary" [33] treat of the departure
from Spain of the Franciscans (among whom was Father Martin Ignacio),
in 1580, their arrival in New Spain, and matters relating to the
New World. The voyage is by way of the Canaries, of which a brief
description is given; thence to San Domingo or Española, passing on
the way the island Desseada, or "land desired," and its neighboring
islands--among the latter La Dominica, inhabited by the cannibal
Caribs--and later Puerto Rico. The island of Española is described,
according to the knowledge of that day; and it is stated that therein
"were, on the landing of the [first] Spaniards, three millions of
native Indians, of whom only two hundred remain; and most of these
are the half-breed children of Spaniards and Indian women, or of
negroes and Indian women." The journey continues by way of the
intervening islands to Cuba, and thence to Mexico. This wonderful
country is described briefly, with allusions to its history, social
and economic conditions, etc. A digression is made to relate the
discovery and first exploration of the province called New Mexico,
one of the fifteen new provinces discovered from Mexico. The account
of the voyage to the Philippines follows.]
Departure from the city of Mexico, and journey to the port of Acapulco
on the Southern Sea, whence they embark for the Filipinas Islands. The
island of the Ladrones is passed, and the condition and rites of the
people there are noted. Chapter XI.
From the City of Mexico they set out to embark at the port of Acapulco,
a place located on the Southern Sea, in nineteen degrees of elevation
of the pole, and lying ninety leagues from the City of Mexico,
this entire distance being settled with many villages of Indians and
Spaniards. At this port they embarked, taking a southeast course until
they reached an altitude of twelve and one-half degrees. They did this
in order to find the favorable winds (which in truth they found there),
those called by sailors _brizas_--which are so favorable and steady,
that, even in the months of November, December, and January, there
is seldom any necessity for touching their sails. From this arises
the so easy navigation through this sea. From this fact, and from
the few storms here, this sea has been called the _Mar de Damas_
["Sea of Ladies"]. A westerly course is taken, following the sun
always, upon setting out from our hemisphere. Journeying through this
Southern Sea for forty days more or less, without seeing land, at the
end of that time, the islands of Velas ["Sails"], otherwise called the
Ladrones, are sighted, which, seven or eight in number, extend north
and south. They are inhabited by many people, as we shall now relate.
_Islands of Velas, or Ladrones._ These islands lie in twelve degrees
of latitude. Opinions differ as to the distance in leagues between
them and the port of Acapulco, for up to the present no one has been
enabled to ascertain it with certainty, by navigation from east to
west, and no one has been able to measure the degrees. Some assert
the distance of this voyage to be one thousand seven hundred leagues,
others one thousand eight hundred. The opinion of the former is held
to be more nearly correct. All of these islands are inhabited by
light-complexioned people, of pleasing and regular features, like
those of Europe; although in their bodies they do not resemble the
latter--for they are as large as giants, and of so great strength,
that it has actually happened that one of them, while standing on the
ground, has laid hold of two Spaniards of good stature, seizing each of
them by one foot with his hands, and lifting them thus as easily as if
they were two children. Both men and women are naked from head to foot,
although some of the women wear bits of deerskin of about one-half a
vara in length, tied about the waist, for decency's sake; but those
who wear them are very few compared with those who do not. The weapons
used by them consist of slings, and darts hardened by fire, both of
which they throw very deftly. They live on fish, which they catch
alongshore, and on wild beasts, which they kill in the mountains,
pursuing them afoot. There is in these islands the strangest custom
ever seen or heard of anywhere. A time-limit is imposed for the youth
to marry, in accordance with their custom; and during all this period
they are allowed to enter freely into the houses of the married, and
to remain with the women, without receiving any punishment therefor,
even if the very husbands of the women should see it. These youths
carry a club in the hand, and when one enters the house of married
people, he leaves this club at the door, in such a position that
those arriving may easily see it. This is a sign that no one may enter
until the club is taken away, although it be the husband himself. They
observe this custom with so great strictness, that if any one should
violate it, all the others would immediately put him to death. None
of these islands has a king, or recognized ruler, to whom the rest
are subject; therefore each person lives to suit himself. Between the
inhabitants of certain of the islands a state of hostility prevails,
whenever occasion offers, as happened while Spaniards were in the port
of the said island. At the point where the Spaniards anchored, as many
as two hundred small boats filled with natives came to the ships to
sell fowls, cocoa-nuts, potatoes, and other products of those islands,
and to buy in exchange things carried by our men--especially iron,
of which they were particularly fond, and glass articles, and other
trifles. There was a great contest to see which of the canoes would
reach the ship first, and their occupants came to blows, wounding each
other as savagely as wild beasts, so that many died in the presence
of our men. The matter was not settled until, for the sake of peace,
an agreement was made among them, with many outcries that those from
one island should do their buying on the port side of the vessel,
and those from another island, on the starboard side. Thereupon
they subsided, and bought and sold to their hearts' content. Then in
payment for this good treatment, when they took their departure from
us, they hurled their darts at the ship, wounding a number of men who
were on deck. But they did not boast of this, for our men instantly
repaid their daring with some shots from their arquebuses.
These people esteem iron more highly than silver or gold. They
give in exchange for it, fruits, yams, sweet potatoes, fish, rice,
ginger, fowls, and many fine and well-woven mats, and all for almost
nothing. These islands are extremely healthful and fertile, and will
be very easy to win over to the faith of Christ, if, on the passage
of the vessels to Manila a few religious, together with some soldiers
for protection, should be left there until the next year. [34] This
would cost but a moderate sum.
Their rites and ceremonies are not known yet, because no one
understands their speech; and it has not been possible to learn
it, since no one has been in these islands longer than while
passing. According to all appearances, their language is easy
to understand, for it is pronounced very distinctly. Their word
for ginger is _asno_; and for "Take away that arquebus," they say,
_arrepeque_. They have no nasal or guttural words. It is understood,
from some signs that we saw them make, that they are all pagans;
and that they worship idols and the devil, to whom they sacrifice the
booty obtained from their neighbors in war. It is believed that they
originated from the Tartars, from certain peculiarities found among
them which correspond to those found in that people.
These islands extend north and south with the land of Labrador,
which lies near Terra-nova [Newfoundland], and are not a great
distance from Japon. [35] It is quite safe to say that they have
intercourse with the Tartars, and that they buy iron to sell it to
the latter. The Spaniards who passed these islands called them the
islands of Ladrones ["Thieves"]; for in sober truth all these people
are thieves, and very bold ones, very deft in stealing; and in this
science they might instruct the Gitanos [gypsies], who wander through
Europe. In verification of this, I will recount an occurrence witnessed
by many Spaniards, one which caused much wonder. While a sailor was
stationed, by the order of the captain, on the port side of the ship,
with orders to allow none to come aboard, and while he, sword in hand,
was absent-mindedly looking at some of the canoes of the islanders--a
sort of little boat all made of one piece, in which they sail--one
of the natives plunged under the water and swam to where he was,
quite unconscious of anything of the sort, and without his seeing it,
snatched the sword from his hand and swam back with it. At the cry of
the sailor, proclaiming the trick practiced on him by the islander,
several soldiers with their arquebuses were stationed to shoot the
native when he should emerge from the water. The islander on seeing
this emerged from the water, holding up his hands, and making signs
that he had nothing in them. For this reason those who were on the
point of shooting him refrained. After a few moments of rest, the
native dived once more, and swam under water, until out of range of the
arquebuses--where, assured of safety, he took the sword from between
his legs where he had hidden it, and commenced to make passes with
it, jeering the while at our men whom he had deceived so easily. This
theft, as well as many very adroit ones that they committed, has given
these people the name of Ladrones, and is the reason for calling all
the islands inhabited by them by the same name. This appellation is
easily pardoned as long as they find opportunity to exercise their
evil inclinations.
Departure from the Ladrones Islands and arrival at those of Luzon,
or, as they are called also, Filipinas; and the relation of some
peculiarities of those islands. Chapter XII.
_Island of Luzon, and city of Manila._ Navigating almost two hundred
leagues west of the Ladrones Islands, to the channel called Espiritu
Santo, one enters the archipelago, which consists of innumerable
islands, [36] almost all inhabited by natives, and many of them
conquered by the Spaniards, through either war or friendship. After
sailing for eighty leagues, one reaches the city of Manila, located
on the island of Luzon. Here the governor of all the said islands,
and his Majesty's officials, reside generally; and here is the bishop
and the cathedral church. This city lies in fourteen and one-fourth
degrees. About it lie many islands, which no one has yet succeeded
in numbering. They all extend northwest and southwest [sic] and
north and south, so that in one direction they reach to the strait
of Sincapura [Singapore], twenty-five leagues' distance from Malaca,
and at the other almost to the Malucos and other islands, where a
fabulous amount of cloves, pepper, and ginger is gathered, for there
are whole mountains of these spices. The first to discover these
islands were Spaniards, who went thither with the famous Magallanes,
but did not conquer them, for they were more experienced in navigation
than in conquest. Therefore after passing the strait (which to this
day bears his [Magallanes's] surname), they arrived at the island
of Zubu, where they baptized a number of the natives. Afterward
at a banquet, those same islanders killed Magallanes and forty of
his companions. On account of this Sebastian de Guetaria [Elcano],
a native of Vizcaya, in order to escape with his life, embarked in
one of the vessels remaining from the voyage--afterward known as the
"Vitoria"--and with it and a very few of the crew who aided him,
arrived, with God's help, at Sevilla. Thus they circumnavigated the
world, from east to west, an event which caused universal wonder,
and especially to the Emperor Carlos the Fifth, our sovereign. After
the latter had bestowed great favors upon Sebastian de Guetaria,
he ordered a new fleet to be prepared, to seek those islands anew,
and to explore that new world. As soon as this fleet was in readiness
to sail, which was very soon, a certain Villalobos was appointed
as general of the entire fleet, and was ordered to sail by way of
Nueva España. This Villalobos reached the Malucos Islands, those of
Terrenate, and others near by, which had been sold by the above-named
emperor to the crown of Portugal.
In these islands they had many wars, because of the Portuguese;
and seeing their feeble means of resistance, and how ill-prepared
they were to prosecute the conquest, they gave it up. Most of them
accompanied the above-mentioned Portuguese to Portuguese India,
whence they were sent, half prisoners, to the king of Portugal
himself, as men who had committed crimes, and had entered his islands
without his permission. He not only did them no harm, but gave them
excellent treatment, sending them to their native country, Castilla,
besides providing them fully with the things necessary for their
journey. Some years after that, King Don Felipe, our sovereign,
with the desire to prosecute this discovery, attempted so earnestly
by the emperor his father, sent an order to Don Luys de Velasco,
his viceroy in Nueva España, to prepare a fleet and crew for the
rediscovery of the above-named islands. He was ordered to despatch
in this fleet, as governor of everything discovered, Miguel Lopez de
Legaspi. All was carried out in obedience to his Majesty's orders,
and the discovery was made in the manner recounted at length in the
first relation of the entrance of the Augustinian fathers into China.
These islands were formerly subject to the king of China, until he
relinquished them all voluntarily, for the reasons expressed above in
the first part of this history. The Spaniards, therefore, at their
arrival found them without ruler or seignior to whom they might
render obedience. In each one of the islands, he who had most power
and followers acted as ruler. And because there were many equally
powerful, there was occasion for continual civil wars, without any
heed to nature, or to kindred, or to any other obligation, just as
if they were unreasoning animals--destroying, killing, and capturing
one another. This aided and favored our Spaniards to conquer the land
so easily for his Majesty.
_The reason for calling the islands Western Filipinas._ The name
Filipinas Islands was given them in honor of his name. The natives
were wont to make captives and slaves with great readiness in illegal
warfare, and for very slight causes. This God remedied with the
coming of our Spaniards. It was usual for a man, with forty or fifty
associates, or servants, to attack a village of poor people suddenly,
when totally unprepared for such an assault, and, capturing them all,
to make them slaves, without other cause or right; these they would
keep as slaves for life, or sell them in other islands. And should
one loan one or two baskets of rice to another, of the value of
one real, stipulating that it should be returned within ten days,
should the debtor fail to pay it on the day set, on the next day he
had to pay double, and the debt continued to double from day to day,
until it grew so large that the debtor was forced to become a slave
in order to pay it. The Catholic Majesty, the king our sovereign,
has ordered all those enslaved by this and similar means to be freed;
but this just order has not been obeyed entirely, for those who should
execute it have some interest therein.
All these islands were pagan and idolatrous. They now contain many
thousands of baptized persons, upon whom our Lord has had great mercy,
sending them the remedy for their souls in so good season; for, had
the Spaniards delayed a few years more, all the natives would now
be Moors, for already some of that sect in the island of Burneo had
gone to these islands to preach their faith, and already many were not
far from the worship of the false prophet Mahoma. But his perfidious
memory was extirpated easily by the holy gospel of Christ. In all these
islands they worshiped the sun, moon, and other secondary causes,
certain images of men and women called in their tongue _Maganitos_,
feasts to whom--very sumptuous and abounding in great ceremonies and
superstitions--were called _Magaduras_. Among all of these idols they
held one, by name _Batala_, in most veneration. This reverence they
held as a tradition; but they knew not why he was greater than the
others, or why he merited more esteem. In certain adjacent islands,
called the Illocos, they worshiped the devil, offering him many
sacrifices in payment and gratitude for the quantities of gold that he
gave them. Now, by the goodness of God, and by the great industry of
the Augustinian fathers--the first to go to those districts, and who
have toiled and lived in a praiseworthy manner--and by the Franciscan
fathers, who went thither ten years after, all these islands, or the
majority of them, have received baptism, and are enrolled under the
banner of Jesus Christ. Those yet outside the faith are so rather for
lack of religious instruction and preachers, than by any repugnance of
their own. Last year the Jesuit fathers went thither, and they helped
in the work with their wonted labor and zeal. Now many more religious
are going, very learned and apostolic men, of the Dominican order,
who will work in that vineyard of the Lord with as great earnestness
as they display wherever they go.
Account of certain remarkable things seen in these Filipinas
Islands. Chapter XIII.
The inhabitants of these islands were accustomed to celebrate their
feasts above mentioned, and to sacrifice to their idols, at the
order of certain witches, called in their own speech _Holgoi_. These
witches were held in as great esteem among them as are priests among
Christians. They talked quite commonly with the devil, and many
times publicly; and they worked many devilish witcheries, by word
and deed. The devil himself, beyond any doubt, took possession of
them, and then they answered to all questions, although often they
lied, or told things capable of many interpretations and different
meanings. Likewise they were wont to cast lots, as has been related
in the first part of this history. They were so superstitious that
if they commenced any voyage, and at its beginning happened to see a
crocodile, lizard, or any other reptile, which they recognized as an
ill omen, they discontinued their journey, whatever its importance,
and returned home, saying that the sky was not propitious to that
journey. The evangelical law, as above stated, has driven away all
these falsities, to which the devil had persuaded them. Now there
are many monasteries of religious established in their midst, of the
orders of St. Augustine, St. Francis, and the Society of Jesus. Current
report declares that the number of souls converted and baptized in
these islands exceeds four hundred thousand--which, although a great
number, is but little in comparison with those still remaining. The
rest fail to become Christians, as I have declared, through lack of
religious workers; for although his Majesty continues to send them,
taking no account of the great expense incurred therein, the islands
are so many (and more are being discovered daily) and so distant that
it has been impossible to send the necessary aid to all of them. The
natives who are baptized receive the faith with avidity and are
excellent Christians; and they will be even better, if aided with
good examples, as is incumbent upon those who have been Christians
for so long. But the actions of some of them make them so hated by
the natives that the latter do not wish even to see their pictures.
_A remarkable thing._ For proof of this assertion, and in order
to induce those in authority to remedy this condition of affairs,
I will relate here a strange but well authenticated occurrence in
these islands, and a thing thoroughly well known in them all. In this
particular island one of the chief inhabitants died a few days after
his baptism. At his death he was very contrite for the sins that he
had committed against God before and after his baptism. Afterward he
appeared, by divine permission, to many persons of that island, whom
he persuaded by forcible reasoning to receive baptism immediately,
declaring to them, as one who had experienced it, the reward of
celestial bliss, which, without any doubt, would be granted through
baptism, and by living thereafter in conformity to the commandments
of Christ. For this purpose he declared and asserted to them that,
as soon as he had died, angels had carried him to glory, where only
delight and happiness reigned, which arose solely from the sight of
God. No one entered, or could enter that place, unless he were baptized
according to the preaching of the Castilians. Of these latter, and of
others like them, there was an infinite number there. Therefore, if
they wished to share in the enjoyment of those blessings and delights,
they must be baptized first, and afterward observe the commandments
preached by the fathers among the Castilians. Thereupon he vanished
instantly, and they began to discuss what they had heard. On account
of it, some were baptized immediately, but others delayed, saying that
because there were Castilian soldiers in glory, they did not care to
go there, for they did not wish their company. All this injury can
arise from one impious man, who presents one bad example. Such a man,
wheresoever he might be, and especially in those islands, should be
reprimanded and punished severely by good people.
When first discovered, these islands were reported as unhealthful,
but later experience has shown the contrary. The land is exceedingly
fertile, producing rice and grain in abundance, and goats, fowls,
deer, buffaloes, and cows, with many swine, whose flesh is as good
and savory as is the mutton of España. There are many civet-cats. An
infinite number of fruits are found, all very good and well flavored;
and honey and fish in abundance. Everything is sold so cheaply,
that it is all but given away. The islands yield much cinnamon; and
although there is no olive oil but that brought from Nueva España,
much oil is made from ajonjoli [_Sesamum orientale_] and flaxseed
which is commonly used in that country, so that the olive oil is not
missed. Saffron, cloves, pepper, nutmegs, and many drugs are produced,
besides abundance of cotton and silk of all colors, great quantities
of which are carried thither annually by Chinese merchants. More than
twenty ships arrive in those ports, laden with the above-mentioned
cloths of various colors; with earthenware, powder, saltpeter, iron,
steel, quantities of quicksilver, bronze, and copper; wheat-flour,
nuts, chestnuts, biscuits, and dates; linen cloth; escritoires worked
in many colors, head-dresses, and thin cloths for veils [_buratos,
espumillas_]; water-jugs, made of tin; lace edging, silk fringe,
and gold thread, drawn in a manner never seen in Christendom; and
many other rare articles--and all, as I have said, very cheap. The
products of the islands themselves are sold also quite cheaply;
for four arrobas of palm wine--which, in the absence of grape wine,
is found to be of excellent quality--can be obtained for four reals;
twelve fanégas of rice for eight reals; three hens for one; one whole
hog for eight; one buffalo for four; one deer for two, but it must be
very fat and large; four arrobas of sugar for six; one jar of ajonjolí
oil for three; two baskets of saffron for two; six libras of pepper or
of cloves for one; two hundred nutmegs for one; one arroba of cinnamon
for six; one quintal of iron or steel for ten; thirty fine porcelain
dishes for four; and everything else may be bought at like prices.
