CHAPTER III.[169]

SWEDEN.

1001–1389.

OLAF.—EMUND I.—EMUND II.—STENKILL.—INGE I.—PHILIP.—INGE II.—SWERKER

I.—CHARLES.—ST. ERIC.—INTERNAL TROUBLES.—BIRGER JARL.—VALDEMAR

I.—MAGNUS I.—BIRGER.—MAGNUS II.—ERIC IV.—ALBERT OF MECKLENBURG.—UNION

OF SWEDEN WITH DENMARK.

IN Swedish history the chronological difficulties of which we had so

much reason to complain in the former volume, are scarcely fewer even

now that we are advanced into the eleventh century. Most writers give

different lists of kings down to the twelfth century. The reason of this

difference is two-fold: there were sometimes two kings reigning at the

same time, the one over the Goths, the other over the Swedes; and

sometimes each of these people had two, who divided the homage of the

people.

[Sidenote: 1001 to 1026.]

All writers agree that at the opening of the eleventh century OLAF,

surnamed _Skotkonung_, or the Tribute-king, reigned over Sweden. He was

the ally of Denmark in the destruction of Olaf Trygvasen, king of

Norway[170]; and with Denmark he shared the possession of that

kingdom.[171] The enemy of St. Olaf, he would not, though commanded by

the states of his kingdom, give his daughter Ingigerda to that

king.[172] Contrary to his wish, however, his second daughter Astrida

was married to his royal neighbor.[173] Probably this was the first of

the Swedish princes that felt himself strong enough to contend with his

pagan subjects, who prior to his time had held the ascendancy. His

ardour, however, is said to have been mitigated by his diet, which at

length decided for liberty of conscience.

[Sidenote: 1026 to 1051.]

EMUND I. (or OMUND), surnamed _Colbrenner_, succeeded to his father.

Towards his unfortunate brother-in-law, St. Olaf of Norway, he acted

with severity[174]; and by all writers testimony is borne to his

virtues. Thus Adam of Bremen informs us that he excelled all his

predecessors in wisdom and piety, and was more beloved by his people. Of

his actions, except his hostilities in alliance with St. Olaf against

Canute the Great, we are ignorant. Shrouded in equal obscurity are the

actions of his immediate successors.

[Sidenote: 1051 to 1148.]

EMUND II. (1051–1056) was unpopular; first, because he had no zeal for

religion; and, secondly, because in a treaty of limits between Sweden

and the Danish province of Scania, he did not uphold the national

interests, but abandoned a considerable territory to that rival people.

To repair this disaster, and to prove that he was not afraid of the

enemy, he raised an army and invaded that province; but he was

vanquished and slain. On his death the Swedes and the Goths, who were

often hostile to each other, disagreed about the succession—the former

raising STENKILL (1056–1066), the latter _Hako the Red_, to the throne.

Thus there were two kingdoms, two courts—the one reigning over the

eastern, the other over the western and southern provinces. Similar

partitions, as we frequently observed in the former volume, had taken

place, so as to confound the chronological succession of the kings. The

Goths and the Swiar had never perfectly amalgamated, from the period

when Odin had led the latter into Sweden, and expelled the former from

the coast to the interior of the country. But, on the other hand,

experience had taught both of them the destructive effects of disunion;

and on the present occasion, now that Christianity had made so

considerable a progress among them (more however in Sweden than in

Gothland), they felt more sensibly the impolicy of their conduct. The

heads of the two people met together, and agreed that Hako should

continue to rule over the Goths, but that on his death his kingdom

should cease to have a separate existence, and be re-merged into that of

Sweden. We shall, however, see that the same moderation did not always

govern the two parties; and that double elections continued to agitate

the commonweal long after this period. But this circumstance does not

detract from the merit of the men who sanctioned the present agreement.

In thirteen years Hako paid the debt of nature, and in conformity with

the agreement his crown reverted to the prince of the Swedes. Of

Stenkill the national historians speak with praise. Of gigantic size,

unrivalled strength, and indomitable courage, he was yet one of the

mildest princes of his age. Over Sweyn II., king of Denmark, he is said

by the Swedish historians to have frequently triumphed; but of such

triumphs we have no record in the historians of the rival nation. Equal

honour is accorded to his successor INGE I., surnamed _the Good_. In his

wars this prince is said to have exhibited great valour; but he was more

distinguished for his attachment to Christianity, and for the zeal with

which he extirpated paganism. In this great work he probably evinced

more ardour than discretion, if it be true that he was murdered in bed

by his idolatrous subjects. HALSTAN, the brother and successor of Inge,

if indeed they did not reign conjointly over different parts of the

kingdom, had the same mild virtues. PHILIP and INGE II. were equally

worthy of the diadem. Distinguished alike for his piety and for the

rigour with which he punished the banditti who infested his western

provinces, and the pirates who ravaged his coasts, Inge, in particular,

reigned in the hearts of his people, except those whose ill deeds he

punished. To the hatred of a faction he became a victim. That faction

raised to the throne _Rognerald_, a chief of gigantic dimensions and of

fiercer qualities. _His_ yoke was soon felt to be intolerable: he was

removed by violence; and a double election followed,—the Swedes choosing

a chieftain named _Kol_; the Goths _Magnus_, son of Nicholas king of

Denmark. The former soon perished in battle; the latter, a great tyrant,

reigned seven years only (1148), when the suffrages of the people fell

on one who had neither birth nor connections to recommend him, but who

had the great qualities becoming the dignity. This was SWERKER I. It is

worthy of remark that Hako the Red and Rognerald, and Kol and Magnus,

are not usually classed amongst the Swedish kings—at least by modern

historians.

[Sidenote: 1148 to 1154.]

The reign of Swerker was pacific and admirably adapted to the interests

of the kingdom. He was a wise and patriotic monarch. But he had one

grievous fault—blindness to the vices of his son. Never, if contemporary

chroniclers are to be credited, did a youth so richly merit the curses

of the people. At the head of a licentious gang, he violated the persons

of the noblest virgins and matrons; he was addicted to every species of

riot; and the insolence of his manners gave a more odious shade to his

vices. In vain were remonstrances made to the father, whose first duty,

as the people thought, was to insist that his own family set the first

example of obedience to the laws. Indignant at this guilty toleration,

the people arose and murdered the prince. Swerker’s own end was

tragical; but whether he died through the influence of the same

conspirators, or through the avarice of a domestic, is doubtful. On his

death, the same ruinous division took place as in the preceding century:

the Goths elected CHARLES, another son of Swerker; the Swedes made

choice of ST. ERIC, who had married the daughter of Inge the Good—a name

dear to the people. As civil war was so much to be deprecated, the heads

of both parties met and agreed to this compromise—that Eric I. should

retain both crowns during his life, and on his death both should be

inherited by Charles. But what was to become of the rights of their

children? To prevent future disputes, the descendants of each were to

rule alternately, without prejudice, however, to the elective suffrage

of the people. It would have been impossible to devise any expedient

better adapted to produce the contrary of what was intended.

[Sidenote: 1155 to 1167.]

The reign of Eric was one of vigour. The Finns, who had declared

themselves independent, he reduced to subjection; and he also forced

them, we are told, to forsake idolatry for Christianity. We may,

however, doubt whether his efforts in this respect were so general as

the chroniclers would have us believe: certainly, they were not very

permanent; for there are pagans amongst them at this very day, and those

who pass for Christians worship other gods. Probably they did as most

barbarians do in similar circumstances—they submitted while the victor

was near them, but reverted to their ancient superstitions when he had

left. That he had idolaters nearer to him than Finland, and more

immediately subject to his sway, is evident from the distinction he was

accused of making between the worshippers of Odin and those of Christ.

The former he deprived of the rights which the law conferred upon them.

For this conduct he naturally incurred their indignation, and he also

made enemies of another party—the licentious, the disturbers of the

public tranquillity, who were scarcely less numerous. Both conspired

against him; and as their own strength was inadequate to the object,

they invoked the aid of the Danish king, offering, as it appears, the

crown of Sweden to the son of that monarch. A Danish army arrived, and

being joined by the malcontents, marched towards Upsal. They were soon

met by Eric who, though he performed prodigies of valour, was defeated

and slain. His tragical death was one of the causes that led to his

canonization. Another was the zeal which he showed in the extirpation of

idolaters, whom he pursued with fire and sword. Add that he was the

founder of monasteries and churches, and we have reasons enough for his

deification. By most readers he will be valued, less for his

unenlightened devotion, than for his compilation of a code of laws—“St.

Eric’s Lag.” Yet the provisions which it contains are deeply impressed

by his dominant characteristics. Against pagans they are sanguinary; and

they visit offences against the Christian religion and the Christian

worship with stern severity.

[Sidenote: 1161 to 1167.]

Charles, the son of Swerker, was now monarch of the whole country. But

he had some difficulty in expelling the invaders, who had proclaimed the

son of the Danish king. He, too, was much attached to the church, and to

which he was more generous than even his predecessor. If tradition be

true (there is no contemporary authority for the statement), he

embarrassed his affairs by his immoderate liberality. As he obtained

from the pope the erection of an archbishopric,—that of Upsal,—he was

expected to endow it. From his munificence in this respect, may have

originated the report in question. His reign was not exempt from

trouble. The adherents of the rival dynasty were his enemies, from a

suspicion (apparently ill-founded) that he had been one of the

conspirators against St. Eric. Though in conformity with the agreement

which we have mentioned, he nominated Canute, the son of Eric, his

successor, that prince would not remain in the kingdom, under the

pretence that his life was in danger. In a few years he returned into

Sweden, at the head of a considerable Norwegian force, was joined by the

partisans of his house, and enabled to triumph over his rival, whom he

captured and beheaded. This act he justified by appealing to the

untimely end of his father, which he represented as the work of Charles.