_A remarkable and exceedingly useful tree._ Among the remarkable
things seen by our people in those islands, and in the kingdom of
China, and in other districts where Spaniards have gone--one that has
most caused wonder and fixed itself in the memory--is a tree called
commonly the cocoa-palm. It is different from the date-palm, and
with great reason, for it is a plant so useful and mysterious, that
for instance, a ship has come to these islands, and not only the ship
but everything in it--the merchandise, and the ropes, cordage, sails,
masts, and nails--was made of this wood; its merchandise consisted
of cloth, made from the bark with great dexterity and cunning. Even
the food for the crew of thirty men, and their water, came from this
tree. The merchants in the ship testified that throughout the entire
island of Maldivia, whence they had come, no other food was gathered,
nor is there any other food there, except that furnished by this
tree. Houses with their roofs are made also from it. The fruit yields
a very palatable and wholesome kernel, whose taste resembles green
hazelnuts. By cutting the branch where the cocoa-nut grows--this nut is
the principal fruit, and each one contains, as a rule, one cuartillo of
the sweetest and most delicious water--all that substance flows down
into the trunk of the tree. This is tapped with an auger, and all the
liquid is collected from the hole. A great quantity is obtained, which,
mixed with other ingredients, makes an excellent wine. This wine is
drunk throughout the islands, and in the kingdom of China. From the
water alone, vinegar is made, and from the kernel, as I have said,
a very healing oil, and a milk resembling that of almonds, and very
palatable honey and sugar. The palm possesses the above qualities,
together with many other virtues. I have told them in part, because
it is so remarkable a thing, and a cause of wonder to all who go to
those districts. I leave the rest unsaid, not to be prolix.
Near the city of Manila, on the other side of the river, is a town
of baptized Chinese who have taken up residence there to enjoy the
liberty of the gospel. There are many mechanics among them, such as
cobblers, tailors, silversmiths, blacksmiths, and other artisans,
besides a number of merchants.
[The remaining chapters (XIV-XXVII) of the "Itinerary" treat of the
departure from Cavite for China of seven descalced Franciscans,
three other Spaniards and six natives, on June 21, 1582; their
reception in China; their journeys in that land; their imprisonment,
the passing of the death sentence upon them, and their deliverance
through the agency of a Portuguese. A further description of China
follows, including observations on "the famous wall of the kingdom of
China, which is five hundred leagues long," counting in the mountain
between China proper and Tartary. "The sea-coast of this kingdom is the
longest and best in the world." Its fauna, land products, and means of
defense and offense receive attention. Certain rites and ceremonies,
social and economic conditions, and characteristics of the people,
are mentioned briefly. The islands of Japan are also described,
and the origin of the Japanese touched upon: as well as portions of
the history of the people, their religion, and missionary efforts
among them. Mention is made of an island of Amazons, the existence
of which Mendoza doubts. En route to Lisbon, Father Ignacio and his
companions pass from Macao to Malaca, the famous trading port of the
East Indies. Slight descriptions of the various kingdoms of the East
India district are given, including Cochinchina, Cambodia, and Siam,
"the mother of idolatry." Thence the return is made via the Cape of
Good Hope, the distance comprehended in the circumnavigation being
reckoned by Father Ignacio at nine thousand and forty leagues.]
Documents of 1586
Memorial to the Council, by citizens of the Filipinas Islands. Santiago
de Vera, and others; [July 26].
Letter to Felipe II. Alfonso de Chaves, and others; June 24.
Letter from the Manila cabildo to Felipe II. Andres de Villanueva,
and others; June 25.
Letter to Felipe II. Antonio Sedeño; June 25.
Letter to Felipe II. Domingo de Salazar; June 26.
Letter from the Audiencia to Felipe II. Santiago de Vera, and others;
June 26.
Letter to Felipe II. Pedro de Rojas; June 30.
Letter to Felipe II. Juan de Moron; June 30.
Measures regarding trade with China. Felipe II, and others; June
17-November 15.
Brief erecting Franciscan province of the Philippines. Sixtus V;
November 15.
Sources: All these documents, except in two cases, are obtained from
the original MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias at Sevilla. The
first document is taken in part from another copy which is preserved
in the Real Academia de Historia, Madrid; and the papal brief is
translated from the text given in Hernaez's _Colección de Bulas_.
Translations: The first document is translated by James A. Robertson,
Emma Helen Blair, and Robert W. Haight (of the University of
Wisconsin); the second, sixth and ninth, by Arthur B. Myrick, of
Harvard University; the seventh, by Robert W. Haight; the papal brief,
by Rev. T.C. Middleton, O.S.A., of Villanova College; the remainder,
by James A. Robertson.
Memorial to the Council
Memorandum of the Various Points Presented by the General Junta of
Manila to the Council, So That in Regard to Each the Most Advisable
Reform May Be Instituted
(In the first general junta ["assembly"], held in the royal buildings,
three conclusions were reached: First, the requirements of the
country and the necessity for this journey; second, the person who
should make the journey; third, the necessity for convening other
assemblies in order to treat more clearly and more specifically
the matters which needed attention in detail. As the president and
auditors could not be absent from their regular occupations, it was
decided that thereafter should assemble for this purpose the bishop
of the islands with one or two prebends to represent the cabildo of
the church; one of the officials of the royal exchequer; the mariscal
of Bonbon; the master-of-camp, with two other captains, in behalf of
the military; two regidors with two other citizens, representing the
cabildo and city, and some procuradors from other towns of the island;
the three superiors of the religious communities; and other religious
men therefrom, who are learned, seniors in their houses, and men of
experience in the affairs of the country. The president, auditors,
and fiscal should be present at those times and hours when, as often
happened, they were free from official duties. With the persons thus
chosen, these assemblies and conferences were held for many days, and
the proceedings were conducted with great care and deliberation. The
following brief summaries of their conclusions were made, furnishing
a more clear and intelligible review of these to the father [Alonso
Sánchez] already mentioned and appointed, that he might carry these
notes with him and thus give further information to his Majesty.) [37]
Chapter first. Of what concerns the spiritual affairs of Manila and
the Filipinas
1. _That the cathedral of Manila is constructed of wood and straw,
and has nothing for other buildings or for ornaments._ [38] First:
It was declared and resolved that his Majesty should be informed
that the cathedral of these islands has no buildings, ornaments,
or suitable equipment for divine worship; nor has it any income or
contributions for these purposes, or for sacristan, verger, or other
necessary assistants. And being built of wood and straw, as it is,
and so poor, weatherbeaten, and deprived of necessities, it is a
reproach and a cause of loss to our faith and Christian religion,
and to our state and the men who rule the state, and even to the
majesty and greatness of its king and sovereign--since we are in the
gaze of so many pagans (both natives and foreigners), who come here
from many regions, especially China, and who see and take note of this.
2. _That nothing is paid to the bishop and prebendaries from the
royal treasury, or from tithes._ Second: Inasmuch as, on the one hand,
the tithes are not paid, nor, on the other, has the royal treasury at
Manila the wherewithal to pay the bishop or prebendaries, or provide
for curates or the said helpers, they cannot exist and live as their
station demands; and neither in their houses and persons, nor in the
service of the church and the methodical arrangements of the hours,
[39] do they or can they observe, nor do they feel obliged to observe,
the decorum due in all these matters--from which results the said
diminution and loss of souls. The person who goes for this purpose will
relate what he knows of this matter, besides what is here set down.
3. _That the prebendaries be supplied with the necessaries of life,
or be exchanged for curates._ Third: It was resolved that, if the
tithes were not paid, whether his Majesty ordered it or not, this
evil should be remedied--as can be done, and is necessary--by another
method. His Majesty should order that the prebendaries be removed,
or that no more be appointed; for they cannot live decently, or meet
their obligations. If this shall be done, they can be exchanged for
one curate and two or three beneficed priests, all with obligation
to look after the souls of the Spaniards and soldiers of this city,
as well as of the many Indian servants, workmen, and laborers who
serve them, as now very little attention is paid to all these.
4. _The Spanish hospital is very poor, and there are many sick._
Fourth: His Majesty should be informed that the hospital, established
here in his name, has no money with which to help the many soldiers,
sailors, and other poor persons who, engaged in service and labors
for the king and those usual in this country, fall sick, and die
in sadness and affliction. His Majesty should provide money for a
building, beds, food, medicine, attendants, and other necessities,
bringing from Nueva España medicines and clothing; and in the
islands be granted, for its income and expenses, another additional
encomienda of one thousand Indians--which, with the one it has now,
will be worth six hundred pesos of eight reals each.
5. _That some income be granted to the hospital for the Indians._
Fifth: His Majesty is to be informed that there is another hospital
for the Indians, which is in the same or greater poverty, and that
there is no less necessity and obligation for aiding it--both because
the Indians are the ones who sustain it entirely by their products,
toils, and tributes; and because many or all of those who go to the
hospital fall sick from the hardships that they undergo in the service
of the royal affairs, and for the establishment and conservation of
these islands.
6. _That there is great need of religious; and that no new religious
order come._ Sixth: This declares to his Majesty the great need for
instruction, and that his royal conscience is not lightened, for our
lack of ministers, and on account of the many people who are dying
without baptism, and the many without conversion, and the many islands
and provinces that cannot be pacified because of this lack. We ask
that his Majesty give imperative orders that religious be sent who
belong to the three orders now here, and that no other new orders
come here; and that they should come appointed for these islands,
and for no other district.
7. _That, in order that instruction may be furnished, something
be added to the tributes._ Seventh: In order that instruction may
be provided--not only where there is none, but also where there is
some, but not sufficient--his Majesty should cause something to be
added to the tributes, and the rates of taxation to be cleared up;
for now they are very much confused, and give rise to many quite
serious scruples. And the tributes should be assigned in terms of
Castilian reals, for hitherto they have generally been collected by
the standard of eight reals, and they could be raised to ten reals,
provided that it be not permitted to compel the Indians to pay in any
assigned article; but that they be allowed to pay in money, if they
have it, or if they wish to give it, or in any other sort of their
products or means of gain, or as these shall have value.
8. _That tithes be paid, as is the custom in Mejico._ Eighth:
In order that this increase of tributes may be more justifiable,
it should be announced that the encomenderos shall pay the tithes;
and therefore they desire, and request his Majesty to have these paid
according to the custom and manner of Mexico--for, as until now there
have been no bishop, curates, or system in government, and no church,
these have not been paid. And now, although to many it appears just,
and they would do it, many more refuse to do it; and thus, between
them both, nothing is done.
Chapter second. Of matters pertaining to the city of Manila
1. _That public property be given to the city of Manila._ First: It
should be suggested to his Majesty that he cause some public property
to be granted to this city, for all its affairs, of peace and of war,
of government, conservation, and defense, and for suits that may arise
in defense of it and its increase; and that, for this purpose, he
cause that some Indians be given to it, or something from the duties,
or the warehouses or shops, which, on account of the Chinese and other
traders, could be applied to the public property of the said city.
2. _That the three per cent duty imposed by Don Rronquillo, be not
paid._ Second: His Majesty should order that the three per cent duty,
imposed by Don Gonçalo Ronquillo, be not paid in this city, because
of the extreme newness and poverty of this country; and because
the citizens assist in many other matters that its newness demands,
and these duties cannot assist at all in increasing and enriching
the settlement and country.
3. _That no duties, especially on food and supplies, be paid at any
port in these islands._ Third: We ask that none of those coming
from outside to the port or ports of these islands--as Chinese,
Portuguese, Japanese, Siamese, Burneans, or any others--shall pay
any duties, especially on food, supplies, and materials therefor,
so that the country may be advantaged and enriched; and because on
account of these duties, the Chinese experience many annoyances, and
the frequency of their coming is hindered; and since thus result the
inconveniences which, as his Majesty orders by a decree, should not
be allowed to occur. Of everything else connected with this matter,
the person who is going on this business will give information in
detail, and as is required.
4. _That the inhabitants of the Filipinas pay no duty in Acapulco or
anywhere else; and that no freight duty be paid._ Fourth: His Majesty
should order that, just as, on all the goods sent to Mexico from that
city (Sevilla--_Madrid MS._), no duty is paid on the first sale, so
on goods sent to Acapulco or other places from these islands, none
be paid; for there are more reasons and causes for such exemption in
this country than there. We ask that, likewise, the freight duty of
twelve pesos per tonelada, imposed by Don Gonçalo Ronquillo on the
goods of citizens of these islands, be not collected at Acapulco.
5. _That the concession of paying the tenth only, instead of the fifth,
on gold, be continued._ Fifth: The tenth now paid by Spaniards on
gold instead of the fifth, conceded to them by his Majesty, should be
perpetual, or continued as long as possible, for the same reason--the
increase and augmentation of the country and the Christian religion.
6. _That the offices and encomiendas assigned be to the old citizens
and soldiers._ Sixth: The offices assigned by the governor of these
islands should be given to the old citizens of these islands who
merit it, who shall have been resident therein at least three years
and are citizens of them. The same should be understood in regard to
the encomiendas that his Majesty orders to be given to the soldiers,
and they should have resided here in actual military service and
duty--for they suffer great hardships in gaining and pacifying
the land, and afterward support it in its greater necessities and
advancement; and always the encomiendas should be given to those
among them who have most deserved these grants, paying attention
to their length of service, along with the other considerations of
greater or less services or benefits to the country. Nor should they
be given to the servants, brothers, relatives, followers, or persons
recommended, whom the governors bring hither with them of late--who
have not rendered any service to the country, and do no more than to
enjoy the sweat of the natives--but to the old Spanish inhabitants,
who have suffered the toil, and now should reap the reward. We urge
that his Majesty rigorously enforce this upon the governors; for it
is this which has most afflicted and ruined this country--because, as
(those who have done nothing for it enjoy the reward--_Madrid MS._)
those who have served it are dissatisfied and desperate, neither they
nor any one else who could do much will exert themselves, because
they are without hope.
7. _That commissions and means of advancement be assigned to those
have worked in this country._ Seventh: The same course should be
observed in all the commissions and means of gain on land and sea,
and especially in the appointments of masters and officers of vessels,
and in everything else--since, besides preserving equity and avoiding
wrongs, this recompenses those who have toiled, gives hope to those
present, allures the absent, and peoples, conserves, and betters the
country. They [the Council] should endeavor to be thus generous and
conciliatory in this matter, as it is the thing in which there is
most injustice, which is most keenly felt, and which causes most harm.
8. _That workmen and mechanics in Manila be paid their wages here and
not in Mexico._ Eighth: His Majesty should order that all workmen
and mechanics who serve for pay or wages in this country--such
as sailors, carpenters, blacksmiths, and any others (who remain
and are needed here--_Madrid MS._)--be paid their wages here, [40]
according to contract; that the money for this be provided from the
royal treasury of Mexico, since the treasury here has but little;
that what is to be given them there be paid here, as it will be of
much more value to them, and will be the occasion of increasing the
population of this country by those who will have trades, and will
remain with hope, and do more and better work in every way.
9. _That there should be a ship-purveyor in Manila._ Ninth: That in
place of the other third royal official of former days, his Majesty
appoint a ship-purveyor (who should not be a royal official), because
the two officials of the royal exchequer cannot at present attend
to this matter, which entails much work, along with the other things
to which they generally attend. With this appointment the ships will
be despatched better, and more punctually, and at less expense; for
they can be kept in better equipment, and their condition known with
exactness--and not as now, when this is not known, nor are they able
to attend to all things.
10. _That there should be no commissary of the Inquisition._ Tenth:
We ask that at present there be no commissary of the Inquisition
in this city or these islands, as they are so new, and have so few
inhabitants, and are so far from Mexico. For a commissary so far
away, and in a matter of so great import and weight for the honor,
property, and lives of men might cause so many wrongs; and many times
it might happen in cases that, after all this expense, they will be
set free in Mexico. The person who is going [for us to Spain] should
give information on all these points. We recommend that this matter
be left with the bishop for the present; or, at least, that one of
the dignitaries with the bishop act as inquisitor, and that there be
no commissary.
Chapter third. Of the traffic of these islands, on which likewise
depends their increase and conservation
1. _That no consignments of money be sent to the Filipinas from
Mexico._ First: It should be related to his Majesty that one of the
things that has ruined this country is the great consignments of money
that wealthy persons resident in Mexico send here. These give rise to
two wrongs: the first, that they advance the price on all Chinese
merchandise, so that the poor and common people of the islands
cannot buy those goods, or only at very high prices; the second,
that, since the shipments of goods [to Mexico] are many and large,
and the vessels few--at times (nearly always, in fact) not more than
one--and, because of the great amount of ship stores required for
so long a course, and the difficulty of the voyage, these vessels
go but lightly laden, the citizens and common people cannot export
any goods. We ask that his Majesty ordain and confirm what has been
ordained here by his royal Audiencia--namely, that neither shall such
consignments be sent from Mexico, nor shall Mexican factors or trading
companies come hither from that country; but that only the citizens of
these islands be allowed to buy and export to Mexico the products of
this land and foreign products. If any other person wish to do this,
he should be obliged to become a citizen and reside here at least
for three years; and he should trade with none but his own property,
under severe penalties. These should include the confiscation of both
such goods and his personal property, in addition to which he should
not be allowed to carry any wealth to Mexico; nor from there shall
the money be brought which now the Chinese take, so that their goods
may be bought more cheaply, and with the products of this land.