[Sidenote: 1167 to 1192.]

The reign of CANUTE was disturbed by two invasions. The first,

consisting of Danes, who had armed to revenge the death of the late

king, or rather under that plea to profit by the disasters of a rival

country. The Goths, who loved the memory of Charles, immediately joined

it; but the king was victorious. The second was an irruption of the

Esthonian pirates, who laid Sigtuna in ashes, slew the archbishop of

Upsal, and carried away many prisoners before the king could overtake

them.

[Sidenote: 1192 to 1210.]

SWERKER II., the son of Charles, was the next king, in virtue of the

compact between the Goths and the Swedes. But every day more clearly

evinced the dangers resulting from that compact: it daily widened the

breach, not merely between the two royal families, but between the two

great tribes which constituted the nation. Blood had been openly or

treacherously spilt by both parties; and the deadly feud had descended

to the chiefs of both. It was, from the first, the object of Swerker to

exterminate the family of his rival; but one prince—Eric, the only son

of the late king—escaped into Norway. For some years he governed with

moderation; but becoming tyrannical, the people of Upland invited the

exile to return. Eric obeyed the call, was joined by most of the nobles,

and enabled to triumph over Swerker, though the latter was supported by

a Danish army. The king was expelled, and though he subsequently

returned twice to renew the contest, twice he was defeated, and on the

latter occasion his own corpse was among the slain.

[Sidenote: 1210 to 1250.]

The reign of ERIC II. commenced by more policy than could have been

anticipated from preceding events. To pacify the rival faction, he

declared prince John, the son of Swerker, his successor. To conciliate

the Danes, who had so warmly espoused the cause of his rivals, he

obtained the hand of a Danish princess, the sister of Valdemar II. His

reign was pacific, but too short for the interests of his people. JOHN

I. (1220–1222) ascended without opposition the united thrones of the

Swedes and the Goths; but his reign was still shorter—a misfortune the

more keenly felt from his admirable conduct. If he was less fortunate in

two or three military expeditions (so obscure, however, as scarcely to

deserve notice) than was hoped from the justice of his cause, his civil

government was one of great success. He was succeeded without opposition

by the son of his predecessor, Eric II., named after the father. ERIC

III., surnamed the Lisper (1222–1230), had a reign less peaceful than

those which immediately preceded it. There was a family in the realm too

powerful for obedience—that of the Folkungar—the chiefs of which, by

their wealth and their numerous connections, evidently aspired to the

throne. To bind them to his interests, he married two of his sisters to

nobles of that house, while he himself took to wife a lady of that

family. But these alliances, as might indeed have been expected, only

gave a new impulse to ambition. To wrest the crown from him, the whole

family or tribe, the chiefs of which must have been connected with the

royal line of either the Goths or the Swedes, broke out into

rebellion—one noble only, the jarl Birger, remaining faithful to him. In

the first battle Eric was defeated and compelled to flee; but he raised

an army in Denmark, returned to Sweden, vanquished the usurper Sweyn,

and was again acknowledged by the whole realm. In the last year of his

reign, he sent an expedition against the Finns, who had reverted to

idolatry. It was commanded by Birger Jarl, on whom he had conferred the

hand of his youngest sister. The cruelty of the general, who probably

acted in obedience to the royal orders, equalled that of the former

military apostle, St. Eric.

[Sidenote: 1250.]

The death of Eric the Stammerer was followed by a violation of the

compact which had established the alternate order of succession. The

Folkungar nobles no longer concealed their intention of aspiring to the

throne. Through the intrigues of a dependent, when the diet met for a

new election, the choice fell on VALDEMAR I., the son of Birger Jarl by

the sister of the late king. On the part of the electors, this was an

attempt to combine the interests of two great families. But Birger was

dissatisfied: he had expected the crown himself; and he objected to the

impolicy of choosing a child like his son. His design was to obtain the

regency, and he succeeded.

[Sidenote: 1251 to 1266.]

However censurable the means by which Birger arrived at power, he had

qualities worthy of the post. He founded Stockholm, which he also

fortified: he revised and greatly improved the Landslag, or written laws

of the kingdom; he conferred on the cities and towns privileges similar

to those contained in the charters of later ages; he improved the

internal administration in other respects; while he defended the coasts

against the ravages of the pirates. Such indeed was the prosperity which

he introduced, that the diet requested the king to confer on him the

ducal title—a title previously unknown in Sweden. But the success of his

administration, and the power held by his family, incurred first the

jealousy, and soon the hatred of a faction, or rather of several

factions who united to oppose him. Among the great Swedish families was

one that rivalled the Folkungar in riches, in the number of its armed

dependents, in its widely-spread connection. This was the Folkungar

family, which had beheld with the deepest mortification the elevation of

a rival house. A civil war followed, which was indecisive; and it was

ended by a pacification, but a pacification dictated by deceit. After

Birger had solemnly sworn to it, and the heads of the other party

repaired in unsuspecting confidence to his camp, he caused them to be

put to death. One noble only escaped, Charles, who fled to the Teutonic

knights, became a member of the order, and left an heroic name behind

him. This perfidious act is a sad stain on the glory of his regency.

Another was his excessive love of power, which induced him to retain the

reins of government long after his son had arrived at manhood, and even

after that son had married Sophia, daughter of Eric Plough-penny, king

of Denmark. Death only caused him to release his grasp.

[Sidenote: 1266 to 1276.]

The reign of Valdemar was one of trouble. Whether through the persuasion

of the diet, or through fraternal attachment, he tolerated, if he did

not himself establish, the independence of his brothers. Magnus duke of

Sudermania, Eric prince of Smaland, and Benvit duke of Finland, had

separate courts, and exercised a sovereign authority in their respective

jurisdictions. Magnus, the eldest, was formed for a monarch. He was

learned, courteous, generous, and highly accomplished in all military

sciences. So popular did he become, that his palace was more frequented

than the king’s. Of his popularity Valdemar soon became jealous; yet he

could do no other than leave the regency to Magnus during his pilgrimage

to Rome. The motive of this pilgrimage was to expiate a criminal

connection, of many years’ standing, with Judith, sister of his queen.

The severity of the penance was owing to the fact of Judith’s being a

nun, who had precipitately fled from the convent of Roskild. Nine

children were the result of this connection, which so scandalised the

church, that the pope would not give him absolution until he had visited

the Holy Land. Judith was condemned to perpetual seclusion. In 1276,

after an absence of nearly three years, the royal penitent returned, and

accused Magnus of intriguing for the throne. Whether there was any truth

in the charge, cannot well be ascertained; but that suspicion should

arise in his mind was inevitable. He was jealous, not of Eric only, but

of all his brothers. On this occasion, Benvit, the youngest, exhibited a

proof of magnanimity which may well obtain the praise of history: to

consolidate the royal power, he resigned his duchy, took holy orders,

and subsequently became bishop of Linkoping. The elder brothers, far

from imitating the example, united themselves closely with the Danes,

and a civil war followed. Valdemar was surprised, pursued, and captured.

To end these disorders, the diet met, and divided the kingdom between

the two brothers. To Valdemar was conceded the two Gothlands (East and

West) with Smaland and Dalia: the rest fell to Magnus.

[Sidenote: 1276 to 1279.]

This peace was of short continuance. Magnus did not pay his Danish

auxiliaries, by whose aid he had triumphed. In revenge the Danish king

ravaged the Swedish provinces, and entered into a treaty with Valdemar

to restore him to the undivided throne. At the head of a Danish army,

Valdemar marched against Magnus, but was defeated. To repair this

disaster, Eric of Denmark took the field with a large army—so large that

Magnus would not risk an action. But the Swedish prince obtained by

policy the advantage which arms could not give him. He drew the invaders

into the heart of the kingdom; cut off all supplies; and awaited the

approach of winter to effect their destruction. But through the

mediation of the chiefs on both sides, peace was restored. As Magnus had

not the money due to Eric, he pledged one of his maritime towns. In

return, he obtained not merely a friend, but his recognition as monarch

of Norway. Valdemar, thus sacrificed, was made to renounce his claim to

the whole country, and to pass the remainder of his days in Denmark, on

one of the domains which he had received with his queen.

[Sidenote: 1279, 1280.]