2. _That purchases be not made from the Chinese, at retail, but by
wholesale._ Second: We desire that, now and henceforth, neither the
Chinese nor other foreign vessels shall sell at retail, as is the
custom at present, nor shall the inhabitants of this city be allowed
to purchase in public or in secret, under severe penalties. We ask
that, for the purchase of these goods at wholesale, there be appointed
and chosen persons, so many and such as the affair requires, so that
they alone may buy at wholesale all the goods brought by the Chinese
vessels, and afterward apportion them to the Spanish citizens, the
Chinese, and the Indians, by a just and fair distribution, at the
rate of the prices paid for them, plus the other incidental expenses
required. If his Majesty order and confirm this, the prices shall
be determined and established by the governor and persons whom his
Lordship shall appoint.
3. _That there be no Chinese hucksters in Manila._ Third: From the
above follows another very important matter--namely, that all the
Chinese merchants and hucksters should not remain here to hoard and
retail the goods, as well as for the many other losses, and the lack of
supplies that they cause in the city and land, and the secret sins and
witchcrafts that they teach, of which the father will give a detailed
account. Moreover, the shops which they had and which are necessary
for retail articles should, in the course of the year, be taken by the
Spaniards, so that the advantage may remain on our side, and so that
there maybe opportunity for Spanish citizenship and settlement. This
cannot increase without such action, since there are so many Chinese
here; and it is desirable for many other advantages which will be
attained here. Outside the city there should remain, of the Chinese,
only the Christians and certain other old inhabitants, who do not
come and go, and are not wholly hucksters, but workmen--mechanics,
carpenters, gardeners, and farmers--and others who trade in food
supplies, who, collecting the food in the villages of the Indians,
bring it to this city.
4. _That the Portuguese shall not trade with Mexico or Peru._ Fourth:
The Portuguese should be forbidden, for the present, to make a voyage
to or traffic with Peru or Nueba España; for this country will be
ruined, while that city (Sevilla--_Madrid MS._) will lose the duties
on the voyages and goods, and the Portuguese will take the silver to
China, East India (Cion, and Sunda--_Madrid MS._) and other foreign
kingdoms.
5. _That the inhabitants of the islands may trade with Piru or any
other country._ Fifth: We ask that the inhabitants of these islands
may make voyages to Japon, Macan, and all other kingdoms and posts,
whether Portuguese or pagan, that admit our trade.
6. _That the Audiencia be abolished, or paid from Mexico._ Sixth:
The citizens of this city and of these islands are very few and poor
to carry so great a burden as the royal Audiencia, and the numerous
expenses caused and incurred by its officials; accordingly if there
are any reasons why the Audiencia should remain, his Majesty should
allow their salaries to be paid from the treasury of Mexico. The
father will inform his Majesty of the arguments on both sides,
according to the detailed memoranda and the discussions and opinions
expressed here. His Majesty will take what action he deems suitable.
Chapter fourth. Of other matters on which depend the establishment
and increase of this state and kingdom
1. _That farming and stock raising be encouraged._ First: It should
be brought to his Majesty's attention that, up to this time, this
country has had no adequate means of support--whether in estates,
farming, stock-raising, or anything else that sustains and enriches
countries; but that its first settlers came only to conquer and subdue
what little there is, and that afterward all thought and care were
transferred to traffic and gain. On this account all the country
has remained uncultivated and unsettled; and it is necessary that
an earnest effort be made to maintain what we now hold. To this end
his Majesty should undertake to send every year from Castilla, Nueba
España, or elsewhere, eight or ten married farmers with daughters; his
Majesty should pay the expenses of their voyage and settlement here,
and provide here their houses and farm implements, and grant them
other favors; and for this should issue very particular commands. He
should be told that there are so extensive and so fertile lands,
with abundance of wood and iron; and that there are many workmen and
much game, and everything else needed by farmers.
2. _That the farmers and settlers be exempt from all taxes for a
certain period._ Second: All coming to settle and cultivate the
soil should be exempt for the present from tithes, pecho, [41] and
any other tax--with assurance and agreement that for the future,
for such period as his Majesty may consider advisable, they shall
incur no molestation from the collector of tithes; and that each be
furnished the assurance of exemption which shall be necessary with
the church and other persons.
3. _That the Spaniards and Indians of the farms be exempt from war
and other personal labor._ Third: They, and all the Indians who aid
them or accompany them to their farms, should be exempt from war or
other personal labor in boats or on buildings, or anything else that
might hinder or fatigue them.
4. _That those coming as farmers be not allowed to change their
occupation._ Fourth: His Majesty should order that those coming for
this purpose shall not change or be transferred to any other pursuit
or means of gain; but that they be compelled to do the work for which
the above-mentioned, and what else shall appear necessary, is given,
so that they may be forced to it with good reason. Therefore, those
who shall be sent should be of humble and low estate, and only fit
for and accustomed to this work.
5. _That the Indians accompany our farmers and learn farming_. Fifth:
The Indian chiefs and timaguas should be ordered to associate
themselves with our farmers by just contracts and division, so that
they may grow to like and learn our method of farming, and that the
Spaniards may have someone to furnish them with people and other
necessary aids--since these Indians are sagacious and know how to
look out for themselves with the farmers, especially if the latter
be simple people, as above stated.
6. _That many cattle and horses be brought from China and Japon,
and that buffaloes be domesticated._ Sixth: His Majesty should give
imperative orders that an effort be made to have many horses and cattle
brought from China and Japon; and that these farmers and the Indian
chiefs and villages, be ordered to domesticate and breed buffaloes. By
these means they may have the animals which are necessary to cultivate
the land, for their other work, and for food.
7. _That the encomiendas be granted with the obligation to cultivate
them._ Seventh: His Majesty should order that, now and henceforth,
the encomiendas be granted under this obligation and charge, namely,
that the encomendero shall cultivate a portion of the land, and cause
it to be cultivated, and shall induce the said Indians and Spaniards
to do the same; that the governors attend to this with vigilance, and
that they require from the encomenderos a certain number of animals,
or so much cultivated land, or produce--either by themselves, or in
company with the said chiefs and farmers.
8. _That dowries be established here, so that some women may be married
every year._ Eighth: For a larger and better settlement and increase,
his Majesty should provide for this land dowries and alms--amounting
to four hundred or five hundred pesos, or thereabout, as may seem
advisable to his Majesty--so that every year ten, fifteen, or twenty
women, brought from España, may be married to the common people of
these islands, such as soldiers and others, that thus the country
may secure an increase of population--which it has not at present,
for lack of women and marriages.
9. _That there be dowries so that Indian women may be married to poor
Spaniards._ Ninth: His Majesty should assign other and lesser dowries,
so that the Indian women may be married to poor Spaniards (soldiers
and sailors) of the lower rank. In both these ways the country may
be increased, in these regions so remote and so lacking in people.
10. _That offices be not sold._ Tenth: His Majesty should know that
it has been proposed and intended here to have all the offices sold;
and, if his Majesty desire this increase, it is all the more important
not only that he should order that no more be sold, but that even,
if possible, those offices which were sold should be bought back. All
the offices should be given to those who come here, and remain in
lands so remote and of so few advantages. The offices include those of
secretaries, notaries, alguazils, clerks of records, assayer, and any
others whatever. No persons should come with appointments from España,
but appointments should be made here, as stated in chapter second,
sections 6 and 7.
11. _That the encomiendas be of such extent that they may provide
the taxes for tithes, instruction, and other expenses._ Eleventh:
We ask that, so far as the disposal of the land and the settlement
of the Indians allow, no encomiendas of less than eight hundred
or one thousand Indians be allotted, in order that there may be
sufficient for the instruction, tithes, and other expenses--which
cannot be covered in encomiendas of five hundred tributes, but which
are necessary. His Majesty should grant permission that those who
possess but few Indians may, if they so desire, dispose of and sell
them to another and neighboring encomendero, in order that a larger
encomienda may be formed; at present, this cannot be done.
Chapter fifth. Of some matters pertaining to the Indians
1. _That the Indians should not pay the tenth on gold, either new
or old._ First: His Majesty should grant this grace and exemption
to the Indians--namely, that for certain years they shall not pay
the tenth of their gold; for with this concession they would better
conform to the law, and would have gold in greater abundance, and
openly and above-board; for now they dig but little of it, and hide
most of that, in order to sell it to other nations. Although it has
been ordained that the old gold be not taxed the tenth, yet, on the
pretext of its being new, they tax it all, without the knowledge of
the governor. This evil cannot be remedied among the alcaldes-mayor
or other Spaniards who are concerned in the matter; nor do even the
governors care greatly about it, or remedy it.
2. _That, in the suits of the Indians, the process be summary._ Second:
In their law-suits, proceedings should not be conducted with such
preparation, and so great expenses and long terms, as are usual among
the Spaniards in a European chancilleria; but they should be summary,
and only sufficient records be kept to give evidence, so that, in the
future, no new suit can be instituted on the same ground. In regard
to this the father will relate our difficulties, past and present and
to come; and what the officers of justice do with the Indians--and the
same as regards the ecclesiastics. The Indians should not be condemned
to pay money fines, either for municipal purposes, or for charitable
institutions; but other penalties in use among the Indians should be
imposed, such as lashes, service in the hospitals, and other labors.
3. _That the collection of tributes by force, and without any
instruction being given to the Indians, excites and disturbs the
country._ Third: His Majesty should be informed of what has occurred
in the collection of tributes from the disaffected or never-pacified
encomiendas, and of how little heed is paid to his ordinances;
and he should order them to be executed. Such Indians should not
be compelled to submit; nor should all the tribute be collected
from them, but only something as recognition, since they receive no
benefit, nor know why it is demanded. Thus they regard it as a theft,
and us as robbers. Severe penalties should be imposed on those who
by only collecting the tribute each year and returning to this city,
or by sending soldiers to do it as above stated (disturb the country
and--_Madrid MS_.) render it impossible that the country can ever
be pacified. For this reason many districts of these islands are
disaffected, and must be subdued, as Burney, Maluco, Mindanao, and
others near them. The same should be understood also in regard to the
encomiendas allotted to the royal crown. This matter needs serious
attention and correction.
4. _The difficulty of furnishing instruction in some of the pacified
islands_. Fourth: His Majesty should be informed how little instruction
is given in these islands, the difficulty of many [encomenderos] in
furnishing it, and the much greater difficulty which arises from the
topography of the country--because it is all islands, and several, or
many, of them are so small that they do not allow an entire encomienda,
since three hundred, four hundred, or five hundred tributes are not
sufficient for the expenses of an encomienda; and many of these have
only one hundred or two hundred tributes. To this difficulty is added
the burden and danger of the voyage, the heat and rains, and the
poor roads of the country. In regard to this matter should be stated
whatever remains to be told; also the remedy that may be applied by
adding to the tributes, and by making some islands dependent upon
others, as his Majesty may deem best.
5. _That a protector of the Indians, with a salary, be appointed,
who shall not be the royal fiscal._ Fifth: A protector of the Indians
should be appointed, a Christian man, and with authority to defend
them, and prosecute their suits. In order to avoid the losses and
expenses generally caused to the Indians by protectors, because of
their being common men, he should have a good salary; and the royal
fiscal should not be the protector, because in his duties more cases
against the Indians than in their defense necessarily arise, and he
cannot neglect to prosecute them. Therefore it is advisable that the
two offices be not merged in one person; and that the said protector
be authorized to prosecute, even to the deprivation of encomiendas or
other penalties, pecuniary or personal; that he have a voice and vote
in the cabildo, both actively and passively; that he take precedence
of the regidors and alguazil-mayor, and sit with the advocates and
not with the prosecutors; that he be not an encomendero, and that the
alcaicería [i.e., silk-market], and the care of the Chinese residing
in Manila, be annexed to his office.
Chapter sixth. Of matters pertaining to the soldiers
1. _The serious troubles and annoyances which result from the soldiers
not being paid._ First: His Majesty should be informed that the
country is not settled or pacified, because it is poorly governed
and has so small a military force. There is lack of men, and even
the few that we have serve with no pay or means of gain, but with
many hardships and dangers, and in extreme poverty and desolation,
and worse than captivity, since they are forced to service without any
pay or support. From this ensue many evils. The first is, that they do
nothing, and they cannot and even will not do anything voluntarily; and
in this alone they are lacking in natural loyalty and fidelity to their
king. Second: They go--poor, despised, disgraced, sick, and needy--to
serve masters who are often mean, and persons who, although just to
others, sometimes give these men no compensation. With such hardships,
sorrows, and famine, and but few delicacies or provisions for their
illnesses, many of them die, and that in great wretchedness. Third:
They try to escape, as often as they can--now to Macan or to Malaca,
sometimes to Maluco, but most commonly to Nueva España--under a
thousand pretexts and excuses of being married, or sick, or bound to
religion, and others. Fourth: On this account, the country has so bad a
reputation in Mexico and in the other countries whence they might come,
that no one of worth comes, but only very mean and worthless beggars,
and destitute, shiftless, and useless fellows; and it would matter
very little, and would even be better, if they did not come. Fifth:
It is a pitiable thing to see men of rank and quality, and gentlemen,
who have come for private opportunities and objects, poor, ill-clad,
without shelter, service, or food, and needy, enduring great hunger
and shame for the sake of supplying these needs--in the same day
dining at one house and supping at another. Sixth: On this account,
the captains and commanders neither dare nor can order anything
freely, nor are the soldiers willing to obey; and therefore, not only
is nothing accomplished, but there remains neither military order,
nor respect for superiors, nor organization. Seventh: They have no
weapons, or, if they have them, they are compelled to pawn or sell
them for clothing and food. Eighth: On this account, many of them
are almost forced to inflict injuries on the natives of the country
in order to get food, and others to live with native women for the
same reason. From all of these follows the ninth and greatest evil
of all--namely, that the little that has been conquered has been so
weakened that it is not growing, and shows no sign of future growth;
and nearly all the rest is so disaffected, and without our having
any opportunity or power to hold it, that not only will it remain
as now, but it is even feared that the little already conquered will
be ruined--especially as, besides the foe at home, there are so many
surrounding enemies, those of Japon, China, Çian, Patan, Jabas, Burney,
and Maluco, and other innumerable peoples. All this is in the utmost
need of remedy, so that this Spanish state may not be destroyed, and
so many souls of the natives lost, and the glory of their Creator and
the knowledge of Jesus Christ effaced and forgotten. Nor should the
enlargement of so great lands and kingdoms, for so much gain, honor,
and renown of our Catholic sovereigns and of their faithful vassals,
the Spanish nation, be neglected.
2. _The great importance of paying the soldiers._ Second: All this
will be remedied, provided that his Majesty order that, inasmuch as
there is an evident and imperative need here for troops, and for their
participation, as now, in the exercise and labors of war--conquering,
pacifying, conserving, controlling, and anticipating dangers; carrying
the responsibilities of presidios [i.e., fortified towns], garrisons,
and sentries; and enduring other duties and hardships, greater in this
country than in any other--they be granted what is just and necessary,
either from the treasury of Mexico or of some other country, or
in such manner and method as his Majesty may consider better; and
that the pay be the ordinary rate that is paid in the Yndias--or,
if he chooses, even less. This will not only put an end to the said
evils and annoyances, but will give rise to so great blessings; since
the country will be quiet and settled, and there will be continual
necessity for subduing and converting more lands, and conquering all
of the neighboring islands and kingdoms. These will have the fear and
respect that they ought to have for the power and might of his Majesty,
and for the Spanish people--of which much has been lost and little
gained of late years, because we have been so shut in and abandoned.
3. _That three hundred and fifty soldiers with six captains, six
standard-bearers, sergeants, and corporals are sufficient for that
country._ Third: For the above object, it will be sufficient that
his Majesty maintain here three hundred or three hundred and fifty
soldiers, with six captains, six standard-bearers, six sergeants,
and twelve corporals, well drilled and equipped. This can be done
in the Yndias at the price of fifteen pesos [to each soldier], and
to the captains fifty, to the standard-bearer twenty-five, and one
thousand pesos of additional pay, to be distributed annually at the
will of the general.
4. _That the soldiers should have no other duty or occupation_. Fourth:
We recommend that any one of the soldiers, on receiving an encomienda
or other appointment, shall draw no more pay; and that while he
draws pay, he shall not be allowed to trade or traffic, under severe
penalties--for this lure and anxiety is the destruction of soldiers;
it lessens and intimidates their resolution, and occupies them and
distracts them from their proper aim, which is so necessary for the
safety and increase of this land and of Christendom.
5. _That the soldiers shall not be servants of the governors or
others._ Fifth: We recommend that no servants of the governors,
captains royal officials or others, may be provided from any garrison
of soldiers; but that all the latter be soldiers only, with the
occupation and exercise of arms, or of what pertains thereto.
6. _That the exemptions of soldiers be observed._ Sixth: The exemptions
from arrest for debts incurred while a soldier, or from executions on
weapons, horse, or anything else necessary and proper to the soldier,
should be maintained.
7. _That the captains and commanders enjoy their privileges._ Seventh:
The captains and commanders should be protected in their privileges,
by which they have ordinary power and authority to govern and punish
the soldiers, and in all matters pertaining to the soldiery; and
these powers should be granted to and exercised by them.
8. _That the governor and captain-general have a guard of twenty-four
halberdiers._ Eighth: Twenty-four halberdiers should be given to the
governor and captain-general, to guard his person and maintain his
authority, as do those of the captain of Malaca; for it is only by such
display that due respect is inspired in the natives and foreigners,
and their minds kept from planning revolts and treasons. It also
confers authority upon the person of him who represents the person
of our king, and increases the honor and reverence paid to him. To
these guards should be given each month, from the royal exchequer,
eight pesos and three fanégas of rice; and to the captain of the guard,
twenty-five pesos.