MAGNUS I. at his accession assumed the title of king of the Swedes and

the Goths, to denote his superiority over the whole kingdom. But the

title was more pompous than the power. He was soon accused of undue

partiality towards the people of Holstein, who in virtue of his marriage

with Hedwige, sister of the count Gerard[175], flocked to Sweden in

great numbers. The remonstrance did not weaken his attachment to these

foreigners, whom he loaded with honours. To the great families,

especially that of the Folkungar, this preference was gall; and a

conspiracy was formed to extirpate the odious strangers. An opportunity

for the execution of this plot soon arrived. Escorted by a considerable

number of Holsteiners, the queen proceeded to Scara, a town of Gothland,

to meet her father. The conspirators followed, and massacred the guard,

including even the brother-in-law of the king. Nor was this all: they

threw the count of Holstein into a dungeon; and they certainly would

have laid their hands on the queen, had she not contrived to escape into

a monastery. Knowing the power of the family which had instigated these

excesses, and fearing that they were supported by foreign alliances, the

king dissimulated, and made use of the most conciliating language, until

he had obtained the enlargement of the count. He then summoned a diet,

charged the unsuspicious Folkungar with high treason, sent them to

Stockholm, and beheaded all of them except one, who was allowed to be

ransomed. From this time that ambitious family ceased to have much

influence over the realm. To establish his throne still more solidly, he

entered into a double matrimonial alliance with Denmark. His son Birger,

still a child, was affianced to a daughter of the Danish king, and as

she too was a child, she was taken, in conformity with the custom of the

times, to the Swedish court to be educated. And soon afterwards

Ingeburga, daughter of Magnus, became the wife of Eric Plough-penny’s

successor.

[Sidenote: 1281 to 1290.]

The tranquillity obtained through these measures enabled Magnus to

devote his whole time to the internal administration. His name is

mentioned with great praise; and he appears to have deserved it. His

consolidated power and his firmness were indeed blessings to a realm so

long distracted by intestine commotions. It was feared, indeed, lest, in

his hands, the sceptre should become oppressive: but this too would have

been an advantage; for its weight would have fallen on the powerful and

the turbulent only. To the peasant he was a friend. Prior to his reign,

the local nobles had not hesitated to levy contributions on the despised

portion of the nation. He decreed that whoever took any thing from a

poor man’s hut without paying the value, should be visited with rigorous

penalties. From his brother Valdemar he sustained some trouble; but he

crushed the seeds of rebellion by imprisoning that restless prince. To

support, with greater magnificence, the regal state, he obtained, from

the gratitude of his people, a considerable augmentation of his

resources. This augmentation consisted in certain returns from the

mines, and from the great lakes of Sweden. Well did he merit this

liberality; for never had the country a greater king.

[Sidenote: 1290 to 1305.]

BIRGER, the son of Magnus, being only eleven years old at his father’s

death, the regency devolved on Thorkil, a noble Swede. Nothing can

better illustrate the merit of Magnus than this choice. At home and

abroad Thorkil evinced his talents and his patriotism. His expeditions

against the Finns, the Carelians, and the Ingrians, were crowned with

success. But his great object was to render the people happy. Having

reason to fear the interruption of the social tranquillity, he arrested

the sons of the late king Valdemar, who could not forget their claims to

the throne. But as Birger rose up to manhood, he had still more cause of

apprehension from Eric and Valdemar, brothers of his sovereign. Both

evidently aspired to distinct governments. To strengthen his interests,

the former married Ingeburga, daughter of Hako V., king of Norway.

Seeing that he and Valdemar were acting more openly in pursuit of their

treasonable object, yet unwilling to adopt extreme measures, Birger,

with the advice of his minister, obtained from them a written pledge

never to leave the kingdom, or approach the royal residence without

permission; never to conspire against the government; never to maintain

more than a given number of armed men; and always to obey the commands

of their sovereign. But what engagement could bind spirits so restless,

which were emboldened to attempt any thing by the success of preceding

rebels? The princes still continued to plot; and to escape imprisonment,

they fled into Denmark. The Danish king, however, being persuaded to

abandon them, they took refuge in Norway, were friendly received by

Hako, and enabled, from their new fiefs of Nydborg and Konghella, to lay

waste the neighbouring provinces with fire and sword. A body of troops

sent by Birger to repulse them, was defeated. A second army was raised;

and the king marched in person to chastise his brothers. They were,

however, at the head of a large force, not of their own partisans

merely, but of the Norwegians; and to avoid the effusion of blood, a

pacification was recommended. They were received into favour on the

condition of their swearing obedience to the king: in return he

conferred on duke Eric the fief of Varberg. The next feature of this

transaction was the sacrifice of the able and patriotic Thorkil. The

brothers could not forgive him for thwarting them in their rebellion;

and Birger was made to believe the vilest calumnies respecting him. The

aged minister was sent to Stockholm and beheaded. At the same time his

daughter, the wife of Valdemar, was repudiated. Thus was a long course

of public service rewarded!

[Sidenote: 1305 to 1319.]

By this criminal weakness, Birger was righteously left to the intrigues

of his brothers. By them he was surprised and made prisoner, together

with his wife and children, and forced to resign the crown in favour of

Eric. His eldest son, Magnus, escaped, and fled to Denmark, the king of

which armed for the restoration of his sister’s husband. From this

period to the close of Birger’s reign there was war, alternated by

hollow peace. In 1307, he obtained his liberty, on the condition of his

kingdom being dismembered in favour of his brother. To revoke this

dangerous act he renewed his alliance with Denmark, and again obtained

help; but his proceedings were not decisive, and a new pacification

followed, on conditions similar to the preceding, except that Birger was

now regarded as the liege superior of his brothers, who did homage to

him for their fiefs. Unable to reduce them by force, he had recourse to

the usual acts of the base. He pretended great affection for them, and

sent them many presents. At length alluring them to his court at

Nykoping, he arrested them in bed, and consigned them to dungeons with

expression of triumphant insult more galling than the perfidy itself.

One died of the wounds which he had received in the effort to escape:

the other was starved to death. But from this deed of blood the king

derived no advantage. The bodies of the murdered princes being exposed

to the public, roused the wrath of the very numerous party hostile to

his government. The civil war was now renewed by Matthias Kettlemundson

in behalf of duke Eric’s son. Since the death of Thorkil, the king had

become rapacious, tyrannical, and consequently unpopular. The people,

who lamented the fate of the murdered princes, favoured the cause which

Kettlemundson had espoused; the fortresses that still held for the king

were soon reduced: Magnus, his son, was made prisoner; and he himself

compelled to seek a refuge in Denmark, where he was coldly received.

[Sidenote: 1319, 1320.]

Fate had not yet done its worst for this exiled prince. A diet was

assembled to choose a successor. Such was the hatred borne towards him

and his line, that his son Magnus was beheaded for _his_ crimes. The

suffrages of the electors united in favour of duke Eric’s son, a child

three years old. Grief the following year (1320) brought Birger to the

tomb. Whatever good signalised his reign must be attributed to his able

and virtuous minister: his own conduct was dictated by odious vices.

Thorkil caused a law to be passed against the sale of slaves, on the

ground that it was in the highest degree criminal for Christians to sell

men whom Christ had redeemed by his blood. This noble truth is the best

testimony to the character of that minister: we may add that it is the

most deplorable illustration of the king’s, who could, without a cause,

sacrifice such a man. What better than fratricide could be expected from

him?

[Sidenote: 1319 to 1354.]

During the long minority of MAGNUS II., the regency was exercised by

Kettlemundson, who had contributed so largely to the expulsion of

Birger, and the execution of the blameless Magnus, the son of Birger.

His administration, which continued eighteen years, is mentioned with

respect; but it was signalised by no great exploit deserving the

attention of history. Both his policy and that of his sovereign, in

respect to Scania, has been related.[176] In the administration of

justice and the maintenance of the public tranquillity, he was

successful. On his demise, Magnus assumed the reins of government; but

did not give so much satisfaction as his minister. He undertook an

expedition against the western provinces of Russia (then subject to

their own princes), influenced only by a wild ambition. The result was

not glorious. The taxes which he levied on the people for its support,

gave rise to complaint. The pope too complained that he had appropriated

to his own use the money, which, in virtue of Olaf Skotkonung’s act,

should have gone to the Roman treasury. Still his necessities increased:

the purchase of Scania was another channel of expenditure; and though he

pledged some of the royal domains, he had still to exact more from his

people, including the clergy, than their patience would support. For

this cause he was excommunicated by the pope. Regardless of murmurs, he

proceeded in his course: he was distinguished alike for rashness,

feebleness, and irresolution. Governed by young favourites, and still

more by his queen, who persuaded him that he might do whatever he

pleased with impunity, and anxious to place a third crown on his brow

(he had inherited Norway in right of his mother), he exhibited at once

his silly ambition and his incapacity by embroiling himself with

Denmark. So far from obtaining that crown, he lost his own. The diet

insisted that he should resign Norway to Hako, and Sweden to Eric, his

two sons. He fled into Scania; implored the aid of Valdemar; and in

return ceded that province to the Danish crown.[177] He was enabled by

this means and by the support of a party (for what king was ever without

one?) to carry on a war with Eric. Its ravages were deeply felt; its

issue was dubious; and a diet was convoked at Jenkoping to avert by a

pacification the ruin of the monarchy. Under the mediation of two

princes connected with the royal family, it was decreed that the country

should be divided between the father and the son: to the former were

assigned Upland, the two Gothias, Vermeland, Dalecarlia, with the

northern portion of Halland, and the isle of Oeland; to the latter,

Finland, Smaland, the southern portion of Halland, and Scania.

[Sidenote: 1354 to 1357.]

The indiscretions of Magnus had lost him the hearts of his people, which

turned with ardour to ERIC IV. This circumstance roused the jealousy of

him and his queen, who are said to have conspired against the life of

Eric. Whether he was removed by poison administered to him by his

mother, or by the violence of conspirators, or by lawless banditti, or,

finally, by natural causes, must for ever rest unknown, since ancient

annals say nothing on the subject. The majority of historians, native

and foreign, concur in fixing the guilt on queen Blanche; but until some

better evidence than any they have adduced be brought to establish so

unnatural a crime, the common feeling of mankind must compel them to

doubt it. The only fact that is certain is that Eric died, and that

Magnus profited by the event, since it restored him to the monarchy.

[Sidenote: 1357 to 1363.]

It was impossible for this weak and unscrupulous prince to win the

esteem of the Swedes. He hated them because they had deposed him; and to

be revenged on them, he entered into a close alliance with Valdemar of

Denmark. Valdemar, to whom he ceded Scania, became, as we have before

related, the willing instrument of that vengeance in the sack of Wisby

and in other depredations.[178] This was not the way to acquire

popularity: he and the whole Danish nation were soon detested; nor was

the feeling diminished when the secret transpired of a projected union

between the king’s son, Hako of Norway, and Margaret, the daughter of

Valdemar. To prevent this obnoxious alliance, the nobles arose,

imprisoned Magnus in the fortress of Calmar, called on Hako to assume

the administration, and made him promise not only that he would renounce

all connection with Denmark, but marry Elizabeth, sister of Henry count

of Holstein. Though HAKO II. (the sixth of Norway) engaged to fulfil the

wishes of the diet, neither he nor his father, who was soon enlarged,

had the least intention to do so. On the contrary, they renewed their

connection still more closely with the obnoxious Valdemar. The manner in

which Elizabeth was deluded by that monarch until the marriage of his

daughter with Hako was celebrated, has been already described.

[Sidenote: 1363.]

Nothing could exceed the anger of the Swedes, or rather of a

considerable faction (for the majority were passive) when they heard of

this marriage. Determined to exclude both father and son, they invited

Henry of Holstein, who was connected with the royal line, to ascend the

throne. But Henry was an old man; and he would not risk his tranquillity

for an object that he could not long enjoy. He recommended the electors

to make choice of Albert duke of Mecklenburg, whose mother was the

sister of Magnus. But the duke had no wish to rule a divided, turbulent

people; nor did he wish his eldest son to undertake the perilous charge.

He had, however, a second son, also named Albert, who had nothing to

lose, and whom he recommended to the suffrages of the electors.

[Sidenote: 1364 to 1371.]

ALBERT arrived at Stockholm early in 1364. That city was in the

interests of Magnus, and for a time it resisted; but he forced or

persuaded it to capitulate. There he was joined by most of the nobles

who were discontented with Magnus. Their first act was to renew the

deposition of the one; their next, to confirm the election of the other.

Hako, then in Norway, prepared to invade the kingdom; and Magnus, who

had still a party, effected a junction with him. Their army being

augmented by a considerable number of Danes, they penetrated into

Upland. But Albert, on his side, hastened to oppose them; and in a

battle of some magnitude, victory the most decisive inclined to his

standard: Magnus was taken prisoner; Hako was wounded and compelled to

retreat with expedition into his own kingdom. The fortresses which held

for the two princes were next reduced; two or three of them only made a

vigorous defence. But Valdemar of Denmark, whose interest lay in

disturbing the kingdom, sent, from time to time, supplies of troops,

which harassed the king. Peace with that formidable rival was felt to be

necessary for the repose of the realm, and it was purchased by the

cession of some domains. Among them was the isle of Gothland with Wisby

the capital. That these cessions were unwillingly made, may be easily

conceived; and to procure their restoration, Albert entered into a close

league with the enemies of Denmark. The war was consequently renewed.

While his allies assailed other parts of Denmark, he invaded Scania, a

portion of which he reduced. But little time was left him for

exultation. Hako of Norway invaded Sweden, defeated him, and compelled

him to throw himself into Stockholm, which was closely invested. In this

extremity he proposed an interview, in which the conditions of peace

were agreed on. Magnus was enlarged for a ransom of 12,000 marks; and in

return for his cession of the Swedish crown, he received as fiefs West

Gothland, Vermeland, and Dalia. He was, however, to have no share in the

administration of these provinces, but merely to receive the revenues

with the title of governor; and the rest of his days he was to pass in

Norway. Lest he should break this, with as much levity as he had broken

all his former engagements, sixty gentlemen of his party were to

surrender themselves prisoners to Albert, if he should again disturb the

peace of the realm. He did not disturb it, because he was soon

afterwards drowned in crossing a ford.

[Sidenote: 1371 to 1376.]

For some years after this pacification Albert enjoyed comparative

security. But he was not popular: he brought over many greedy Germans to

share in the spoils of the kingdom; and exhibited in their favour a

partiality so gross as much to indispose the nation against him. Like a

true German, indeed, he had little regard for any thing beyond his

immediate interests, and those of his family. Insecure as was his

possession of Sweden, he raised troops to support the claims of his

nephew, Albert of Mecklenburg, to the Danish throne, in opposition to

Olaf, the son of Margaret and Hako.[179] The enterprise failed: the

armament that was sent against the Danes was mostly destroyed by a

storm; and there was no disposition to renew the contest.

[Sidenote: 1377 to 1387.]

The gross partiality of Albert for his foreign mercenaries was not the

only fault he committed. Having a high notion of the kingly prerogative,

he endeavoured to rule without the control of the diet. For his attempt

to restrain the privileges of the nobles he would deserve our praise,

were not his motives of the most selfish character. The people had still

more reason to complain. Not only were they subject to a tyranny odious

as that of the nobles, but they were ground to the earth by new imposts,

and, what was still more mortifying, for the enrichment of avaricious

foreigners. In this state of the public mind, he convoked a diet at

Stockholm, and demanded an augmentation of his income. It was not, he

observed, adequate to the decent support of royalty; and he solicited

one third of the whole revenue, civil and ecclesiastical. Nothing could

equal the indignant surprise of the diet at this extraordinary demand.

They replied that former kings had found the usual revenues enough, not

merely for comfort but for splendour; and intimated that if he was

straitened, the cause lay in the number of foreigners whom he enriched.

This intimation might have been expected to produce some good effect;

but it had none on this imprudent king except to exasperate him, and to

make him resolve that he would wrest by force what had been refused to

his solicitations. In vain did both nobles and clergy cry aloud against

his arbitrary purpose: in vain did they call upon him to respect the

privileges which he had sworn to maintain; he persevered, and

consequently plunged the kingdom into a ruinous civil war.

[Sidenote: 1388 to 1389.]

At this time Margaret, who had succeeded to her son Olaf, was sovereign

of Denmark and Norway. To her the malcontents applied for aid, which she

would not afford them, unless they acknowledged her for their queen. The

condition was accepted: an army of Danes marched into Sweden, and was

immediately joined by many of the nobles and clergy. The lower classes

of the population—those who contributed little to the support of the

state—were indifferent to the result, or if they had any bias, it was in

favour of Albert—not from any attachment to him, but from dislike of the

nobles. At Falkoping, in West Gothland, however, a good stand was made

by his army, consisting not merely of Swedes but of Germans, and many

adventurers whom the offer of large pay and the hope of plunder had

drawn to his standard. But after a desperate conflict, he was defeated,

and captured, together with his son. Both were committed to a fortress,

where, notwithstanding the efforts of their German allies, and those of

their own party, they remained above six years; nor did they obtain

their enlargement without a solemn renunciation of the Swedish crown.

With MARGARET, sovereign of three kingdoms, begins a new era in Northern

history.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

APPENDIX.

(See page 184.)

------------------

(_From Alban Butler’s Lives of the Saints._)

ST. CANUTUS, KING OF DENMARK, M.[180]

From his life, faithfully written by Ælnoth, a monk of Canterbury, who

had lived twenty-four years in Denmark, and wrote in 1105. It was

printed at Copenhagen, in 1602. See also Saxo Grammaticus, the most

elegant and judicious of the Danish historians.

A. D. 1086.

ST. CANUTUS, or KNUT, the fourth of that name, king of Denmark, was

natural son of Swein III. whose great uncle Canutus had reigned in

England. Swein, having no lawful issue, took care of the education of

Canutus, who being endowed with excellent qualities both of mind and

body, answered perfectly well the care of his preceptors and governors.

It is hard to say whether he excelled more in courage, or in conduct and

skill in war; but his singular piety perfectly eclipsed all his other

endowments. He scoured the seas of pirates, and subdued several

neighbouring provinces which infested Denmark with their incursions. The

kingdom of Denmark was elective till the year 1660; wherefore, when

Swein died, many pitched upon our saint, whose eminent virtues best

qualified him for the throne; but the majority, fearing his martial

spirit, preferred his eldest natural brother Harald, the seventh king of

that name, who, for his stupidity and vices, was commonly called the

Slothful. Canutus retired into Sweden to king Halstan, who received him

with the greatest marks of kindness and esteem; but the king could never

induce him to undertake any expedition against Denmark; on the contrary,

the Christian hero employed all his power and interest in the service of

his country. Harald dying after two years’ reign, Canutus was called to

succeed him.