9. _That those coming from Mexico be soldiers, and not boys, or pages
of the captains._ Ninth: His Majesty should order great caution to be
employed as to who come from Nueba España, assigned and at his cost,
that they be soldiers and bear arms: for those who generally come now
are only young lads, mestizos, and even some full-blooded Indians,
and these without weapons; and many others are pages and servants of
the captains and other persons, who--they and their masters--under
the name of soldiers draw the pay.
Chapter seven. Of the forts and presidios needed in this country
1. _That Manila should be walled, and the ease with which this can
be accomplished._ First: His Majesty should be informed of the ease
and cheapness with which stone buildings are made and can be made. He
should urgently and imperatively order that this city of Manila be
enclosed with stone, on the side where that is needed, and on the other
sides with water; that the fort be built where it shall be determined
by the advice of all; and that a tower be erected on the point at the
junction of the river and sea. The part where a wall is necessary is
very little, extending from the beach to a marsh of the river--about
sixty brazas; but it will never be done, unless his Majesty so order.
2. _That until forts are built, the country will not be settled._
Second: Having this and the garrison for the fort, not only will the
city be secure from the perils that have hitherto menaced it, and its
present dangers from revolts; but the natives (like the Chinese and
foreigners--_Madrid MS._) and the Chinese, the foreigners, and all
others, will cease to devour it, and will despair of our having to
depart or perish, as they may desire, and of their hopes and designs
(which they continually cherish--_Madrid MS._) of expelling or putting
an end to us. With this stronghold, the whole country will be greatly
quieted, and the neighboring peoples will be afraid and have less
inclination to resist, or resolution to attack the city. Occasion will
not then be given for either natives or foreigners to regard us as so
barbarous and not able to govern--which they impute to the weakness
and negligence of our king, when they see, as now, everything here so
unprotected, with but one small wooden fort, dilapidated and liable
to be burned easily in one hour, and, in another part of the city,
part of a small tower begun with small stones (and, although belonging
to an estate of the country, it remains unfinished--_Madrid MS._),
and that the city is, at the very least, in a ruinous state.
3. _Five dangers that are feared from revolt, and their remedy._ Third:
There are five dangers to be feared from revolts or invasions. The
first is from the natives, who are numerous, heavily oppressed, and
but thinly settled; the second, from the Chinese, of whom four or five
thousand reside here, and have ingress and egress. The third is from
the Japanese, who make a descent almost every year, and, it is said,
with the intent of colonizing Luçon; the fourth from the inhabitants
of Maluco and Burney, who are infuriated and irritated, and have
quite lost their fear of us, having driven us twice from their lands;
and it is feared lest they unite, as they have threatened, in order
to drive us from our own. The fifth is from the English, who were in
Maluco and noted our weakness (who, when in Maluco, had information
of the weakness of Manila--_Madrid MS._). A fort is needed in Ylocos
or Cagayan, as a defense against the Japanese and Chinese robbers;
another in Çebu, against Burney and the Malucos; another in Panpanga,
against the Çanvales, or rebels. These with the fort of Manila will
give security, and at a very slight cost to his Majesty, more than
to order it, for materials are abundant, and almost all the natives
are workmen.
4. _That there should be ships to ensure the safety of the islands._
Fourth: Besides these presidios, there should be some coasting galleys
or fragatas, to make the coasts secure, and ward off the invasions
of the Japanese. They (are accustomed to come every year, chiefly
to the region of Cagayan and Ylocos, to--_Madrid MS._) rob and kill
many natives, and seize the Chinese vessels that bring us food and
goods, so that much is lost, and commerce and plenty hindered. They
also cause the Chinese, returning from Manila to their country, not
to take the usual route; and they harm our Indians by sea and land,
as they do even now. The fragatas can also protect us against other
Chinese and Bornean pirates; and against any other emergencies and
dangers, from foreigners or from the natives.
5. _That no confidence can be placed in the natives._ Fifth: In order
that the necessity for these forts and presidios above mentioned may
be understood, notification should be given that, with the arrival of
Englishmen or any other enemy, it would be necessary for the Spaniards,
for lack of these forts, especially in Manila, to seek refuge and be
dispersed inland. There, beyond, any doubt, they would all be killed,
or run great risk of it, because the Indians of the Philippinas are
knaves (very warlike; and the Spaniards and soldiers have so harassed
them, on account of having no pay or food, that--_Madrid MS._);
and as they receive so many wrongs and such ill treatment from the
soldiers (who can almost be excused for doing it, by their poverty),
if they had such an opportunity, they would kill as many as possible,
since even now, without having such occasion for it, they never lose
any opportunity, and daily kill Spaniards.
Chapter eighth. Of the expeditions and pacifications necessary
1. _That much can be gained, and many Christians made, at but little
cost._ First: To his Majesty should be declared the new mode and new
circumstances in which we can justly make (and they have been made
for several years) expeditions and pacifications in this land. He
should know that this may be done with few troops, and at slight cost,
and with great facility, and the advantage that will be gained if the
troops are paid and under military rule; for the land is so divided
into many islands, and between many petty rulers--who quarrel easily
among themselves, and ally themselves with us, and maintain themselves
with but little of our assistance. In all this, his Majesty has a
very extensive equipment for performing great service to our Lord
(and doing good to so many souls--_Madrid MS._), and in extending
the Christian religion and the church, and his royal name, in lands
so strange, and broad, and thickly populated.
2. _How little establishment has been made in the country._ Second:
Inasmuch as this pacification can be made justifiably, there is the
utmost need for it (even in the very region where the Spaniards reside
and travel--_Madrid MS._), both for the Spaniards and some Christians,
since it is all so disaffected and unsubdued for lack of troops, as
above stated, and because they have not the necessary pay. Thus even
in the island of Luçon are provinces that have never been conquered,
or which, although once subdued, have revolted again--as those called
Çagayan, Pangasinan, Playa Onda, Zanbales, Balete, Cataduanes, and
others, surrounding and near Manila. These are mixed up with the
pacified provinces, and thus it is neither all done nor to be done,
for the want of a little system and provision.
3. _The obligation to protect those already converted._ Third: Not
only is it necessary to establish the said equipment and system,
but it even appears that his Majesty has an obligation thereto,
because of the so great service that he has rendered to God by the
conversion of so many souls, who are under his royal protection, who
exceed two hundred and fifty thousand in number. By not being able
to protect these, they are suffering at present great hardships and
wrongs from the disaffected and unpacified natives, who daily attack
and kill them, and burn their houses, crops, and palm-trees. On this
account, and because they kill also many Spaniards, not only are
our present conquests not extended, but they are daily diminished;
and there is grave danger, as above stated, of losing them altogether
(of the Christian population being exterminated--_Madrid MS._).
4. _The many peoples that can be pacified now--a thing which it will
be impossible to do later._ Fourth: Besides the said provinces, which
in many places are in revolt, between ourselves and those already
converted, are others, which, although not so near in distance or in
the disposition of the people, still cannot be called new discoveries,
because they are already known and studied. Daily they are becoming
more deteriorated and perverted; and it will be necessary for their
good and our safety to pacify and rule them--which later will be
very difficult or impossible to do. These provinces are Ba[bu]yanes,
the island of Hermosa [Formosa], the island of Cavallos, Lequios,
the island of Aynao [Hainan], Jabas, Burney, Paraguan, Calamianes,
Mindanao, Siao, Maluco, and many others.
5. _That the governor be empowered to make expeditions._ Fifth:
His Majesty is informed that, on account of these conditions in the
country, it is here unanimously considered necessary that the governor
of Manila should have authority and power to make these expeditions
and this pacification at the cost of the royal exchequer, in the
most important cases that arise (and are continually arising), if
he consult as to the law with the ecclesiastics and lawyers, and,
as to the execution of his plans, with captains and with men of
experience and conscience. He should also seek counsel in regard to
the other important details, in order that the expenses be only those
necessary, and such as shall produce results. For lack of this power,
in lands so remote, and since he must wait so long for the proceedings
of the Council, and a reply from España, when the reply comes most
important opportunities will have passed, and great difficulties
will have resulted; and no matter how important these things may be
considered here, seldom is there anyone who pays any attention to
anything except his own individual concerns. (As for this country,
every one looks after his own interests and enrichment, and there is
no longer anyone who will spend a maravedi, even if the country is
endangered--_Madrid MS._).
6. _That the governor may be empowered to entrust expeditions by
contract to other Spaniards._ Sixth: In order that this may be done
more easily, and at less cost, the governor should be permitted to make
agreements and contracts with captains, encomenderos, and other persons
who wish to coöperate with the king, to undertake these expeditions
at their own expense, or partly so, as may seem most advisable--for
there are and will be many persons who, although not able to make
them at their own expense, can make them with this aid. And in such
contracts the governor should have power to concede and grant, on the
part of his Majesty, appointments and titles of governor, adelantado,
mariscal, and other honors which are and have been conceded, in the
Yndias, to such men.
Chapter ninth. Of other matters common to Indians and Spaniards
1. _That his Majesty should aid in atoning for the wrongs inflicted
by the first conquerors._ First: His Majesty should be informed
that, as this country has been recently conquered, the majority of
the first conquerors are still alive, who inflicted great injuries
in their expeditions; and that as either the Indians on whom they
inflicted them, or their heirs, are likewise living, or at least the
villages and provinces remain, the confessors refuse to absolve these
conquerors unless they pay, each one the whole amount _in solidum_,
or all together unite to pay it. This they can never do, as it is
a vast sum, and because many are dead, or gone, or poor, so that
those remaining are but few; and an exceeding great sum is assigned
to them, which they refuse, or are unable to pay, except with great
injury to themselves, and many of them being left poor and in their
former condition. They beg that, since these wrongs were inflicted in
gaining the country for his Majesty, and as they remain but little
or no richer thereby, and because these are damages inflicted in
the act of conquest, his Majesty will aid them with a certain sum of
money--in order that with what the conquerors are prepared to give,
the Indians may be recompensed, and they themselves may be confessed
and at peace with themselves and the ecclesiastics; or, at least,
that his Majesty write to the pope to grant a bull for the adjustment
of this matter. This he may concede, so that each one may comply by
paying what wrong he thinks he has done, and not the whole; and they
request that what they have restored hitherto at the advice of their
confessors for pious works be taken into account (of the total sum of
which they are uncertain), especially when an Indian, or his heirs,
of those aggrieved is not alive.
2. _That many encomenderos do not furnish ministers of instruction._
Second: His Majesty should be informed that although certain of
the encomenderos, fearful of their consciences, strive to furnish
the necessary instruction in their encomiendas, there are others
who furnish none (many others who will not furnish any--_Madrid
MS._), or not the amount necessary, notwithstanding that there are
enough ministers (who reside in the encomienda--_Madrid MS._). Thus
they do not lighten the burdens on the conscience of his Majesty,
to whom belongs the country, and to whom it pertains to furnish
instruction, and thus to justify the chief argument for collecting
the tributes. This requires rigor on the part of his Majesty, in order
that the Indians, since all can be and are so assiduously compelled by
their encomenderos to pay tribute, may and shall be also instructed;
for up to this time there are encomiendas which have been peaceably
paying their tributes for fifteen, twenty (twenty-five--_Madrid MS._)
or more years, without ever having seen a minister or hearing one
word about God; and who cannot imagine why they are paying tribute,
unless it be by sheer violence. And, in the same way, there are many
others, who are disaffected and pay by sheer force of soldiers and
arquebuses, and by compulsion, etc. The principal reason for their
disaffection is that they have not ministers; for there is nothing
that settles and calms the Indians better than the treatment of all
alike, and mildness, and an upright life, or at least to see that
one has not an evil intention. The ministers also serve as a check
on the encomenderos, collectors, and other Spaniards, who go among
the Indians, and cause the usual altercations and scandals. And
since there is no means besides force, even for the temporal,
that his Majesty can use, and so that the pacified may not become
disaffected, and that the disaffected may be held in check, severe
and forcible measures should be taken to see that this instruction
is given them. His Majesty should decide whether the encomenderos
(who, in order not to spend money, do not furnish instruction) can
collect the entire amount of their tributes, or he should inflict
upon them what penalty he deems advisable; and he should decide--if,
in order that they may furnish the instruction, it is necessary to
increase the tributes somewhat--whether it can be done, as stated.
3. _The injuries inflicted in the collection of tributes._ Third:
His Majesty should be informed of the great lack of system and
the confusion existing in the collection of tributes, and the many
injuries inflicted on the Indians by the Spaniards and their great
opportunity for inflicting them; for, as he who made the assessments
in die beginning was not a lawyer (as the first governors were not
lawyers--_Madrid MS._), nor acquainted with the mischief that could
happen later in the collections, he rendered them very confused and
vexatious. Although, in its general understanding, and in the usage
of the first years, it is seen that the tribute amounted to the value
of eight reals, paid in what the Indian possessed and desired to pay,
still in certain words and clauses regarding the assessments and the
articles which they fix as payment for the tributes--such as cotton
cloth, rice, and other products of the country, or three mayces of gold
and one fowl--opportunity is given for the lack of system now existing,
each one collecting as he pleases, with great offense to the Indians,
and harm to the country. For when gold is plentiful, and reals scarce,
they ask for reals; when the latter are plentiful, and there is a
scarcity of gold, they ask for gold, even when the Indians have to buy
it; and when crops are plentiful, they ask for money, but when these
are lacking, they ask for produce--such as rice, etc.--even all that
the Indians have, and they are compelled to travel great distances
to try to buy it at high rates. Thus, where the tribute is eight
reals, some collect fifteen, and others twenty, twenty-five, thirty,
and more, on account of the value of the articles that they demand,
which they compel the Indians to search for and bring from other
districts. Through this the Indians endure so great oppression and
distress, that, on this account, several provinces have revolted, and
others will not pay, except by force and with much disturbance. All,
including the encomenderos themselves, desire that this matter be
cleared up; but the royal Audiencia did not care to meddle with it,
as it is a matter of tributes, and pertains solely to his Majesty. It
is necessary that the tributes be in the standard of Castilian reals,
paid in money, or in the produce of the soil, as the Indian has them,
and as he chooses, provided that their value remains.
4. _That his Majesty order the Spaniards to release their Indian
slaves._ Fourth: Although many of the Spaniards (all the Spaniards
who have tender consciences--_Madrid MS._), have, in obedience to his
Majesty's decrees, given up the Indians whom they held as slaves, many
others still retain them--forbidding them to have house or property
of their own, or to live in their own villages and doctrinas. [42]
A new decree is necessary, so that an end may be put to all this pest,
as was done in Nueba España and Piru.
5. _That the enslavement of Indians by other Indians be regulated._
Fifth: His Majesty is informed that all the chief and wealthy Indians,
and even many of the common people among them, have and continually
make, many slaves among themselves, and sell them to heathen and
foreigners, although the slave may be a Christian. It is ascertained
that of the twenty and more different methods of enslavement not one
is justifiable. Although in regard to those who are recently enslaved,
and are known, reform is easy, still regarding the many held from
former times, the bishop and all his assistants are in great doubt
and perplexity, because, on the one hand, they see that the Indians
possess and inherit the slaves from their parents and grandparents,
while on the other, the ecclesiastics are certain that none, or almost
none, of the slaves were made so justly. Therefore, hardly any learned
and conscientious religious is willing, not only to absolve, but
even to baptize or marry the Indian, unless he gives up his slaves;
for these generally are, or were, stolen from other countries,
or taken in unjustifiable petty warfare, or made slaves for very
small debts--of which the majority admit no other payment than their
enslavement--others by usury and barter according to their custom,
and by other methods, even more unjust than these. It is necessary
for his Majesty to ordain some method so that, now and henceforth, at
least those who are under our control, may make no more slaves; that
children born to those who are now slaves, or appear to be slaves,
should be born free; that those that wish to redeem themselves may
do so at a price adjudged reasonable by arbitrators; and that those
held at present may not be sold to pagans, or to Indians not subject
to his Majesty.
6. _The annoyances to the Indians from lawsuits and the
preparation therefor._ Sixth: His Majesty should prevent the
annoyances and troubles suffered by the Indians from the ministers
of justice--alcaldes-mayor, deputies, notaries, and alguazils--by
the many suits that they stir up among them, not only about events
occurring since the advent of the Spaniards and a government,
but also about events of former days, occurring in their heathen
condition, and regarding their ancestors; these may be either civil
or criminal. And these are not summary cases, but are conducted with
all the preparation made in a chancilleria of España; and as the
ministers of justice and their assistants are so many (and as there
are so many alguazils, attorneys, secretaries, reporters, summoners,
notaries, clerks, and servants of all these--_Madrid MS._), and the
Indians are so poor, ignorant, and cowardly, the latter spend their
entire substance (all they have is quickly consumed--_Madrid MS._),
and they are left without any property or any conclusion to the suit,
which keeps them frightened and uneasy. The encomenderos and ministers
of instruction, who see the spiritual and temporal scandal occasioned
to the Indians, desire that his Majesty remedy this; and the same
is desired by the president and auditors--although one says that,
without an order from his Majesty, no summary process can be conducted,
but that justice must take its ordinary course.
Chapter tenth. Of the advice necessary to the religious who come to
Manila and go to other countries
1. _That the religious leave the islands for other countries without
orders from the governor or bishop._ First: His Majesty should
be informed of the disorder in these islands which arises from the
religious being allowed to leave them whenever they wish, and for any
place where they choose to go, and that they have gone four times,
without permission of governor, bishop, or any other authority in
the islands--saying that, by the full power given them by the pope,
whosoever shall hinder them will be excommunicated. By these departures
they have caused and are causing many losses, and are gathering no
harvest of souls.
2. _The injuries caused by the departures of the religious._ Second:
The injuries on the part of the islands are, that the religious, whom
his Majesty sends from España at so much cost to himself, declare,
as soon as they have arrived here, that they do not come for the
islands, but for China; and therefore they do not give themselves to
the language of the Indians, or intercourse with them--but rather,
to give color to their own acts in traveling farther to satisfy their
curiosity and see new lands, they speak evil of the natives and of
the country, thus giving it a bad name, in speech and by letter. They
prevent religious, soldiers, and settlers from coming from España and
Mexico, while in the islands they disquiet the other religious with
desires to travel farther, or to return; and they rouse and excite
the seculars and soldiers, so that, moved and deceived by the same
curiosity; they should furnish them with fragatas and equipment, and
go with them. Therefore, religious, soldiers, and vessels leave the
islands--all of which has cost his Majesty so much money and causes
great want.