Denmark had received the Christian faith long before, some say in 826,

but wanted a zealous hand at the helm, to put the finishing stroke to

that good work. St. Canutus seems to have been pitched upon by

Providence for this purpose. He began his reign by a successful war

against the troublesome barbarous enemies of the state, and by planting

the faith in the conquered provinces of Courland, Samogitia, and

Livonia. Amidst the glory of his victories, he humbly prostrated himself

at the foot of the crucifix, laying there his diadem, and offering

himself and his kingdom to the King of kings. After having provided for

its peace and safety, and enlarged its territories, he married Eltha, or

Alice, daughter of Robert earl of Flanders, by whom he had a pious son,

St. Charles, surnamed the Good, afterward also earl of Flanders. His

next concern was to reform abuses at home. For this purpose, he enacted

severe, but necessary laws, for the strict administration of justice,

and repressed the violence and tyranny of the great, without respect of

persons. He countenanced and honoured holy men, granted many privileges

and immunities to the clergy, to enhance the people’s esteem of them;

and omitted nothing to convince them of their obligation to provide for

their subsistence by the payment of tithes. His charity and tenderness

towards his subjects made him study by all possible ways to ease them of

their burdens, and make them a happy people. He showed a royal

magnificence in building and adorning churches, and gave the crown which

he wore, of exceeding great value, to the church of Roschild, in

Zealand, his capital city, and the place of his residence, where the

kings of Denmark are yet buried. He chastised his body with fasting,

discipline, and hair-cloths. Prayer was his assiduous exercise. When

William the Conqueror had made himself master of England, Canutus sent

forces to assist the vanquished: but these troops finding no one willing

to join them, were easily defeated in the year 1069. Some time after,

being invited by the conquered English, he raised an army to invade this

island, and expel the Normans; but through the treacherous practices of

his brother Olas, or Olaus, was obliged to wait so long on the coast

that his troops deserted him. The pious king, having always in view the

service of God, and judging this a proper occasion to induce the people

to pay tithes to their pastors, he proposed to them either to pay a

heavy fine, by way of punishment for their desertion, or submit to the

law of tithes for the pastors of the church. Their aversion to the

latter made them choose the tax, to the great mortification of the king,

who, hoping they would change their resolution, ordered it to be levied

with rigour. But they, being incensed at the severity of the collectors,

rebelled. St. Canutus retired for safety into the isle of Fionia, and

was hindered from joining his loyal troops, by the treachery of one

Blanco, an officer, who, to deceive him, assured his majesty that the

rebels were returned to their duty. The king went to the church of St.

Alban, the martyr, to perform his devotions, and return God thanks for

that happy event. This the rebels being informed of by Blanco, they

surrounded the church with him at their head. In the mean time the holy

king, perceiving the danger that threatened his life, confessed his sins

at the foot of the altar, with great tranquillity and resignation, and

received the holy communion. His guards defended the church doors, and

Blanco was slain by them. The rebels threw in bricks and stones, through

the windows, by which they beat down the shrines of certain relics of

St. Alban and St. Oswald, which St. Canutus had brought over from

England. The saint, stretching out his arms before the altar, fervently

recommended his soul into the hands of the Creator; in which posture he

was wounded with a javelin darted through the window, and fell a victim

to Christ. His brother Benedict, and seventeen others, were slain with

him, on the 10th of July, 1086, as Ælnoth, a contemporary author,

testifies, who has specified the date of all the events with the utmost

exactness. His wicked brother Olas succeeded him in the kingdom. God

punished the people during eight years and three months of his reign

with a dreadful famine, and other calamities; and attested the sanctity

of the martyr, by many miraculous cures of the sick at his tomb. For

which reason his relics were taken up out of their obscure sepulchre,

and honourably entombed towards the end of the reign of Olas. His

successor, Eric III., a most religious prince, restored piety and

religion, with equal courage and success, and sent ambassadors to Rome,

with proofs of the miracles performed, and obtained from the pope a

declaration, authorising the veneration of St. Canutus, the proto-martyr

of Denmark. Upon this occasion a most solemn translation of his relics,

which were put in a most costly shrine, was performed, at which Ælnoth,

our historian, was present. He adds, that the first preachers of the

faith in Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, were English priests; that the

Danes then zealously embraced the Christian religion, but that the

Swedes still continued more obstinate, among whom Eschill, an

Englishman, received the crown of martyrdom, whilst he was preaching

Christ to certain savage tribes.

END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

FOOTNOTES.

-----

Footnote 1:

Vol. I. p. 175.

Footnote 2:

See Vol. I. p. 178.

Footnote 3:

Ibid. 176, 178, 179.

Footnote 4:

Vol. I. p. 187.

Footnote 5:

Ibid. p. 188.

Footnote 6:

See Vol. I. p. 216.

Footnote 7:

Ibid. p. 320.

Footnote 8:

See “The Fatal Sisters.”

Footnote 9:

The materials for the preceding section are derived from the

Orkneyinga Saga; Snorro, Heimskringla; Johnstone, Antiquitates

Celto-Scindicæ.

Footnote 10:

The preceding section is derived from, 1. Torfœus, Islandia Antiqua;

2. Ditto, Historia Rerum Norvegicarum; 3. Snorro, Heimskringla; 4. The

Landnamabok, seu Origines Islandorum; 5. Schlegel, Comment. de Codice

Gragas.; 6. Wharton, History of the Northmen.

Footnote 11:

Snorro, Saga af Olafi Tryggva-Syni; Heimskringla (multis locis);

Torfœus, Vinlandia Antiqua; Adamas Bremensis, De Situ Daniæ; Malte

Brun, Géographie; Pontoppidan, Gesta et Ventigia Danorum extra Daniam.

Footnote 12:

Karamzin, tom. i.

Footnote 13:

Karamzin, Histoire de Russia; Levesque, Histoire; Pontoppidan, Gesta

et Vestigia.

Footnote 14:

Pontoppidan, Gesta et Vestigia Danorum extra Daniam. The best account

of the piratical exploits of the Northmen in France is in the Roman de

Rou of Wace, and, the Chronique of Benoit de St. Maur. Their exploits

in Spain are mentioned both by the Mohammedan and Christian writers.

Their exploits in Scotland, Iceland, Ireland, and the coast of

Britain, are contained in the Sagas; but these abound so much in wild

fiction that it is difficult to separate the true from the false.

Footnote 15:

The authorities for the present chapter are,—1. Edda Sæmundar hins

Froda; Edda Rythmica seu Antiquior vulgo Sæmundina dicta: pars i.

1787, pars ii. 1818, pars iii. 1828. Havniæ.—2. Edda Snorronis à

Rask. Coben. 1818.—3. Mallet, Introduction à l’Histoire de

Dannemarc, tom. i. and ii.—4. Percy, Notes to the Northern

Antiquities.—5. Wheaton, History of the Northmen.—6. Pigott, Manual

of Scandinavian Mythology.—7. Foreign Quarterly Review, Nos. 3 and

7.—8. Notes of Stephanius to his edition of Saxo Grammaticus.

Footnote 16:

Europe during the Middle Ages, vol. ii., appendix.

Footnote 17:

See Vol. I. p. 51.

Footnote 18:

Mr. Wheaton.

Footnote 19:

See before, page 31.

Footnote 20:

See before, page 14.

Footnote 21:

See before, page 34.

Footnote 22:

Geijr, Svea Bikes Häfder, tom. i. p. 339.

Footnote 23:

See Vol. I. p. 91–99.

Footnote 24:

See before, page 35.

Footnote 25:

Pigott’s translation, p. 95.

Footnote 26:

See Vol. I. p. 54.

Footnote 27:

See Vol. I. p. 46.

Footnote 28:

Thorlacius Noget om Thor og hans Hammer, in the Skandinavisk Museum

for 1803.

Footnote 29:

Thorlacius ut supra, says the thundering Thor was regarded as

particularly inimical to the Skovtrolds, against whom he continually

employed his mighty weapon. He thinks the _Bidental_ of the Romans,

and the rites connected with it, seem to suppose a similar

superstition, and that in the well-known passage of Horace,

Tu parum castis inimica mittes

Fulmina lucis,

the words _parum castis lucis_ may mean groves or parts of woods, the

haunt of unclean spirits or Skovtrolds, _satyri lascivi et salaces_.

Footnote 30:

The analogy of Deev, and other words of like import, might lead to the

supposition of Spirit being the primary meaning of Alf.

Footnote 31:

It is probably derived from an obsolete verb νύβω, the Latin _nubo_

signifying to _veil_ or cover; hence _nubes_, clouds. In Homer (II.

iii. 130.), Iris says to Helen,

_Δεῦρ’ ἵθι, νύμφα φίλη_.

The preceding and following notes are also from Mr. Keightley.

Footnote 32:

Keightley’s Fairy Mythology, vol. i.

Footnote 33:

Keightley’s Fairy Mythology, vol. i.

Footnote 34:

Keightley, vol. i.

Footnote 35:

See Vol. I. p. 32.

Footnote 36:

Keightley, vol. i.

Footnote 37:

See Vol. I. p. 49.

Footnote 38:

Foreign Quarterly Review, No. 3.

Footnote 39:

See Vol. I. p. 48.

Footnote 40:

See Vol. I. p. 31.

Footnote 41:

See Vol. I. p. 35.

Footnote 42:

Cæsar, de Bello Gallico, lib. i.

Footnote 43:

See before, p. 78.

Footnote 44:

See Vol. I. p. 229.

Footnote 45:

See Vol. I. p. 176.

Footnote 46:

See Vol. I. p. 180.

Footnote 47:

See Vol. I. p. 181.

Footnote 48:

Schefferi Historia Lapponica, cap. ix.

Footnote 49:

See Vol. I. p. 30–42.

Footnote 50:

Heimskringla, tom. i.

Footnote 51:

Wheaton, p. 117.

Footnote 52:

See Vol. I. p. 54.

Footnote 53:

See before, p. 61.

Footnote 54:

See Vol. I. p. 86.

Footnote 55:

See before, p. 55.

Footnote 56:

Schefferi Historia Lapponica.

Footnote 57:

Europe during the Middle Ages, vol. ii. Appendix.

Footnote 58:

See before, p. 56.

Footnote 59:

See Vol. I. p. 91–99.

Footnote 60:

The great, the mysterious Ash Yggrasid, under which Odin and the

twelve Aser were accustomed to administer justice.

Footnote 61:

Pigott’s translation.

Footnote 62:

See before, p. 87.

Footnote 63:

Great Ormshead in Denbighshire; _orm_ being the Danish, and, indeed,

the old English, for a worm. Another, entering the Bristol Channel, is

called “The Worm’s Head.”

Footnote 64:

Mr. Pigott, p. 82.

Footnote 65:

See before, p. 47.

Footnote 66:

See Vol. I. p. 98.

Footnote 67:

Page 91.

Footnote 68:

See Vol. I. p. 95.

Footnote 69:

Idem, p. 98.

Footnote 70:

Heimdal, the wonder of the gods, whose station was at the summit of

Bifrost.

Footnote 71:

Alluding evidently to the seven colours of the rainbow, which was no

other than Bifrost.

Footnote 72:

Ohlenschlager, Pigott’s translation.

Footnote 73:

Why does Mr. Pigott, in his excellent manual of Scandinavian

mythology, follow Ohlenschlager so much, instead of the prose Edda?

This latter work is but a modernised amplification, a paraphrastic

explanation, of the poetic Edda. To follow a still more paraphrastic

moderniser, the Danish poet, is to destroy the very spirit of the

mythos.

Footnote 74:

The meaning of this word is doubtful: it is another name for Thor.

Footnote 75:

Vol. 1. p. 182.

Footnote 76:

We must again express our regret that Mr. Pigott, in his otherwise

excellent work, should have paid so little attention to the elder

Edda, and so much to Ohlenschlager.

Footnote 77:

The Dovre-fieldt is one of the loftiest parts of the great

Scandinavian chain of mountains, and Sneehattan its highest peak.

Footnote 78:

Wadmel is a kind of coarse cloth made in Iceland, and worn universally

by the peasants in Norway and Denmark.

Footnote 79:

The name of the great Ash.

Footnote 80:

Pigott’s Manual of Scandinavian Mythology.

Footnote 81:

See before, p. 105.

Footnote 82:

This expression, we suppose, is for the sake of the metre.

Footnote 83:

The keys hung from the girdle of a housewife. They were wanted, we

suppose, in Giant-land, as well as on earth. However, they were a

symbol of marriage; and none could be effected without them.

Footnote 84:

Frost giants.

Footnote 85:

The Scandinavians reckoned by _nights_ instead of days, and by

_winters_ instead of years.

Footnote 86:

This poem has been thus versified by the Hon. and Rev. W. Herbert, in

his “Select Icelandic Poetry”:—

Wroth waxed Thor, when his sleep was flown, And he found his

trusty hammer gone; He smote his brow, his beard he shook,

The son of earth ’gan round him look; And this, the first

word that he spoke; “Now listen what I tell thee, Loke;

Which neither on earth below is known, Nor in Heaven

above—my hammer’s gone.” Their way to Freyia’s bower they

took, And this, the first word that he spoke; “Thou, Freyia,

must lend a winged robe, To seek my hammer round the globe.”

FREYIA (_sung_).—“That shouldst thou have, though ’twere of gold, And

that, though ’twere of silver, hold.”[87] Away flew Loke;

the wing’d robe sounds, Ere he has left the Asgard grounds,

And ere he has reach’d the Jotunheim bounds. High on a mound

in haughty state Thrym the king of the Thursi sate; For his

dogs he was twisting collars of gold, And trimming the manes

of his coursers bold.

THRYM (_sung_).—“How fare the Asi? the Alfi how? Why com’st thou alone

to Jotunheim now?”

LOKE (_sung_).—“Ill fare the Asi; the Alfi mourn; Thor’s hammer from

him thou hast torn.”

THRYM (_sung_).—“I have the Thunderer’s hammer bound, Fathoms eight

beneath the ground; With it shall no one homeward tread,

Till he bring me Freyia to share my bed.” Away flew Loke;

the wing’d robe sounds, Ere he has left the Jotunheim

bounds, And ere he has reach’d the Asgard grounds. At

Midgard Thor met crafty Loke, And this the first word that

he spoke; “Have you your errand and labour done? Tell from

aloft the course you run. For setting oft the story fails,

And lying oft the lie prevails.”

LOKE (_sung_).—“My labour is past, mine errand I bring; Thrym has

thine hammer, the giant king; With it shall no one homeward

tread, Till he bear him Freyia to share his bed.” Their way

to lovely Freyia they took, And this the first word that he

spoke; “Now Freyia, busk as a blooming bride, Together, we

must to Jotunheim ride.” Wroth waxed Freyia with ireful

look; All Asgard’s hall with wonder shook; Her great bright

necklace started wide. “Well may ye call me a wanton bride,

If I with ye to Jotunheim ride.” The Asi did all to council

crowd, The Asiniæ all talk’d fast and loud: This they

debated, and this they sought, How the hammer of Thor should

home be brought. Up then and spoke Heimdallar free, Like the

Vani, wise was he; “Now busk[88] we Thor, as a bride so

fair; Let him that great bright necklace wear; Round him let

ring the spousal keys; And a maiden kirtle[89] hang to his

knees, And on his bosom jewels rare; And high and quaintly

braid his hair.” Wroth waxed Thor with godlike pride; “Well

may the Asi me deride, If I let me dight[90], as a blooming

bride.” Then up spoke Loke, Laufeyia’s son; “Now hush thee,

Thor; this must be done: The giants will strait in Asgard

reign, If thou thine hammer dost not regain.” Then busk’d

they Thor, as a bride so fair, And the great bright necklace

gave him to wear; Round him let ring the spousal keys, And a

maiden kirtle hang to his knees, And on his bosom jewels

rare; And high and quaintly braided his hair. Up then arose

the crafty Loke, Laufeyia’s son, and thus he spoke; “A

servant I thy steps will tend, Together we must to Jotunheim

wend.” Now home the goats together hie; Yoked to the axle

they swiftly fly. The mountains shook, the earth burn’d red,

As Odin’s sons to Jotunheim sped. Then Thrym the king of the

Thursi said; “Giants, stand up; let the seats be spread:

Bring Freyia Niorder’s daughter down To share my bed from

Noatun. With horns all gilt each coal-black beast Is led to

deck the giant’s feast; Large wealth and jewels have I

stored; I lack but Freyia to grace my board.” Betimes at

evening they approach’d, And the mantling ale the giants

broach’d. The spouse of Sifia ate alone Eight salmons, and

an ox full-grown. And all the cates, on which women feed;

And drank three firkins of sparkling mead. Then Thrym the

king of the Thursi said; “Where have ye beheld such a hungry

maid? Ne’er saw I a bride so keenly feed, Nor drink so deep

of the sparkling mead.” Then forward leant the crafty Loke,

And thus the giant he bespoke; “Nought has she eat for eight

long nights, So did she long for the nuptial rites.” He

stoop’d beneath her veil to kiss, But he started the length

of the hall, I wiss. “Why are the looks of Freyia so dire?

It seems as her eyeballs glistened with fire.” Then forward

leant the crafty Loke, And thus the giant he bespoke;

“Nought has she slept for eight long nights, So did she long

for the nuptial rites.” Then in the giant’s sister came, Who

dared a bridal gift to claim; “Those rings of gold from thee

I crave, If thou wilt all my fondness have, All my love and

fondness have.” Then Thrym the king of the Thursi said;

“Bear in the hammer to plight the maid; Upon her lap the

bruizer lay, And firmly plight our hands and fay.”[91] The

Thunderer’s soul smiled in his breast, When the hammer hard

on his lap was placed; Thrym first the king of the Thursi he

slew, And slaughter’d all the giant crew. He slew that

giant’s sister old, Who pray’d for bridal gifts so bold.

Instead of money and rings, I wot, The hammer’s bruises were

her lot. Thus Odin’s son his hammer got.

Footnote 87:

Transcriber’s note: There was no footnote text for this marker.

Footnote 88:

_Busk_, dress.

Footnote 89:

_Kirtle_, a woman’s garment.

Footnote 90:

_Dight_, dressed, adorned.

Footnote 91:

_Fay_, faith.

Footnote 92:

See before, p. 56.

Footnote 93:

See Vol. I. p. 3.

Footnote 94:

Pigott’s translation.

Footnote 95:

See before, p. 57.

Footnote 96:

Ibid. p. 61.