3. _The wrongs committed in the countries where the religious and
the seculars go without orders._ Third: The injuries on the part
of the countries whither they go are not less, because those people
are all disturbed and offended, and consider the religious as spies
and explorers. Therefore they are continually preparing defenses and
building fortifications, as those in China have done, who have added
many war vessels and garrisons, because of their suspicions of these
departures. And, as these religious go without order or provision, they
cause our affairs--of both religion and war--to be held in contempt
and ridicule; and the foreigners arrest the religious and soldiers,
to whom they offer many insults, while they keep the fragatas and
their cargoes--as they have done five or six times.
4. _The difficulty caused by thinking that China and other kingdoms
can be converted, since it is not so._ Fourth: Likewise one may reckon
as a harm and a serious difficulty the settled opinion formed in Nueba
España, Castilla, and Roma, through letters, that China or Cochinchina,
Canboja, Sian, and other districts, will be converted. Therefore,
it is necessary that his Majesty be undeceived and that people in
Europe [Nueba España, etc.] should be informed that, after all these
departures, an embassy was sent by order of the governor, the bishop,
and the community, who traversed all those kingdoms, even Malaca, yet
now they are all more tightly closed than ever; while the religious,
who have gone without orders, have accomplished nothing more than to
be insulted and maltreated, and to leave the pagans more haughty and
more on their guard.
5. _That no secular person may leave the islands, nor give the
religious aid to leave them._ Fifth: It is very needful, for a reform
of the said disorders, that his Majesty order the governor of Manila,
under severe penalties, that no secular Spaniard may leave the islands
for any place or for any business, or furnish a fragata, supplies,
or any other aid to any religious in order that the latter may leave
the islands, without showing a special order from his Majesty, from
the governor, bishop, or any one else whom (or, in Manila--_Madrid
MS._) his Majesty may consider a suitable person.
6. _That the religious come from España and Mejico for the islands,
and for no other place._ Sixth: His Majesty should order that, now and
henceforth--since all the mainland is so closed, and there is, on the
other hand, in the islands a very wide open gate for the increase of
Christianity and of his kingdoms--the religious coming from España and
Mexico shall come assigned for the Philippinas Islands, where there
is the greatest abundance of souls. Many who are already baptized,
are yet without instruction or ministers; many others pacified,
and yet to be baptized, are daily asking for baptism; and there are
an infinite number of others to be pacified, who have no knowledge
of God--all for lack of ministers; and it is a most serious error
that, while this land is so ready, all thought is centered on China,
which is wholly averse to the faith; and its doors are closed against
it. This is the, art of Satan, so that neither the one nor the other
may be effected. [43]
The Proposed Entry Into China, In Detail
First: The person who is sent as an eye-witness will give his Majesty
a brief relation of the vastness of China, of the abundance of its
fruits and provisions, of the richness of its merchandise, and the
great quantity of gold and silver, quicksilver, copper, iron, and
other metals; of the immensity and certainty of the treasures, and
the infinite amount and variety of the products of the handicrafts
and of human industry; and, above all, the endless things that may
be said about the people and their life, health, peace, and plenty;
and how, with and by all this, there is offered to his Majesty the
greatest occasion and the grandest beginning that ever in the world
was offered to a monarch. Here lies before him all that the human mind
can desire or comprehend of riches and eternal fame, and likewise all
that a Christian heart, desirous of the honor of God and his faith,
can wish for, in the salvation and restoration of myriad souls,
created for Him, and redeemed by His blood, and now deluded and
possessed by the devil, and by his blindness and wickedness.
Second: If we, who are here, and see and hear these things, should
neglect for any consideration whatsoever--either to escape the labor,
anxiety, danger, and cost, or for any other reason--to advise his
Majesty of this and to persuade him to undertake so grand a work, we
would fulfil neither our duty to heaven, which we owe to God and to
the souls of our kinsmen; nor the faith and loyalty, which in such a
juncture we owe to our king, our religion, and our fatherland. Surely,
we should all be known as vile-spirited cowards, and men of little
valor, since, standing on the threshold that bounds so much good,
we are content with the little we now possess; and by dint of idling
and amusing ourselves with the little that we have here, we fail to
look or reach for an object so important for the world, for God, for
our king, for ourselves, and above all for the people of this country.
Third: Let his Majesty come to a decision in this matter, for we who
dwell here know that either this matter must be left, and entirely
given over, and lost forever, or it must be taken up now, because
the chance is slipping by, never to return. Thus, a few years ago,
it might have been accomplished with no labor, cost, or loss of life;
today it cannot be done without some loss, and in a short time it
will be impossible to do it at any cost. For the Chinese are each day
becoming more wary, and more on their guard. They are even laying
in munitions of war, fortifying themselves, and training men--all
which they have learned, and are still learning, from the Portuguese
and our people. Seeing the Portuguese in that country, and us here,
they are fearful, and especially so from the accounts the Portuguese
give them of us, telling how we go about subjecting foreign lands,
overthrowing native kings and setting up our own, and that this has so
far been our sole object in coming, and other things that the father
has heard from the mouths of the mandarins themselves, and which he
will recount. Besides, there is the passage of the fragatas, which they
have seen on their way from here to Macan, having met nearly all of
them in their ports or with their fleets; and, most of all, the course
of affairs in these islands, which, if it were presently made known,
would be understood in such wise as to destroy all hope of success.
Fourth: Further, if, for their sins and ours, the doctrine of Mahoma
comes into their country--and it has already spread over nearly the
whole of Yndia as far as Malaca, Samatra, Javas, Burney, Maluco, Lucon,
and almost all other lands--if it should get a foothold there, and some
have already entered there, it would be an insurmountable obstacle,
not only to cleansing the soul from such an obstinate error, but to
winning the land; because they will enter straightway and teach the
use of arms, munitions, and the science of war.
Of the right and ground for this entry
First: As for the right and justification which we have for entering
and subduing this land, the father who is going to España will discuss
and explain this to his Majesty, as he has considered it long and often
with the Castilians here, as well as elsewhere with the Portuguese of
Yndia, China, and of Japon, with all persons of scrupulous conscience
and broad experience; and he knows what all of them think of this
project. His Majesty may think it necessary to learn what the father
has heard and known and felt respecting the fight and ground which
exists, or may exist, both for the preaching of the gospel, and because
of the injury that we from day to day sustain, and for the sake of
these islands, but much more on account of Macan and the Portuguese.
Of the necessary means for this entry; and, first, of the personnel
and troops
First: Considering the condition and climate of the land of China,
and its populace, it will be necessary and sufficient for ten or
twelve thousand men to come from España, either Spaniards, Italians,
or other own subjects of his Majesty; but try to have them, as far as
possible, Biscayans. If possible, the expedition will set out with an
addition here of five or six thousand Japanese, and as many Visayans,
who are subjects of his Majesty in our islands, and are a spirited
and sturdy people.
Second: Although there are persons here of great valor and experience,
yet for so great an undertaking they are few; and some captains and
persons of tried capabilities must come from España, as so great an
affair demands--since it can only be carried out if picked noblemen
are brought over, who are prouder of the glories of war and honorable
deeds for their God and their king and the world, and of the fame of
them, and who have little lust for other gain or sordid lucre.
Third: The governor of these islands should also be the commander of
the expedition; and he should be some great person, superior in rank
to all the rest, of whatever nation they may be, with whom he may have
to deal in this expedition, or anything pertaining to it in these
parts, whether they be Portuguese or Castilian. In the allotment of
the offices and positions, the veteran captains and soldiers should
be preferred, and especially the Castilian and Portuguese citizens
of these islands, who have merited it by their loyalty, labors, and
services, both because they have won and kept this land and because
they have had much experience with the country and the people. Besides
they are already acclimated and used to the country, its climate,
heat, and rain; wherefore their help and counsel should be highly
valued, and they deserve recompense and preference in every way.
Fourth: The troops sent should be infantry with arquebuses, corselets,
and pikes; and, besides, a few musketeers.
Fifth: Crews for four galleys should be sent, with skilled boatswains
and foremen for them.
Sixth: There should be sent, as soon as his Majesty comes to a
decision, three or four artillery founders.
Seventh: His Majesty should then order the viceroy of Yndia to send
here, or give to whomsoever may go there for them, five hundred slaves,
because they are so plentiful and cheap there.
Eighth: There should be sent from España one or two machinists for
engines of war, and fire-throwing machines, and a few artisans to make
pitch (with some already prepared), as there are materials here for it.
Ninth: There should be some master shipwrights for building galleys
and fragatas with high sides, which are the best kind of craft for
this purpose. In the island of Cuba lives Francisco de Gutierrez,
a neat workman, who built Pero Melendez's boats, that proved the
terror of the French.
Tenth: A captain should be sent ahead with orders from his Majesty,
and with a mandate from the general of the Society of Jesus for
his religious in Japon, that they may receive him and further his
mission. He should bring sufficient money to pay the troops that are to
be brought from that country and take them to an appointed place. They
should be paid a ducat or twelve reals a month, or even less.
Arms and supplies needed
First: Besides the regular arms to be brought by the soldiers from
España, there should be, for emergency, a number of coats of mail,
and arquebuses; and, above all, five hundred muskets and three or
four thousand pikes, a thousand corselets, and a thousand Burgundian
morions from Nueva España.
Second: Good flints and locks for the arquebuses can be had here
cheaply; but the barrels must be brought from España, and should be
all of one bore, so that the same bullets may be furnished for them.
Third: From China we can procure very cheaply copper, saltpeter, and
bullets; and in this island are ample mines of copper and sulphur,
[44] and all the requisites can be bought cheaply at various places. It
is said that the necessary tin and saltpeter can be obtained cheaply
and in abundance.
Fourth: There must be brought from Yndia two thousand quintals of
cordage, which will cost two thousand pesos or as many ducats. This
will make a saving of considerable money, and at the same time the
cordage will not arrive frayed and worn out by the hard journey
from Vera Cruz to Mexico and thence to Acapulco, over mountains,
valleys, and rivers. The anchors and necessary grappling tackle
should be brought from the same country, together with the slaves
already mentioned.
Fifth: From Nueva España should be brought cloth (gray and other
colors, and mixed) for the protection of the troops in seasons of rain
and storm, for the country is rather cold and very wet. _Item:_ there
should be blankets and garments for the sick, and other necessaries.
Sixth: Have his Majesty send two hundred thousand pesos to cover
and provide for these and many other things, and pay the Japanese,
and other incidental expenses.
Seventh: Have the commander of the expedition bring a number of
presents to win over some of the mandarins and other persons of
importance; and for this have brought from España velvets, scarlet
cloths, mirrors, articles of glass, coral, plumes, oil paintings,
feather-work, globes, and other curiosities, and some red and white
wine for the same purpose.
What can be and is provided for here in the islands
That his Majesty may understand that his subjects truly wish to
serve him in this country in so important an undertaking, and that
he may grasp more clearly what is being done and provided for here,
it is described in the following.
First: At the meeting of the junta here, consisting of the president,
auditors and fiscal, with the bishop and other persons before
mentioned, when this project was discussed, all decided that so serious
a matter, and one of such possibilities, should not be put off with no
more action than sending immediately to discuss it with his Majesty;
the necessary preparations were commenced here at once, and it was
universally resolved with considerable enthusiasm and serious purpose,
that, on account of the lack of money in the royal treasury, and the
country being so impoverished by the previous fires and the loss of
the ship, they would draw from the money of intestates held for heirs
[_caxa de difuntos_], of which there was about ten or twelve thousand
pesos, and thus begin the work. They contracted with the Chinese to
bring copper, saltpeter, and other materials. The casting of artillery
is commencing now, and the securing of powder and ammunition; for if
his Majesty should not choose to take up this enterprise, nothing will
be lost by this, and it will suffice the Chinese that the duties were
put at three per cent on whatever materials they bring for implements
and munitions of war, and supplies needed here.
Second: A ship will be sent to Malaca to bring the tin and saltpeter
needed in addition to that procured in China and powder, and a number
of slaves to aid in the foundry work and other labors.
Third: The five thousand Visayan Indians of these islands will be
brought together, and some good troops with the necessary arms.
Fourth: In whatever port of the islands the fleet is to enter, there
will be ample accommodations, and full supplies for their reception;
and, if they come to Cagayan, there are several advantages. First:
they will come directly from España, without danger from islands,
shoals, or the like. Second: the river has a good bar and four braças
of water and more, at low tide. Third: it is on the China side, a two
days' sail distant. Fourth: it is nearest Xapon, Hermosa Island, and
Lequios. Fifth: between there and China there are so many islands that
the trip can be made in boats, and a close and quick communication
can be kept up, and it is easy to repair any accident. Sixth:
there are thereabout several islands, called the Babuyanes, where
there are swine, goats, and fowl in abundance, and considerable
rice. Seventh: there is in the land great store of swine and fowl,
and excellent hunting of buffalo and deer, which are so common that
two thousand large casks [_pipas_] of meat can be brought down in a
few days. Eighth: warehouses can and will be built there sufficient
to hold a hundred thousand fanégas of rice, which is the staple food
of this country. Ninth: there is great abundance of fish, as healthful
as meat. Tenth: the wine needed will be brought there in great plenty,
being palm wine, and very good. And from China can be brought what is
called _manderin_, which is very good and cheap, and is much drunk in
the islands. Eleventh: there will be a supply of jars of biscuit and
flour. Twelfth: kidney beans, even better than Spanish lentils, are
common in the islands. Thirteenth: there will be made here a supply
of sandals of _anabo_, which is an herb like hemp, of which rigging
is made for ships. There is also a great deal of cotton. Fourteenth:
linen cloth for shirts, doublets, breeches, hose, and other things
wrought of linen, is very common and cheap here, both of domestic
and Chinese make. Fifteenth: in Cagayan there is abundance of wood
for all kinds of vessels that may be built; this is true as well of
all the other islands; and nearly all, or at any rate the greater
part of the Indians, are carpenters and smiths. Sixteenth: iron for
nails, which is brought from China, is plenty, and so cheap that five
arrobas (a Chinese quintal) are worth eight or ten reals. Seventeenth:
cast-iron cannon-balls for large and medium-sized guns are furnished
by the Chinese, who sell them at two or three reals apiece, while
the manufacture alone costs eight or ten reals here. Eighteenth: the
Indians of these islands are already very skilful in making ships and
fragatas with the assistance and labor of a few Spanish carpenters,
who furnish them with plans and a model; they make them so quickly and
cheaply that a vessel of five or six hundred toneladas can be built for
three or four thousand pesos, as some have already been. Nineteenth:
above all, if his Majesty wishes to take up this enterprise seriously,
the encomenderos of these islands will provide him with fragatas, men,
and money, as they have always done for the expeditions when occasion
offered; and this they have done and will do, so gladly and loyally,
that his Majesty is bound to make this expedition, since the readiness
and desire for it are as great as the result in spiritual and temporal
good which is hoped for, both for his Majesty and for the rest.
The route to be taken by the fleet
It should be known that there are four routes which may be
followed. First: from Sevilla to Nueva España, passing via Mexico
to the port of Acapulco. Second: coming from Sevilla to Nombre de
Dios and Panama. Third: coming by way of the Cape of Good Hope,
to Malaca, and thence by Macan to Cagayan. Fourth: by the Strait of
Magellan. This last, by the strait, is the best and shortest of all,
no unusual danger or obstacle being found on this passage. Have this
matter considered and conferred upon, with our sentiment in regard
to it, and what is thought over there, and settle on the safest and
best The reasons why we who are here think that this is the best
route will be explained by the person who accompanies this.
It were best that the Portuguese help in the affair
First: It is important that his Majesty give the Portuguese a part in
this conquest, because they could greatly aid by the experience that
they have of the seas, lands, and people of these regions. Their army
should not come together with the Castilians, nor should the assault
be made from one side alone; but they should go by Canton, and the
Castilians should go by way of Chinchio, as nearly as possible at
the same time.
Second: His Majesty should appoint as commander of the Portuguese fleet
a person of such rank as to be above the viceroy of Yndia, or at least,
in no wise dependent upon him; for it is the universal complaint of
the Portuguese that the viceroys always hinder these great projects,
or turn them to their own profit by bringing into them their kinsmen
and dependents, or by other private interests such as are usual among
various persons, and are never lacking.
Third: This person should have his Majesty's definite and explicit
command, empowering him to take from Yndia, and from any fortress or
city in Yndia, so much as may be needed, not only of troops but also
of money, munitions, ships, and all other necessaries.
Fourth: This person should have an understanding with the commander
of the Castilian expedition both as to the time of the attack, and
whether they should meet later during the conquest, and for whatever
other question might arise between them during the progress of the
affair, which should need settlement. This should be very clear,
leaving no room for dissensions.
Fifth: If the Japanese who are to be taken on the expedition do not
wish to join the Castilians, and prefer to go in with the Portuguese,
since they already know them, and likewise because they get along
better, and the Portuguese treat them more as equals than is permitted
here [they may do so]. But if they wish to go with the Castilians,
let them come to Cagayan, and this will be arranged with them and with
the fathers of the Society of Jesus, who are to act as guides. [45]
Sixth: His Majesty should procure and bring about that the general
of the Society of Jesus should command and ordain to the fathers in
Japon, not to hinder the bringing of this reenforcement of Japanese,
and whatever may be needed therefor; and to this end he should send
a father sufficiently commissioned, who should be an Italian.