Footnote 97:

Ibid. p. 107.

Footnote 98:

See before, p. 86.

Footnote 99:

How then could Jotunheim be so dark? The reason is afterwards given.

Her supernatural beauty illumined the whole country.

Footnote 100:

See before, p. 99.

Footnote 101:

Mr. Herbert has thus versified the expedition of Skirnir:—

“Skirnir, arise! and swiftly run,

Where lonely sits our pensive son!

Bid him to parley, and enquire,

’Gainst whom he teems with sullen ire.”

SKIRNIR (_sung_).—“Ill words, I fear, my lot will prove,

If I thy son attempt to move;

If I bid parley, and enquire,

Why teems his soul with savage ire.”

SKIRNIR (_sung_).—“Prince of the gods, and first in fight,

Speak, honoured Freyr, and tell me right!

Why spends my lord the tedious day

In his lone hall to grief a prey?”

FREYR (_sung_).—“O how shall I, fond youth, disclose

To thee my bosom’s heavy woes?

The ruddy god shines every day,

But dull to me his cheerful ray.”

SKIRNIR (_sung_).—“Thy sorrows deem not I so great,

That thou the tale shouldst not relate.

Together sported we in youth,

And well may trust each other’s truth.”

FREYR (_sung_).—“In Gymer’s court I saw her move,

The maid, who fires my breast with love.

Her snow-white arms and bosom fair

Shone lovely, kindling sea and air.

Dear is she to my wishes more,

Than ere was maid to youth before:

But gods and elfs[102], I wot it well,

Forbid that we together dwell.”

SKIRNIR (_sung_).—“Give me that horse of wonderous breed

To cross the nightly flame[103] with speed;

And that self-brandish’d sword to smite

The giant race with strange affright.”

FREYR (_sung_).—“To thee I give this wond’rous steed,

To pass the watchful fire with speed;

And this, which borne by valiant wight,

Self-brandished will his foemen smite.”

SKIRNIR (_addressed to his horse_).—“Dark night is spread; ’tis time,

I trow,

To climb the mountains hoar with snow.

Both shall return, or both remain

In durance by the giant ta’en.”

Skirnir rode into Jotunheim to the court of Gymer; furious dogs were

tied there before the door of the wooden enclosure, which surrounded

Gerda’s bower. He rode towards a shepherd, who was sitting on a mound,

and addressed him:

“Shepherd, who sittest on the mound,

And turn’st thy watchful eyes around,

How may I lull these bloodhounds, say!

How speak unharm’d with Gymer’s may!”[104]

THE SHEPHERD (_sung_).—“Whence, and what art thou? doomed to die,

Or dead revisitest the sky?

For ride by night, or ride by day,

Thou ne’er shalt come to Gymer’s may.”

SKIRNIR (_sung_).—“I grieve not, I; a better part

Fits him, who boasts a ready heart.

At hour of birth our lives were shaped;

The doom of fate can ne’er be ’scaped.”

GERDA (_sung_).—“What sounds unknown mine ears invade,

Frighting this mansion’s peaceful shade?

The earth’s foundation rocks withal,

And trembling shakes all Gymer’s hall.”

THE ATTENDANT (_sung_).—“Dismounted stands a warrior sheen;

His courser crops the herbage green.”

GERDA (_sung_).—“Haste, bid him to my bower with speed,

To quaff unmix’d the pleasant mead:

And good betide us![105] for I fear

My brother’s murderer is near.—

What art thou? Elf, or Asian son?

Or from the wiser Vanians sung?

Alone to visit our abode

O’er bickering flames why hast thou rode?”

SKIRNIR (_sung_).—“Nor Elf am I, nor Asian son;

Nor from the wiser Vanians sprung:

Yet o’er the bickering flames I rode

Alone to visit your abode.

Eleven apples here I hold,

Gerda, for thee, of purest gold;

Let this fair gift thy bosom move

To grant young Freyr thy precious love.”

GERDA (_sung_).—“Eleven apples take not I

From man, as price of chastity!

While life remains, no tongue shall tell,

That Freyr and I together dwell.”

SKIRNIR (_sung_).—“Gerda, for thee this wonderous ring

Burnt on young Balder’s pile I bring;

On each ninth night shall other eight

Drop from it, all of equal weight.”

GERDA (_sung_).—“I take not, I, that wonderous ring,

Though it from Balder’s pile you bring.

Gold lack not I in Gymer’s bower;

Enough for me my father’s dower.”

SKIRNIR (_sung_).—“Behold this bright and slender brand

Unsheath’d and glittering in my hand;

Deny not, maiden! lest thine head

Be sever’d by the trenchant blade.”

GERDA (_sung_).—“Gerda will ne’er by force be led

To grace a conqueror’s hateful bed:

But this, I trow, with main and might

Gymer shall meet thy boast in fight.”

SKIRNIR (_sung_).—“Behold this bright and slender brand

Unsheath’d, and glittering in my hand!

Slain by its edge thy sire shall lie;

That giant old is doom’d to die.

E’en as I list, the magic wand

Shall tame thee! Lo, with charmed hand

I touch thee, Maid! There shalt thou go,

Where never man shall learn thy woe.

On some high pointed rock forlorn

Like eagle[106] shalt thou sit at morn;

Turn from the world’s all-cheering light,

And seek the deep abyss of night:

Food shall to thee more loathly show,

Than slimy serpent[107] creeping slow.

When forth thou com’st, a hideous sight,

Each wondering eye shall stare with fright.

By all observ’d, yet sad and lone;

’Mongst shivering[108] Thursians wider known,

Than him, who sits unmoved on high,

The Guard of heaven with sleepless eye.

’Mid charms, and chains, and restless woe,

Thy tears with double grief shall flow.

Now seat thee, Maid, while I declare

Thy tide of sorrow and despair.

Thy bower shall be some Giant’s cell,

Where phantoms pale shall with thee dwell.

Each day to the cold Thursian’s hall

Comfortless, wretched, shalt thou crawl;

Instead of joy and pleasure gay,

Sorrow and tears and sad dismay;

With some three-headed Thursian wed,

Or pine upon a lonely bed.

From morn till morn love’s secret fire

Shall gnaw thine heart With vain desire;

Like barren root of thistle pent,

In some high ruin’d battlement.

O’er shady hill, through greenwood round,

I sought this wand; the wand I found.

Odin is wroth, and mighty Thor;

E’en Freyr shall now thy name abhor.

But ere o’er thine ill-fated head

The last dread curse of heaven be spread,

Giants and Thursians far and near,

Suttungur’s[109] sons, and Asians, hear,

How I forbid with fatal ban

This maid the joys, the fruit of man!

Cold Grimmer is that giant hight

Who thee shall hold in realms of night;

Where slaves in cups of twisted roots

Shall bring foul beverage from the goats:

Nor sweeter draught, nor blither fare,

Shalt thou, sad virgin, ever share.

’Tis done! I wind the mystic charm;

Thus, thus, I trace the giant form;

And three fell characters below,

Fury, and Lust, and restless Woe.

E’en as I wound, I straight unwind

This fatal spell, if thou art kind.”

GERDA (_sung_).—“Now hail, now hail, thou warrior bold!

Take, take this cup of crystal cold,

And quaff the pure metheglin old!

Yet deem’d I ne’er, that love could bind

To Vanian youth my hostile mind.”

SKIRNIR (_sung_).—“I turn not home to bower or hall,

Till I have learnt mine errand all;

Where thou wilt yield the night of joy

To brave Niorder’s gallant boy.”

GERDA (_sung_).—“Barri is hight the seat of love;

Nine nights elapsed, in that known grove,

Shall brave Niorder’s gallant boy

From Gerda take the kiss of joy.”

Then rode Skirnir home. Freyr stood forth and hailed him, and asked

what tidings.

“Speak; Skirnir, speak, and tell with speed!

Take not the harness from thy steed,

Nor stir thy foot, till thou hast said,

How fares my love with Gymer’s maid!”

SKIRNIR (_sung_).—“Barri is hight the seat of love;

Nine nights elapsed, in that known grove,

To brave Niorder’s gallant boy

Will Gerda yield the kiss of joy.”

FREYR (_sung_).—“Long is one night, and longer twain;

But how for three endure my pain!

A month of rapture sooner flies,

Than half one night of wishful sighs.”

Footnote 102:

Asi and Alfi.

Footnote 103:

The bower of Gerda was surrounded with fire.

Footnote 104:

_May_, maid.

Footnote 105:

The duties of hospitality were held so sacred amongst the northern

nations, that Gerda would not refuse admittance to Skirnir, though she

imagined him to be her greatest enemy.

Footnote 106:

Eagles are said to sit without moving for a long time upon some high

eminence in the morning.

Footnote 107:

Perhaps alluding to the serpent of Midgard in the Icelandic Mythology.

Footnote 108:

_Hrim-thursar._ _Hrim_ (_Anglicè rime_) was spoken with a guttural

aspiration; and probably _Crim-Tartary_, the former seat of the Asi,

was so called from its cold.