Seventh: At the proper time and juncture, which will be before the
news of the expedition has come to the knowledge of the Chinese, the
fathers of the Society who are within the borders of China, in the
city of Joaquin, should be withdrawn, that they may give information to
the armies about what they know of the country, its strength, and its
military forces and supplies; and whatever other dangers or reasons
for caution they have in mind. They will also serve as interpreters,
and persuade the Chinese to allow the Spaniards to enter in peace,
and to hear and receive the preachers, and accept the religion sent
them by God. They will tell the Chinese of the protection which his
Majesty desires to offer them, so that they may receive the Spaniards
without fear; and how great a favor he is doing them in freeing them
from the tyrannies of their mandarins, and relieving them from the
yoke of slavery that they at present bear, leaving them in freedom
of body and soul, and exacting nothing but an acknowledgment for
this gracious act. To this end the fathers should write many chapas,
and scatter them over the whole of China, and be of use in any other
way that their years of life in the country may make possible. These
should be the instructions of the general of the Society of Jesus to
his commissioner.
Eighth: Let it be known in España that as the voyages of the Portuguese
to the east and the Castilians to the west should and must be made and
end at the same time, the movement of the winds is favorable to them;
for the Portuguese can come to Macan at the end of May, and during
the whole of June, when the first junks usually come from Maca,
and the Castilians will arrive at Cagayan at the same time.
Ninth: Those arriving first should send a dispatch-boat to the Point,
to meet the other fleet. This can be done by two or three routes,
for at that season very small and light boats can be navigated;
and the distance is not great, about one hundred and fifty leagues
on each side.
Of dangers, and risks of great misfortunes to be known and guarded
against by his Majesty on this expedition
First: If the number of troops in both armies were small even
though well armed and equipped, since the Chinese are so numerous,
they will be deluded and offer resistance; and as the Spaniards are
brave fighters, the havoc and slaughter will be infinite, to the great
damage of the country. Therefore an effort should be made to have the
troops so numerous, well equipped, trained, and strategically handled,
that there will be no chance for resistance; and their mere presence
and a demonstration will suffice to cause the Chinese to submit,
with no great bloodshed. In this way there will be no danger that
the Spaniards, finding themselves surrounded and pressed by such
a multitude, incited and urged on by the mandarins, should cause
appalling havoc and cut them down, thus harming agriculture and
lessening the population of the country.
Second: Do not let them come so few in numbers, or ill armed and
supplied, undisciplined or insubordinate, as to cause any danger of
confusion, discouragement, or desertion, in parts so remote as these,
as this would be the ruin of the expedition; or they would go about
it in such a way as to preclude success, and leave the Chinese our
declared enemies, meanwhile losing our reputation and the bright
hopes we now have of getting the port of Macan and a passage to
Japon. There would then be no hope of the christianization which
depends on intercourse with them, and we should lose the riches which
are secured from Canton, and spread throughout all Yndia and Portugal,
together with the returns of the public granaries, and a great many
other advantages.
Third: Let his Majesty take great care and consider well whom he sends
with this expedition, both the captains, leaders, and commanders of
it; for it is very probable--nay, almost certain--that if this be
not done, things will fare just as they did in the island of Cuba,
and in other countries that were once thickly peopled and are now
deserted. If the Spaniards go into China in their usual fashion,
they will desolate and ravage the most populous and richest country
that ever was seen; and if the people of China be once driven away,
it will be as poor as all the other depopulated Yndias--for its riches
are only those that are produced by a numerous and industrious people,
and without them it would not be rich.
Fourth: His Majesty should know that the government of that people
is so wonderful, both for restraining and keeping in order so great a
multitude; and because, although lacking the further light and aid of
the faith, it is maintained with such peace and quiet, so much wealth,
happiness, and plenty, that never since its foundation, so far as is
known, has it suffered war, pestilence, or famine, in the main body
of the realm, although there are wars on the Tartar frontiers. If
that government were destroyed, they must suffer all these evils,
wherefore they should be kept under that or a similar government. To
appreciate the importance of this, one need only observe how, in the
rest of the Yndias, the laws and institutions of the natives have
been trampled down, and even our own have not been preserved. In
this way the peoples have been ruined and the country depopulated,
to say nothing of the injury to souls, bodies, and fortunes, and the
propagation of the faith, respectively. This is a grievous ill, the
worst that his Majesty or those perpetrating it could suffer; for he
is left without dominions, or with deserted ones, and they without
recompense or profit, save that which is no sooner won than exhausted.
Fifth: Let it be known and understood that what has heretofore been
said and decreed respecting preprations for war is not meant to convey
the impression that we should or could act as if we were dealing with
Turks, Moors, and other races who are unfriendly, and the declared
enemies of our belief and our king. For these people neither know nor
understand it, and are not ill-inclined. The forces are to be sent
merely to escort and protect the preachers of the faith and subjects
of the king who sends them, and to see that they are allowed to enter
the land, and may preach where they choose and consider it needful,
and so that those who hold the government shall not hinder the others
from hearing and receiving the doctrine. They will see to it also that
conversion shall go on without intimidation, and without danger that
through threats of punishment any of those already converted should
relapse or apostatize.
Sixth: We realize here with what caution and moderation the entry
must be made, as the king has provided fully, clearly, and in a
Christianlike manner in his ordinances which relate to incursions
and discoveries. But this is never complied with in the conquests,
because they are always conducted by poor persons, not carefully
chosen, and whose Christianity has not been put to the test. The
cure for this and all the evils, dangers, and injuries that we have
described, and many another most grievous one, is that the commander of
the expedition be a man of approved Christian zeal and clemency; free
from all covetousness, and eager for the honor of the service of God
and his king; by nature humane and full of zeal for the common good,
and for the salvation of souls. The same things should be looked for in
so far as possible in the other leaders, counselors, and commanders;
and they should be men who would be bowed with shame and dishonor at
being guilty of deeds unworthy a Christian and a noble man.
Seventh: If this be not looked after thoroughly, and effective measures
taken for its remedy--both with respect to the personnel, as has been
said, and the heavy punishment that should be ordained and decreed,
and in due time executed--his Majesty will have, after heavy losses
and labors, nothing for his pains but the loss of his honor, wealth,
people, vessels, and arms, which are taken from his realm, where they
are so badly needed, and yet are sent away to ruin a land and desolate
a people--the richest and most opulent in temporal goods that could
be owned, and in spiritual possibilities, of all those that have been
discovered. The result would be that, either by the judgment of God,
to avert so many evils and the ruin of so many people and of so good a
government, the army and the expedition would be destroyed; or else,
if the land be won, the conquest would entail the destruction and
ruin of all that might have been gained, and naught would be left
but the seeds of perpetual sorrow.
Of the gains from this conquest, if it be rightly done
The first of the many and enormous benefits of this conquest, if it
be rightly ordered and carried out, is that the knowledge of God and
of Jesus Christ His Son, our Lord--which has commenced in these lands
so remote and distant from the church and the support of the Catholic
kings; and which is at present so narrowly constrained and little
disseminated in these islands, and is in danger each day of coming to
an end, if thus neglected--will not only be spread over great realms,
but by this means will be so well founded, and so widely extended,
that it shall never be ruined or extinguished; but it shall remain
and persevere in this new world with the glory and fame, before God
and man, of that king, who, by his zeal, diligence, and liberality,
has accomplished what no other monarch of the world has done.
The second: No one, if he has not seen it, can imagine or comprehend
the infinite multitude of souls that will thus come to the knowledge
and adoration of their Creator. Today they are in the utmost darkness
and neglect of Him, and in the greatest subjection and servitude to
the devil that exists upon the earth--through their great idolatry,
wickedness, and bestiality, which arises entirely from the great
abundance and the bounty of the land.
The third: Much less can one realize without seeing it, how--apart
from the corruption of sin, depravity, wickedness, and inveterate
customs--how kind, honorable, content, gentle, pleasant, tractable,
and easily governed these people are by nature; and how all China,
with but one stock, is so great and populous, and so much intercourse
is carried on in the greatest peace, regularity, quietness, justice,
and order, that has ever been known or discovered in the new world or
the old--and this with no aid from the divine light, or any fear of
punishment or reward, but by the mere strength, or rather gentleness,
of a good native government.
The fourth: In this way our customs will, or at least may, be
introduced, together with the articles of our faith, with the utmost
ease, both because of their gentleness, and because of their great
intelligence, and mental capacities, wherein they have a clear and
marked advantage over us.
The fifth: It will be necessary to establish immediately a large
number of schools, where our writing, language, and literature may be
easily and quickly learned, having them abandon their own, which are
extremely difficult, so much so that even they cannot understand them
while still children. These are a diabolic invention to keep them busy
all their lives with their whole minds, so that they can neither go on
to other sciences, nor can others teach them, without first ridding
them of this hindrance. Once rid of it, not only the children, but
even the grown persons of all ages will learn our letters, language,
and literature--as well on account of the ease of our writing, and
the relief from the burden of the other, as because of their natural
aptitude, the gentleness of their dispositions, and their natural
adaptability to guidance, when there is a hand to guide.
The sixth: From the beginning a large number of churches and
monasteries will be founded, not only for the purpose above mentioned,
but especially to instruct in our faith, doctrine, and mode of life.
The seventh: There will be no difficulty in pacifying and converting
the peasants, countrymen, and villagers, who are so numerous that
nearly all the land is covered with villages; for they are quite simple
and unsophisticated, and suffer great oppression and tyranny. With
the women, who are very numerous, there will be even less difficulty
in introducing the faith, because of their virtue and great reserve,
which is remarked by all who know of them--to such a degree that they
lack only Christianity to be much beyond us in all matters of morality.
The eighth: It will result in time in preventing the entry of the
cursed doctrine of Mahoma, which has already infected almost all the
other realms, and its establishment there, which would be an easy
thing, as the Chinese are so sensual and full of vices; and if it
once enter that country, the conversion of souls will be extremely
difficult, and the conquest of the land almost impossible, for this
wicked belief renders men obstinate in its retention, and ferocious
in its defense.
The ninth: And it makes us sad here to think that if this opportunity
be let slip, all hope will be lost of the greatest conversion of souls
and acquirement of riches that ever lay within the power of man,
just as we have lost so many great realms in Yndia, which have so
strengthened and fortified themselves that little or nothing remains
of them. [46] And these benefits, in particular, will be lost.
Of other especial advantages
First: Not only is that country sufficient for its own maintenance,
but his Majesty can also, with what he will obtain from it, check
and menace all our old enemies. For he can easily exact every year,
without injury to any one, five galleons--built and rigged, equipped
with artillery and munitions, and even loaded with materials and
military supplies. Further, if the Chinese are well treated and paid,
from them will go the men necessary to work the ships; they are no
less industrious and capable than our seamen, as we consider them
very expert in the Portuguese ships.
Second: Those vessels, or as many others, can be loaded every year with
gold, raw silk, and all sorts of silken fabrics--taffetas, satins,
damasks, etc.; with musk, chests inlaid with ivory, boxes, wrought
and gilded curtains, and whatever kinds of furniture, appliances,
ornaments, and jewels are used by man; and many a web of linen cloth,
of every sort and kind. Thus there would be no necessity for bringing
to España, as is now done, these goods from foreign lands; and our
money and wealth would be retained in España, as it now is not.
Third: Many persons who have seen them know that the towers of the
treasure-house are of gold and silver, and of great size. They tell us
what abundance of silver goes into general use because no other money
is current, and how so much comes in continually from other countries
and never goes out; and that is besides the many and exceedingly rich
mines of the country. They say, too, that the king will not allow
the mines to be worked, in order that trade and the culture of the
soil may not cease. For that reason silver is continually carried
into the country, and that contained in it is not carried away--on
which account, they say, that metal remains there as a treasure.
Fourth: The amount of the rents and taxes, and profits which his
Majesty can enjoy, from the first, from general sources, is very
great--and that without injury to the civil and local government
of the country. He will gain this through the mere respect for his
universal sovereignty; and the protection and introduction of the
faith, accomplished at his own cost, care, and diligence; and through
the obligation to maintain and defend not only the faith, but good
and firm government, in order to preserve it.
Fifth: The number of encomiendas that can be divided and distributed
among our people will be great; and so rich are they that each person
on whom one is conferred can maintain, worthily and liberally, the
others who remain there. And his district would be so extensive that,
if he chose to apportion it to each of his followers, he would have
enough to provide for all, without any person being neglected.
Sixth: There will be many and very different offices and dignities
of administration and justice which his Majesty must establish,
to bestow upon his vassals.
Seventh: There will also be many captaincies and subordinate places,
and military offices, and employments for the soldiers; and with
these three kinds of opportunity a great part of the Spanish people
could come to reside there, and be ennobled, and the country could
be placed on a very substantial and safe footing.
Eighth: Since the people are so clever and intelligent, with agreeably
fair complexions and well-formed bodies, and are so respectable and
wealthy, and have nothing of the Indian in their nature, they have
the advantage of us in everything except salvation by the faith,
and courage. And since the women are exceedingly virtuous, modest,
and reserved, and are very faithful wives, very humble and submissive
to their husbands; and as they are even more graceful, beautiful,
and discreet than are the women of Spain; and as they are wealthy and
of good standing--it will be a very simple and ordinary proceeding,
and very creditable and honorable, for them to marry (as some are
already doing in Macan) the Spanish captains, merchants, and men of
all classes. These will become noble with their wives, and will be
settled and established in China. Thus the two peoples will mingle,
and they will propagate and multiply the race; and all will be, in
short, united and fraternal, and Christian. This is something which
has never occurred or been accomplished in any part of the Yndias
which has been discovered and settled, since those people were so
barbarous and brutal, so ugly, vile, and poor, that [Europeans]
have seldom formed unions in the bonds of marriage. In the few cases
of such marriages, they have been considered ignominious, and the
parties, with their children and descendants, have incurred a sort
of infamy and disgrace. On this account, there has been among these
nations neither friendship, unity, nor safety; on the side of the
natives, neither confidence, nor increase of numbers, nor development,
nor sincerity; and, for the Spaniards, neither fixed residence nor
industry. Accordingly there has been neither settlement nor government;
and everywhere there has been a barbarous mode of life, and ruin and
depravity, in both spiritual and temporal matters. In the laws and
government, and in regard to estates, villages, and individuals,
everything has steadily gone from bad to worse, and is in a very
feeble condition. Nothing of this sort will occur in China, nor will
there be room for these disorders, on account of the opportunity
which such marriages will furnish for friendship, and for familiar
intercourse as between equals. We shall thus maintain ourselves, and
become established in that land, on account of the said traits of the
people--their virtue and beauty, dignity, wealth, and prudence--and
many other advantages of that country.
Ninth: Not only for this reason, but because that country is very
healthful and well supplied, and prolific in all generation and
progagation, there will soon be born a great multitude of boys and
youths among the Spaniards and Chinese. Then will be needed not
only schools to teach reading and writing, as has been said, but the
sciences; and universities--in which will be taught, besides Latin and
other languages, philosophy, theology, and other forms of learning. For
these studies, the Chinese possess excellent memories and understanding
and very keen faculties. They have gentle dispositions, and well-shaped
figures. They are very neat, and polite and serious in behavior, and
lead temperate lives. They have the qualifications and the possessions
for any office or dignity, and they occupy and represent these with
much more authority and severity than do our people. On the other
hand, they display much gentleness and suavity--all the more since
there are no severe or outrageous punishments in those realms, which
are so settled and peaceable, and ruled with such justice that it
compels admiration.
Tenth: From what has been said, it follows that there will be among
those natives--whether pure-blooded, or partly of Spanish blood,
as has been said--after the two peoples have become united and
connected, persons suited to become priests and religious; and to
assume the government and official posts of the state, and military
offices; and to undertake all the other services and enterprises
of the country. With these, it will be evident how well established,
peaceful, and united the country will be, since those persons will look
after it as their own; and on account of the bond and union which will
exist between its parts, and of the many ties of kindred--of wives,
and children, and relatives--and of estates, which will constrain
them to aid one another, and take care of the country.
Eleventh: In the other Yndias all this has been lacking, and
continually have been supplied from España, or from the pure Spaniards,
all the priests and religious; the governors, and judges both superior
and inferior; with all the other positions and commands, both in peace
and war--and even the mechanics, and the assistants and subordinates
of the above-mentioned persons. Besides, the Spaniards have always
managed the state for themselves, and separately from the natives of
the land--disdaining to give them a share in any matter of honor or
profit, but remaining always foreigners and aliens, and even objects of
dread, to the natives. For when some of the Spaniards die, or return
to Spain, others come anew, who are always strangers to the people
of the country and regard the natives as barbarians. From this have
resulted two serious evils, and the beginnings of many others. First:
The Spaniards are always few in number, and have but little experience
or knowledge of the country; they have little affection for it, and
few ties or interests therein. It is always their intention to return
to the mother-country, and to procure their own enrichment--whether
it be by fair means or foul, or even by destroying and consuming, in
their eagerness to attain that end--not troubling themselves whether
the country be ruled rightly or wrongly, whether it be ruined or
improved. The second evil is that, to the Spaniards, the commonalty
of the Indians is something new and strange, and the latter are always
regarded as menials and slaves, and objects for the insolence of those
who come into possession of them. Accordingly, they are always scorned,
despised, overworked, exhausted, and even dying--as is actually seen
to be the case. With all this, it is impossible that their numbers
should increase or their condition or their lands improve; rather,
they are continually deteriorating and dying--as in many districts
they are already ruined; and everywhere there is a tendency to this, in
the opinion and judgment of all who see and understand their condition.
Twelfth: All this has arisen from two sources. The first is, as has
been already said, that the people are so low, barbarous, poor,
ill-favored, rude, ignorant, and unworthy of being mingled with
Spanish nobility and valor. The second is, that the country is so
poor, and what wealth it has is so unsubstantial; it has no roots,
or anything in which it could take root and become established. For
almost the only wealth of these people has been in the mines and
metals, and in their personal belongings, which are not permanent
or fixed. There are no hereditaments or cultivated farms, or crops,
or regular supplies; no products of the industry of workmen, and no
machinery; no general provision for ordinary use. But all is a desert,
and destitute, and at a standstill, and unsettled--as they say,
belonging to the east wind. And therefore the Spaniards also have
been and are as unsettled as if they were stopping at an inn. Such
are the lands that they have won.
Thirteenth: In China, conditions are altogether different, since its
people are, as has been said, qualified for marriage, friendship, and
union and equality; and they are fitted for offices and dignities and
authority, both spiritual and temporal. And, further, the richness
of the country is so great and of such sort--being realty, crops,
and necessaries of life; provisions of rice, wheat, and barley;
all manner of fruits, and many varieties of wine; domestic fowl,
ducks, and many other kinds of poultry; many cattle, horses, cows,
goats, sheep, and buffaloes; abundant hides, endless store of silk,
and considerable cotton; musk, honey and wax; numerous varieties of
valuable woods, many kinds of perfume, and other things produced by
the soil; besides an abundance of mines and metals, as has already
been stated. To all this is added the results of the industry of
so many people, so apt, thrifty, industrious, and well governed. It
is incredible how great is the number and abundance of the crafts,
arts, inventions, industries, and manufactures of everything that
could be asked for human use--of necessaries, ornaments, dainties,
jewels--and all the shops and articles of merchandise, both for the
use of the country and for the trade with foreigners. All this,
together with what has already been said of the people, should,
God willing, be cause enough to give us an entry into those realms,
so that, in short, they may become pacified, intermixed and united,
hispanized and christianized. So that one cannot mention all the great
benefits arising from this, both spiritual and temporal--a new light
of the faith, good modes of life, salvation for the Chinese and many
souls, and glory to God; wealth, honor, and eternal fame for our king;
great renown, prosperity, and multiplication for the Spanish nation,
and through it, for all Christianity. Besides, there will be all
these that follow.
Other benefits besides those already mentioned
In the first place, there could be established straightway
archbishoprics and bishoprics (as many as in all the former Christian
world, over there), with a patriarch.
Second: There might be founded new military orders with larger
revenues than those of the old country; or the old ones of Santiago,
Calatrava, Alcantara, and San Juan may be extended, and it will even
be a great advantage if these and other new ones should be used during
the conquest.
Third: A number of titled lords can be created, such as counts, dukes,
and marquesses, just as, at present, encomenderos are appointed--for
the encomiendas must be much larger there; and with such prospects
the entry will be much more certain, and the land much more secure
afterward, since there are so many lords.
Fourth: His Majesty may appoint four or six viceroys, as there are
now fifteen in the fifteen provinces, who have as much power and
state as kings have elsewhere.
Fifth: After all these things have been seen to, and the land is in
a settled condition, his Majesty may levy from it a great income and
much merchandise for his realms, as has already been said.
Sixth: Peace can be made and an understanding reached with the Tartar
and other tribes that lie in the region from China to the land of the
Turk; and we can better know his condition and strength, and find a
way to harass him from here in the East.
Seventh: Couriers and relay postmen can be sent to Spain by land;
for, although some have already come by land, they are all the time
finding shorter and better routes.
Eighth: The former peace and amity with the Sofi and the Armenians,
[47] and any other people that may be discovered or treated with,
or become known, in all Asia, will be greatly strengthened.
Ninth: When his Majesty is lord of China, he immediately becomes lord
of all the neighboring states of this coast, including Cochinchina,
Canboxa, Sian, Patan, and even as far as Malaca; and it would be very
easy to subject the islands of Samatra, Javas, Burney, Maluco, &c.
Tenth: Therewith can be secured the states of Yndia, and the returns
from the merchandise coming from China--without whose commerce
they could not be maintained; and which is now not secure, but very
doubtful, unless it be conquered.
Eleventh: The reason for establishing these possessions in some
kingdoms, and alliances and commerce in others, will be cogent--the
opportunity for the conversion of souls; by this means the knowledge
of the name of Christ may be brought into all these regions, and in
all of them souls may continually be converted.
Twelfth: The Chinese will navigate the seas to the Yndias of Peru
and Nueva España; and their relations with us will be more settled
and confirmed.
Thirteenth: The population of that country is so great and so dense
that many of the Chinese can be brought to these islands as colonists,
and thus enrich themselves and this land.
Fourteenth: The immediate occupation of China will forestall the danger
that the French and English, and other heretics and northern nations,
will discover and navigate that strait which certainly lies opposite
those regions--that of Labrador, [48] as those peoples say.
These are, in brief, the many evils which should be averted, and some
(not to speak of many others) of the numerous benefits--which it would
take long to enumerate in writing, and cannot even be imagined--which
would result if his Majesty should choose to put his hand to so great
an undertaking; and may God our Lord grant him the grace and favor
to proceed with it.
Doctor Santiago de Vera
The Bishop of the Filipinas
The licentiate Melchor Davalos
The licentiate Pedro de Rojas
The licentiate Ayala
The Archdeacon of Manila
Antonio Sedeño, rector
Alonso Sanchez
Fray Diego Alvarez, provincial
Hernan Suarez
Fray Juan de Plasençia, custodian of the order of St. Francis
Fray Vicente Valero, guardian
Fray Alonso de Castro
Raymundo
Fray Pedro de Memdieta
Fray Juan de Quiñones
The canon Don Juan de Armendariz
The canon Luis de Barruelo
The mariscal Graviel de Ribera
The accountant Andres Cauchela
Juan Baptista Roman
Don Francisco de Poca y Guevara
Pedro de Chaves
Diego de Castillo
Juan de Argumedo
Don Juan Ronquillo del Castillo
Juan de Moron
Ballesteros de Saavedra
Don Antonio Jufre Carrillo
Andres de Villanueva
Luis de Bivanco
Agustin de Arceo
Hernando Muñoz de Poyatos
Bernardo de Vergara
Gaspar de Açebo
Juan Pacheco Maldonado
Gomez de Machuca
Francisco Mercado de Andrada
Francisco Rodriguez
Gaspar Osorio de Moya
Don Bartolome de Sotomayor
Diego de Çamudio
Bernardino de Avila
Luis Velez Cherino
Pedro Martin
Francisco Garçia
Melchor de Torres
Christoval Muñoz
Diego Fernandez Vitoria
Alonso Beltran, Secretary
[On the back of the Sevilla copy are written, in the same hand as
are the marginal notes, various memoranda, apparently as references
for the use of the council. On the left-hand side appear the following:
"1: There was an assembly of all the estates, who resolved to send a
person to his Majesty; and all appointed Father Alonso Sanchez; August
[sic; but should be April] 19, in the year 86. 2: On the fifth of May,
86, the royal Audiencia of Manila appointed Father Alonso Sanchez as
envoy. 3: On the twentieth of June, 86, the bishop and cathedral of the
city of Manila appointed the same. 4: On the sixteenth of April, 86,
the bishop and the superiors of the religious appointed the same. 5: On
the 25th of June, 86, the judiciary, magistracy, and cabildo of Manila
appointed the same. 6: On the twenty-eighth of May, the master-of-camp
and the captains of the Filipinas Islands appointed the same."
Then follows a list of letters and other documents accompanying the
"Memorial," several of which are presented in our text. On the right
hand is written: "Filipinas Islands, city of Manila, assembly of
April 19, 1586. Royal Audiencia, judiciary, and magistracy. Bishop
and clergy. Orders, and religious and ecclesiastical estate. The
master-of-camp, captains, and soldiers, and the secular estate. The
person who should come: Father Sanchez." Other memoranda refer to
various letters from Philippine officials, dated during the years
1583-86, which seem to have been consulted in reference to the
"Memorial."]
[In the library of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago, is a collection of MSS.,
transcripts from documents in Spanish archives, which were made
during the years 1859-65 by a Spanish official at Madrid, who had
been in the Philippine Islands, named Ventura del Arco: it has been
kindly loaned to us by Mr. Ayer for use in the present work. This
series, in five volumes, large octavo size, contains some 3,000
pages of matter regarding these islands, from the original MSS. in
the archives; some is copied in full, but often a synopsis only is
given. To many of the documents are added tracings of the original
autograph signatures. Although spelling, punctuation, and capitals
are considerably modernized, the work of transcription appears to have
been otherwise done carefully, intelligently, and _con amore_; and the
collection contains much valuable material in Philippine history. It
covers the period of 1586-1709, and begins with the proceedings of the
junta of 1586, which are found in vol. i, pp. 1-101. The "Memorial"
is given in a full resumé; and at the end is cited (pp. 48-49) the
following paragraph, which is not contained in our Sevilla copy,
or in that of the Madrid MS. which we have followed:]
In the city of Manila, on July 26 of the year 1586, the following
persons met in the royal building: The honorable president and auditors
of the royal Audiencia of these islands, and his Majesty's fiscal of
the Audiencia; Don Fray Domingo de Salazar, bishop of the Filipinas;
and the religious, the captains, the magistrates, and the municipal
officers of this city--who hereunder signed their names. They met
to discuss fully the matters contained in this document, about which
Father Alonso Sanchez as procurator-general of this country, and acting
in its name, is to confer with his Majesty, and solicit aid from him,
that the prosperity and colonization of these islands may continue
to increase, and that God and his Majesty may be served. The above
articles having been read, as they are here recorded, _de verbo ad
verbum_, all the above persons declared, unanimously and with one
consent and opinion, that this memorial was properly drawn up; and
that Father Alonso Sanchez should communicate all its contents to
his Majesty, and other matters as seemed to him necessary. The above
honorable persons made the required attestations to the document,
and signed it with their names, as did other persons. I, the clerk
of the court [of the Audiencia], attest this.
Alonso Beltran
[Then follow thirty signatures, all tracings of the original
autographs.]
Letter to Felipe II, From Various Officials
Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:
To fulfil the obligations resting on us, we the master-of-camp and
the captains who are serving your Majesty in these Filipinas Islands,
give your Majesty, whenever we have an opportunity, a report of matters
concerning this camp, and what things are desirable in it. That your
Majesty may be better served, we are sending this report by the ships
that are now sailing, notwithstanding that our captain-general, the
president of the royal Audiencia here, is writing a more detailed
relation (as being the person who has given the most attention to
this), of all that he thinks necessary to improve matters in these
islands, so that their increase may be constant.
The care that your Majesty has always had and continues to have for
the preservation of these islands, and the great expense that your
Majesty has incurred therein, since they began to be pacified (a
work which still continues) without your Majesty's royal exchequer
having any profit, cause your Majesty's very Christian zeal to be
well understood, and that what you principally aspire to is the great
service which is rendered to our Lord, in spreading His holy evangel
in lands so remote, and among people so far removed from the true
knowledge, by which, through His goodness and mercy, so many thousands
of souls have been converted, and are being converted every day,
to His holy faith, to say nothing of many who in this time have been
born in and enjoyed holy baptism. The latter are extremely numerous,
which has resulted from the employment of soldiers stationed here,
for with their protection the religious who aid in conversions and
preaching can do so in security. Without such protection this would be
impossible, unless by the special grace of God, because these natives
are a people untamed, rebellious, and exceedingly cruel. If they are
obedient, it is plainly evident that they are so on account of this
check; and that if they were not thus restrained, not only would
the work not go forward, but the gains would be turned to losses,
through inability to retain them. What your Majesty has so happily
commenced here would come to an end, although these districts and
the neighborhood promise so excellent beginnings, of the very best,
in those places so near this country--which are, as your Majesty
well knows, China, Japan, Borney, Sian, and Patan, and many other
very rich and prosperous provinces. Furthermore, a manifest and great
service would be rendered to our Lord, when their peoples should come
to know Him. Your Majesty's royal crown would be extended by wider
boundaries, as your Majesty's greatness and Christian zeal worthily
merit. Therefore what has been thus far gained is of very great
consequence, and your Majesty should order that it be preserved with
the care hitherto manifested, since it is of so great importance. This
can in no wise be accomplished without the assistance of soldiery.
That this should be more efficiently done, it is quite necessary
that your Majesty should order that the usual force here consist of
three or four companies, which contain in all about four hundred
soldiers. These with their captains and officers, should be paid
by the month, as is the custom in the rest of your Majesty's camps
and frontiers; for thus they will all serve with great assiduity,
and support themselves honorably, having good weapons and munitions
and everything else necessary for military operations. They shall
understand that, when pay is given them, they must take care to render
obedience to orders and commands, with great readiness--being subject
to their commanders, which is the principal thing required; and the
captains must punish those who may exceed their orders, as is done
in all districts where garrisons are established, and as it was done
here before your Majesty ordered the royal Audiencia to come to these
islands. For, notwithstanding the fact that until then the soldiery
here had never been paid, they have not on that account failed to be
usually very willing and obedient to orders given them. They are well
supplied with weapons and munitions of war, and are as experienced
therein as those who, more than they, follow the art of war in all
regions. This they have clearly demonstrated on certain occasions
that have taken place in these islands, and by the reputation which
they have everywhere gained for maintaining themselves among so
many enemies, always attacking these with great personal bravery,
without having had forts or defenses for their protection. Their
alertness, good will, and discipline has all been due to the fact
that the governors and captains-general who have come here on your
Majesty's service, provide everything that, in the opinion of your
master-of-camp and the captains, may appear to be requisite for
your Majesty's service, without its being necessary for anyone to
lend a hand in it. On account of this regularity in affairs, both
captains and soldiers have performed their duties freely, lending
their assistance with much care in whatever was necessary, and doing
whatever they were ordered without any shirking--for, besides fearing
the punishment which would be meted out to them for doing anything
improper, they expected a reward for their services. They saw that
those who merited it were constantly being rewarded with encomiendas
and other means of support; consequently everyone exerted himself in
the service with much more willingness and courage, without shirking
any labor or peril, however great it was, and without stopping to
make any demands that they should be given their usual pay--as now
they claim in regard to your Majesty's royal decree respecting the
towns that shall be vacated and placed under the royal crown. For
this has so disheartened the soldiers of this royal Audiencia who
have come so far in the hope of being rewarded for their services,
that there is not a soldier who does not refuse to obey the orders he
receives. Since the royal Audiencia has come here, there have been so
great dissensions that very few or none take any pride in military
service or carrying arms as before, except it be ourselves, the
master-of-camp and the captains. To remedy such a state of affairs,
it is not enough to make rules which point out their duty; but in
rewarding each man who goes the rounds, does sentry duty, or the
like, support is given to the royal Audiencia, whose orders lately
fail of execution; for when we or they order anything to be done,
the soldiers go away and do as they please. As a result the latter
have grown so arrogant, that many times when they have been summoned
by their sergeants to do certain things which are their usual duty,
and indispensable for the defense of this city, they have refused
to obey them. On the contrary, officers have been publicly insulted
and stabbed; and this has occurred not once but many times. This
boldness has increased to such an extent that it is displayed on the
slightest occasion. On this account we cannot maintain sentinel duty,
or the necessary precautions, because we, the master-of-camp and the
captains, cannot punish them as formerly. The soldiers no longer have
for us the fear and respect that they once had, which has caused in
these islands the complete loss of that military discipline which was
formerly so strict. This has been shown repeatedly, so that the natives
indulge in all sorts of daring, holding us in very slight estimation,
as they did last year in Panpanga, five leagues from this city. They
placed at their head two chiefs, who in two days' time had a large
following, well armed and supplied, who could disturb the whole land
with the insolence and the effrontery that they displayed. Because they
said that they were coming to destroy this city, it was necessary for
myself and some captains, and all the good soldiers to be found here,
to go out to prepare for them. This was done and the president sent
your Majesty a detailed account thereof on the ship which sailed from
here at that time.
Feeling that this was right, and due to your Majesty's service, I held
a council of the captains; and I set before them these difficulties,
and others that might result from the complete ruin of the military
service. Unanimously we all petitioned "that this royal Audiencia
here shall be freely allowed to have charge of war affairs in general
because in this way we could act as a unit, as we did before. We
should strive to reduce the evil condition which obtains at present to
that good order which we are wont to have, because what has taken so
many years to acquire should not be lost in one hour." The result was
that a suit was instituted against us on the ground that the petition
which we presented was disrespectful, and that we were rebellious. We
were imprisoned for a long time and condemned to an excessive fine,
where we had expected to be rewarded for our ardent zeal and desire to
please your Majesty, which we have always had. We send your Majesty
a copy of the proceedings, notwithstanding that it is to terminate
in the court of appeals, so that your Majesty may see how, without
any fault of ours, we who have served your Majesty here during so
many years, and with so great fidelity, are personally ill-treated,
and our property despoiled. We humbly entreat your Majesty to order
that our grievances be considered and remedied, as injuries have
been done us; for in that way our many and zealous services shall
not be forgotten. By this, and other things that we have referred to,
your Majesty may see how troublesome it is and will continue to be,
for the preservation and development of the islands, that the royal
Audiencia remain here. For, as is obvious, it is not of so much
importance as are the soldiery in a land of so many enemies, where,
except for the neighboring districts by which we are surrounded,
the natives are all hostile, and nothing can be done or undertaken,
except it be with weapons in hand. To maintain justice for the
Spanish who reside among them, it would seem to be sufficient to have
a governor, as there always has been, since there are not more than
one hundred encomenderos and seven hundred soldiers here. In Spain,
however small a city or town may be, it has a larger population and
more litigation; yet, with only one corregidor or alcalde-mayor,
its affairs are justly administered. Besides, the salaries of the
Audiencia will be of assistance in many important matters concerning
your Majesty's service which are continually arising. These often fail
of execution on account of the lack of funds in the royal exchequer,
as a result of the expense of keeping this door open. By placing in
charge of soldiers who merit it, the encomiendas which become vacant,
a reform will be effected in this camp--which is necessary in order
to execute any plans which may be difficult. We advise your Majesty
as loyal vassals, regarding what seems to be most necessary for your
Majesty's better service and the increase of your Majesty's royal
dominion and renown. May our Lord watch over your Majesty's sacred
royal Catholic person for many fortunate years, with the addition
of greater realms and seigniories, as we, your Majesty's vassals,
and all Christendom desire. Manila, June 24, 1586. Sacred Catholic
Royal Majesty. We, your Majesty's vassals and servants kiss your
Majesty's royal feet.
Alfonso de Chaves
Don Juan Ronquillo
Juan Maldonado de Castro
Bernardo de Vergara
Agustin de Arçiol
Juan de Moron
Rodrigo Albarez
[Endorsed: "To the sacred royal Catholic Majesty, king don Philipe
our lord." "Written by Juan de Ledesma, for the master-of-camp, and the
captains in the Filipinas." "Philipinas.--To the king our sovereign,
Philipe. From the master-of-camp and captains. June 24."]
Letter from the Manila Cabildo to Felipe II
Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:
Section I. Last year, eighty-five, this city of Manila wrote to your
Majesty, sending a relation of affairs in these islands. Because of our
extreme and continually increasing necessities, and the magnificent
opportunities for your Majesty's service that are lost daily, and on
account of our having no one at court to look after our affairs, or
anyone to inform your Majesty, as is requisite, of matters pertaining
to this realm, we resolved to request Father Alonso Sanchez, a master
of sacred theology and a religious of the Society of Jesus, to go
to confer with your Majesty about all these things, as a man who is
experienced in all these matters, and one who will discuss them with
all sincerity and certainty. Therefore he agreed to undertake this task
for the service of God and of your Majesty, and indeed of this state,
having therefor the permission and order of his superior. In order
to decide what must be laid before your Majesty, and what petitions
made, many assemblies were held, composed of the president, auditors,
fiscal, bishop, superiors of the orders, cities, royal officials,
captains, and other men who were intelligent, and zealous for the
service of your Majesty. The said father is authorized by those men
and by this entire country; and we humbly entreat that your Majesty
be pleased to give him entire faith and credit, to listen to him, and
to show us the mercy and favor that we hope from the munificence of
your Majesty. Although we have charged him to petition your Majesty
for everything needful, yet we shall give a brief relation of the
most necessary, in which, if such be your Majesty's pleasure, you
may favor and protect this your city and these your vassals.
Section 2. It has been proved by experience that the royal Audiencia
cannot be maintained here without the total destruction of this state;
for in this city there are scarcely seventy citizens, and in all the
other settlements together not as many more. The military power,
which maintains this frontier, is totally disorganized, because
its usages are so at variance with the procedures and exactness
rendered necessary by the rigor of the laws forcibly enacted by the
Audiencia. Furthermore, our Portuguese neighbors imagine that this
tribunal has been instituted here to overpower and govern them, since
they cannot believe that it was established for one hundred and thirty
households and so few soldiers. Accordingly, they have shut the door
to the commerce, friendship, and intercourse, which was commencing
between them and us. In addition to this your Majesty possesses no
income here with which to pay the salaries of president, auditors,
fiscal, and other officials of the Audiencia. These salaries, added
to what is wasted in this country, would establish it, and put it in
a better state of defense; while now it is subject to any piratical
invasion whatever. For all these reasons, and others that Father
Alonso Sanchez will tell you in greater detail, we beg that your
Majesty be pleased to reduce this government to only one governor who
has experience in the affairs of this country, and in the wars and
pacifications that can and should be made. This we shall consider as
the greatest favor and kindness, and the only remedy for our hardships.
Section 3. In other letters we implored your Majesty to be pleased
to have set aside in Nueva Hespaña pay for three hundred soldiers,
who should serve here as a garrison, with whom this government and
the dominions of your Majesty could be increased by other kingdoms
of great wealth. We entreat this once more; and Father Sanchez will
inform your Majesty of the blessings that may result to your royal
service therefrom.
Section 4. Because of its lack of public property this city cannot
maintain many things needed for the public good; therefore, we wrote
to your Majesty, entreating that you have a repartimiento of Indians
granted this city. Answer was received that the governor should
take cognizance of this matter; and therefore having recourse to the
governor and president, Santiago de Vera, we learn that he is informing
your Majesty of this necessity in his letters. Father Alonso Sanchez
also will do the same by word of mouth. We entreat your Majesty--since
this matter is so just, and appertains so much to your royal service
and the common good--to have this city granted an encomienda of
three or four thousand Indians, and the alcaizería of the Chinese,
or any like favor, whereby all the above expenses may be met.
Section 5. We are being totally ruined here through the arrival in
this city of merchants, and consignments from Mexico, and innumerable
troubles are arising therefrom, of which the same religious will
inform you in our name. The customs duties of Sevilla and of Vera
Cruz are being decreased and lost, to the great detriment of the
merchants. Four or five thousand pesos, more or less, are brought to
this city from Nueva Hespaña, whence they are taken to the foreign
kingdom of China. Finally, the royal incomes and customs duties
are being decreased, the merchants of Castilla are suffering loss,
the silver is taken to a country of infidels, and these islands will
be ruined entirely, if your Majesty do not correct these evils by
ordering that no merchants come hither from Nueva Hespaña, or send
money for investment here, but that the citizens of these islands
alone have the right to trade and traffic. This will only be done
in small amounts, and will result in fewer troubles; while those who
are engaged in pacifying and maintaining this country will have some
reward for their toils, instead of all the profits being reaped by
those who go to Mexico, after trading here with so much resultant
loss to this state and to the seigniories of your Majesty, as Father
Alonso Sanchez will inform you in greater detail.
Section 6. Father Fray Rufino, of the Franciscan order, is sailing
to those kingdoms for the sole purpose of soliciting religious of
his order for these islands, where they are greatly needed for the
preaching of the gospel. We beseech your Majesty to order his superiors
to send them with all haste, and the same to the Augustinian order.
Section 7. Since Father Alonso Sanchez will, on account of his
thorough knowledge of affairs in this country, China, and the
states of Eastern India, discuss with your Majesty these and many
other things--all touching the service of God and your Majesty--and
petition you concerning them, we humbly beg that your Majesty will
please to grant him free audience; for in all, and by all, we ratify
everything that he may relate and declare to your Majesty. May God,
our Lord, preserve and exalt your Majesty's sacred royal Catholic
person, with the increase of kingdoms and seigniories that we, your
subjects and vassals, desire. Manila, June 25, 1586.
Don Juan de Bivero, archdeacon of this holy cathedral church, has
served in it for twenty years, and has taken part in all the work of
pacification in these islands, in administering the holy sacraments to
the soldiers and citizens--in all, serving God and your Majesty very
religiously. At present he is in dire need, for he has been given
no recompense for his services, and this country has no benefices
or other ecclesiastical incomes from which he might be supported. We
beseech that your Majesty be pleased to order some recompense to be
given him, since he so well deserves it. This will be a very signal
favor and kindness to this city. Sacred royal Catholic Majesty,
your Majesty's servants and vassals.
Andres de Villanueva
Don Antonio Sufre Carrillo
Andres Cabchela
Don Francisco de Poca y Guevara
Juan de Moron
Juan Maldonado del Castillo
Juan Baptista Roman
Rodriguez Albarez
Francisco RroS
Hernando Nuñez de Pyatos
Luis de Bivanco
Hernando Vergara
Letter from Antonio Sedeño to Felipe II
I.H.S.
Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:
It is five or six years since the Society, at your Majesty's orders,
sent me to these Philippinas Islands, together with some fathers and
brethren. In these islands we have endeavored, during all this time, to
attend to the needs and welfare of the country, in the service of God,
and, with especial care and effect, in that of your Majesty. Besides
ordinary occasions, two noteworthy cases have arisen in the course
of these years, beyond, these islands and in China, in which we
have lent our aid by order of your Majesty's governors, the bishop,
and the chief personages of these islands, by sending Father Alonso
Sanchez-of whom your Majesty has notice already--the first time to
reduce to your obedience the Portuguese of those regions. This he
accomplished with the success and skill of which your Majesty will have
heard, and with many hardships--both in China, and Macan, and in his
voyaging--as your Majesty will have learned by his relations. On the
second occasion he was sent, by the same order, to reduce a vessel,
which had mutinied in China, which he accomplished also so well,
that the factor, who was going with the warrants, confesses that
without him he could have done nothing, because of the mettle of
the Portuguese, and the daring with which those of the vessel had
closed with them. In this case there would surely have been many
disorders and deaths, if the said father, by his care and prudence,
and the authority that he enjoys among all, had not appeased them,
and reduced both of them. In this, and in a year of contrary weather
on strange seas and land, he suffered the hardships and dangers of
which, likewise, your Majesty has been informed.
Since his return, in this last year of his stay here, your president
and auditors, and the entire city and camp, have been forced to examine
and deliberate upon the danger of these lands, the condition of which
is daily becoming worse. Both in private talks and in assemblies called
for that purpose, the remedy for these troubles has been discussed;
and all, with one voice and unanimously, agreed that there was nothing
else to do but to send the said father to discuss these matters with
your Majesty. For they have this confidence in him through their long
experience, not only in the two so grave affairs above mentioned,
but in all the more common matters which have been generally attended
to by the said father, since his arrival at these islands; and since
all of them are satisfied as to his proved virtue and religion,
the impartial manner in which he attends to matters, his energy and
executive ability, and his learning, whenever these qualifications are
needed. Especially they recognize the love that he has ever manifested
toward these lands, and the special eagerness with which he exerts
himself in your Majesty's affairs, and in establishing and increasing
your titles and rights to new conquests and pacifications--his reasons
therefor being the great service that will accrue to God in this way,
and your Majesty's obligation to make the conquests for the welfare
and remedy of so many souls. For these and other reasons and motives
which they know, all, unanimously--secular, clergy, religious,
municipal government, and Audiencia--have requested most urgently
that the said father go upon this mission to your Majesty. After much
hesitation--because of the vacancy that his absence will cause in
our religious community, and for the sake of the common welfare of
all this country; and because of the dislike that I have ever found
in him to meddle in such distractions and labors, so contrary to his
inclination (which has ever been that of one desirous of retreat)--I
was willing to excuse him from such a duty, thinking that he would
serve God, your Majesty, and these your lands, no less here. But, in
addition to the general demand of the whole community, I was ordered
by a decree of your Audiencia, which I could not or ought not resist;
and therefore he is going. I beseech your Majesty to receive this
little service from this religious order of yours, and from this
house; and from my poor will and that which the father takes, to
succeed in everything in serving your Majesty, knowing how great is
the service done to God, if success is secured therein. I shall not
request your Majesty to give him audience, for all the community begs
that; and of the kindness with which you will receive his humble and
good intentions, proof is experienced here, and your Majesty will
appreciate them. And as he has no other thought, intent, or designs
than the common welfare, and the service of God and your Majesty,
both he and I have great fortitude and tranquillity. May God grant
your Majesty, in this life, what we all desire for you; and, in the
other and eternal life, what we all beg for your Majesty, and are all
assured is kept for you as a reward for the so many labors and cares
with which your Majesty has maintained, and maintains, the universal
Church. Manila, June 25, 1586. Your sacred royal Catholic Majesty's
most humble servant in our Lord.
Antonio Sedeño
[Addressed: "+ To the sacred royal Catholic Majesty of the King
Felippe, our sovereign."]
[Endorsed: "+ To his Majesty, no. 16. 1586. Manila, June 25. Antonio
Sedeño, rector of the Society of Jesus. In recommendation of Father
Alonso Sanchez."]
Letter of Domingo de Salazar to Felipe II
Royal Catholic Majesty:
As Father Alonso Sanchez, of the Society of Jesus, is going, in the
name of this community, to inform your Majesty of the condition of
these kingdoms, and of their need for reforms, I shall not dwell upon
that matter at all, but will refer you to what the said father will
relate in detail. But, inasmuch as there are certain special matters
that perhaps he will not mention, I thought that I should inform your
Majesty of them in the present letter.
Immediately upon the arrival of the royal Audiencia in these islands,
mass was commenced to be said in the royal chapel. According to the
usual procedure in other audiencias, the chaplains who said it ended
the prayer of the mass with that clause which reads, _et famulos
tuos_, etc.--in which, after the name of his Majesty, follow those of
the bishop and the president, and the others contained in the said
prayer. According to what is said in this principal church of this
city, the president and auditors erased the name of the bishop, and
substituted those of the auditors, under the name of senators. When
I heard of this, I ordered my name to be inserted, and those of the
auditors to be erased. This gave rise to animosity, and certain acts
were passed, which the dean declares were sent to the royal Council
[of the Indias] a year ago.
Because I sat down one day on the gospel side of the principal altar
during mass, the president and auditors took umbrage, and refused to
enter the principal church again until I made them return to it. I
have not sat there since, in order to give no grounds for contention,
although I know that it is my proper place, and that the Audiencia
have deprived me of it against all right. What was done in this
matter was sent also to the royal Council last year. I entreat that
your Majesty will be so good as to have the Audiencia and myself
informed as to what must be observed in regard to these two points;
for it is neither right that they should take umbrage at me, nor for
me to do what I should not.
After their arrival in this city, there was but little harmony between
the president and auditors. Their discord was so public, that it
caused great scandal here. I tried to restore peace between them,
and for that purpose came to this city, leaving the visitation that
I was making. After they had been harmonized once, they began to
quarrel again, and with much more scandal than before. I tried for
the second time to pacify them; and when I saw that talking to each
one in private could result in nothing, one day, in full meeting,
I set before them the great scandal that they were causing in this
city, and the bad example that they were setting to it; and declared
to them the great displeasure of your Majesty, if you should know it,
and of God too. The hand of the Lord was interposed, and their lack
of harmony ended from that time; and they have been on friendly terms
ever since. In public as in secret, God works His will.
In a decree sent to me by the Inquisition of Mexico your Majesty
orders me to deliver the records of proceedings and the prisoners to
the commissary of the Inquisition there; this I did immediately, as
I was only awaiting a message sufficient to enable me to do so, but
which had not come until then. I know that many troubles will surely
arise from this in the future; but, in doing what is ordered me,
I obey. May our Lord preserve your Majesty's royal Catholic person
for many years, for the good of His church and the protection of us
who have so little power. Manila, June 26, 1586.
Royal Catholic Majesty, your most humble friar chaplain kisses your
royal hands.
The Bishop of the Filipinas
[Addressed: "To his royal Catholic Majesty, King Don Phelippe,
our sovereign. In his royal Council of the Indies."]
[Endorsed: "Philippinas. + To his Majesty, 587; from the bishop,
June 26." _In a different hand:_ "Seen. Have its points abstracted."]
Letter from the Audiencia of Manila to Felipe II
Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:
In the past year of eighty-five, we gave your Majesty a report on
the condition of this land, and some other matters concerning your
service, which are contained in the duplicate accompanying this present
letter. If it has not been examined, we beg your Majesty to have this
done, and to make suitable provision for these matters.
_That the tributes shall be increased by one real for married men,
and a half-real for single men, in order to pay the soldiers._ [49]
Section 1. By your Majesty's order, the soldiers usually come from
Nueva Spaña with one hundred and fifteen pesos as pay, out of which
they clothe themselves and purchase their weapons. They continue to
spend their money until they embark at Acapulco, so that, when they
arrive at these islands, they have nothing more to spend and find no
one to give them food. Unable to find a way to earn their sustenance,
they are forced to seek it among the natives, whom they annoy and
maltreat. They live in extreme distress, and so fall sick. The
greater number even die soon, without the possibility of assistance
from their neighbors, because they also are poor. The royal exchequer
is also always in difficulties, and embarrassed by many debts. Your
governor has been unable to give them any assistance from the royal
treasury. Considering that the natives of this land commonly have
treasure and means of gain, and furnish less in tribute than do the
natives of Nueva Spaña (who are in fact poorer), and that without
oppression they might pay more, it has seemed right to us, if it be
your Majesty's pleasure, that the rate of tribute shall in general
be increased by one real for married men, one-half real for single
men, and for young men who possess means of gain, but who do not pay
tribute, the sum of one real. It will be easy for them all to pay this
every year. By this increase twenty-five thousand pesos, or even more,
would be realized, with which many of the soldiers living here could be
paid; meanwhile, as the others enter paid employment, they would be on
like footing with those just mentioned, and could support themselves;
and they would willingly do their duty in war, to which they must at
present be forced. Soldiers would willingly come here to serve your
Majesty, if they could know that they would be supported and paid;
and thus your royal conscience would be relieved. It certainly seems
cruelty to compel these men to serve without pay, and to die of
hunger. We beseech your Majesty that, if this remedy be expedient,
you will have the kindness to order its application, and will have
money sent from the royal exchequer of Mexico, so that these wretched
people can at least be fed and clothed.
_Expenses which have been incurred in war_. Section 2. By your
Majesty's decree, the offices of clerk of the exchequer and of the
governor's office were sold, for some five thousand odd pesos; and,
although this sum was to have been sent on a separate account to the
officials in Nueva España, and thence to the House of Trade at Sevilla,
it was absolutely necessary to spend it on a fleet to operate against
the Japanese pirates, who are in the habit of plundering the coasts
of these islands; and also on a ship, which is being built for this
navigation [between New Spain and the Philippines], in order that
traffic should not be stopped; for the despatch of your Majesty's
fleet to Nueva Spaña; and for various other matters. This could not
be avoided, because there is no more money in the royal exchequer
with which to relieve these distresses, as your Majesty will see by
the accounts which the royal officials are sending.
_Concerning the twenty-two thousand pesos in salaries for the
Audiencia_. Section 3. Your Majesty has ordered that from the
repartimientos of Indians that are now or shall become vacant, twelve
thousand pesos de minas shall be assigned to the royal crown, to pay
the salaries of the Audiencia. We have informed your Majesty, in our
letters, of the great difficulties that would arise from the execution
of this order. For the soldiers, expecting to receive encomiendas,
and that some day good fortune would come to them, have for many
years served your Majesty, and are now serving, in war at their
own cost. Now the fruit of their labors is taken away from the men
who have conquered and maintained this land, while they are without
the hope that they may be rewarded in any other manner; and, seeing
themselves thus deprived, they become disheartened, desert service,
and abandon the land, thus depopulating it beyond all remedy. It seems
to us that, if such should be your Majesty's pleasure, it would be
best that you command money to be sent from Mexico for the salaries of
the Audiencia; and to assign the Indians who are or shall be without
owners as repartimientos and encomiendas to those who have served,
and have merited such reward, as has been the custom hitherto. Since
the conservation and increase of this land is so important for your
Majesty's service, may you be pleased to order for its succor, and
for the aid of the ecclesiastical and secular estates, the sum of
twenty-five thousand or thirty thousand pesos, to be provided annually
from the royal exchequer in Mexico. This sum is quite necessary for
the expenses incurred in armed expeditions, in aid for this land and
its defense, and in what is done almost every year for Maluco.