Footnote 109:

Suttungur, the son of Gilling, was a giant, and possessed the liquor

of poetry, which he had gained from the dwarfs. It is related in the

Edda, that the Asi and Vani, having been long at war, made peace, and

spit into a vase. From this the gods formed Kuaser, a person of

exceeding learning; and the dwarfs mixed his blood with honey, and so

made the liquor of poetry. The Vani were a Grecian colony, and this

fable seems to imply that both the learning and the poetry of the

North was partly of Greek origin. Odin, under the feigned name of

Bolverk, entered into the service of Bauge, brother of Suttungur, and

drank up the liquor. A small quantity of it, which he spilt, was

scattered amongst men. It is observable, that the name of _Suttungur_,

from whom Odin gained this liquor, may denote that he derived his

poetry from the _Southern tongues_.

Footnote 110:

O, it came o’er mine ear like the sweet south,

That breathes upon a bank of violets.

_Twelfth Night_, Act i., Sc. 2.

Footnote 111:

Freya’s daughters were Hnos and Gersime. Siofna was only one of her

followers.

Footnote 112:

Ohlenschlager, Pigott’s translation.

Footnote 113:

Ohlenschlager, Pigott’s translation.

Footnote 114:

See before, p. 116.

Footnote 115:

Alluding not to any degree of consanguinity, but to a sworn covenant

of brotherhood.

Footnote 116:

See Vol. I. p. 98.

Footnote 117:

Vol I. p. 42.

Footnote 118:

See Vol. I. p. 51.

Footnote 119:

See before, p. 101.

Footnote 120:

Transcriber’s Note: The text for this footnote marker is missing.

Footnote 121:

The first was the death of Balder.

Footnote 122:

In another place a ravenous wolf tormented the souls of the damned.

Footnote 123:

The great serpent.

Footnote 124:

Runes.

Footnote 125:

Pigott’s translation.

Footnote 126:

The authorities for this section are:—Vita S. Anscharié; Vita S.

Remberti (both in Bollandus, Acta SS., and in Langebek, Scriptores

Rerum Danicarum); Ornjolm, Historia Ecclesiastica Sueciæ.

Footnote 127:

Who was he? Loccenius and most Swedish writers (who are followed by

our Universal History), tell us that he was Olaf Trætelia. Yet that

prince had been dead two centuries. Neither could it be Olaf

Skotkonung, who did not reign until two centuries afterwards—always

supposing that any dependence is to be placed on the chronology of the

Scandinavians. Yet an Olaf did reign at this period; and this only

illustrates what we observed in the first volume as to the confusion

so evident in all the regal lists.

Footnote 128:

Europe during the Middle Ages (Cab. Cyc.), vol. ii.

Footnote 129:

See Vol. I. p. 108.

Footnote 130:

The chief authorities for this chapter are:—Saxonis Grammatici

Historia Dancia, lib. x. ad fin.; Suenonis Aggonis, cap. 4., &c.;

Knytlinga Saga; many of the treatises in Langebek’s Scriptores Rerum

Danicarum; Mallet, Histoire de Dannemarc, tom. iii. and iv.; Meursius,

Historia Danica; Torfœus, Series Dynastarum et Regum Daniæ; Suhm,

Historie af Dannemarc; Adamus Bremensis, Historia Ecclesiastica; with

the historians of Germany.

Footnote 131:

See Vol. I. p. 237.

Footnote 132:

Vol. I. p. 267.

Footnote 133:

Vol. I. p. 270.

Footnote 134:

Europe during the Middle Ages (Cab. Cyc.), vol. iii.

Footnote 135:

Canute, king of all Denmark, England, and Norway, and of part of

Sweden, to Egelnoth the metropolitan, to archbishop Alfric, to all the

bishops and chiefs, and to all the nation of the English, both nobles

and commoners, greeting. I write to inform you that I have lately been

at Rome, _to pray for the remission of my sins_, and for the safety of

my kingdoms, and of the nations that are subject to my sceptre. It is

long since I bound myself by vow to make this pilgrimage; but I had

been hitherto prevented by affairs of state and other impediments.

Now, however, I return humble thanks to the Almighty God, that he has

allowed me to visit the tombs of the blessed apostles Peter and Paul,

and every holy place within and without the city of Rome, and to

honour and venerate them in person. And this I have done, because I

had learned from my teachers that the apostle St. Peter received from

the Lord the great power of binding and loosing, with the keys of the

kingdom of heaven. _On this account, I thought it highly useful to

solicit his patronage with God._ Be it moreover known to you, that

there was, at the festival of Easter, a great assemblage of noble

personages, with the lord the pope John, and the emperor Conrad,

namely, all the chiefs of the nations from Mount Gargano to the

nearest sea, who all received me honourably, and made me valuable

presents; but particularly the emperor, who gave me many gold and

silver vases, with rich mantles and garments. I therefore took the

opportunity to treat with the pope, the emperor, and the princes, on

the grievances of my people, both English and Danes; that they might

enjoy more equal law, and more secure safeguard in their way to Rome,

nor be detained at so many barriers, nor harassed by unjust exactions.

My demands were granted both by the emperor and by king Rodulf, who

rules most of the passages; and it was enacted by all the princes,

that my _men_, whether pilgrims or merchants, should, for the future,

go to Rome and return in full security, without detention at the

barriers, or the payment of unlawful tolls. I next complained to the

pope, and expressed my displeasure, that such immense sums should be

extorted from my archbishops, when according to custom they visited

the apostolic see to obtain the pallium. A decree was made that this

grievance should cease. Whatever I demanded for the benefit of my

people, either of the pope, or the emperor, or the princes, through

whose dominions lies the road to Rome, was granted willingly, and

confirmed by their oaths, in the presence of four archbishops, twenty

bishops, and a multitude of dukes and nobles. Wherefore I return

sincere thanks to God that I have successfully performed whatever I

had intended, and have fully satisfied all my wishes. Now, therefore,

be it known to you all, that I have dedicated my life to the service

of God, to govern my kingdoms with equity, and to observe justice in

all things. _If by the impetuosity or negligence of youth, I have

violated justice heretofore, it is my intention, by the help of God,

to make full compensation._ Therefore I beg and command those to whom

I have confided the rule, as they wish to preserve my friendship or

save their own souls, to do no injustice either to rich or poor. Let

all persons, whether noble or ignoble, obtain their rights according

to law, from which no deviation shall be allowed, either from fear of

me, or through favour to the powerful, or for the purpose of supplying

my treasury. I have no need of money raised by injustice. I am now on

my road to Denmark, for the purpose of concluding peace with those

nations, who, had it been in their power, would have deprived us both

of our crown and our life. But God has destroyed their means: and

will, I trust, of his goodness preserve us, and humble all our

enemies. When I shall have concluded peace with the neighbouring

nations, and settled the concerns of my eastern dominions, it is my

intention to return to England as soon as the fine weather will permit

me to sail. But I have sent you this letter beforehand, that all the

people of my kingdom may rejoice at my prosperity. For you all know

that I never spared, nor will spare myself, or my labour, when my

object is the welfare of my subjects. Lastly, I entreat all my bishops

and all my sheriffs, by the fidelity which they owe to me and to God,

that the church-dues, according to the ancient laws, may be paid

before my return; namely, the plough alms, the tithes of cattle of the

present year, the Peter-pence, the tithes of fruit in the middle of

August, and the kirk-shot at the feast of St. Martin, to the parish

church. Should this be omitted, at my return I will punish the

offender, by exacting the whole fine imposed by law. Fare ye well.

Footnote 136:

See Europe during the Middle Ages, vol. iii. chap. i.; and, History of

the Germanic Empire, vol. i.

Footnote 137:

See Vol. I. p. 273.

Footnote 138:

Vol. I. p. 267.

Footnote 139:

Mr. Herbert says it was _successful_, and that the virgin was plighted

to him. Certainly _his_ translation agrees better with the tenor of

that piece than that of Dr. Bowring in Wheaton.

Footnote 140:

Harald is said to have been a poet, and to have sung his own exploits.

The piece (Harald’s song) has been thus translated by Bowring:—

1.

“Our ships[141] along Sicilia plied,

In those our days of strength and pride,

And Venger’s Stag[142] the warriors carried

Still on and on—nor ever tarried.

No craven coward, well I wis,

E’er track’d a dangerous path like this.

Yet Gardar’s Gerda—gold-ring’d maid![143]

Flings scorn upon the hero’s head.

2.

* * * * * * * * *

3.

“We baled the ship—we, six and ten,

As broke the mighty seas again—

As rushed the billows at our feet,

While toiling on the rowers’ seat

No craven coward, well I wis,

E’er track’d a dangerous way like this.

Yet Gardar’s Gerda—gold-ring’d maid!

Flings scorn upon the hero’s head.

4.

“Eight[144] virtues have I—I can pour

Out Odin’s drink—and forge the ore—

Upon the active horse can ride:

And I can breast the ocean-tide,

And I can glide on skates of snow,

And I can shoot, and I can row.

Yet Gardar’s Gerda—gold-ring’d maid!

Flings scorn upon the hero’s head.

5.

“Can widow, or can maid gainsay,

That we have clash’d our swords in fray,

That we have sought the Southern land,

And forced the city with our band?

At break of day our foes were slain—

And still the vestiges remain.

Yet Gardar’s Gerda—gold-ring’d maid!

Flings scorn upon the hero’s head.

6.

“And I was born in mountains where

The highland heroes wield the spear.

My war-ships, fear’d by men of flocks,

I guide across the ocean-rocks,

And long o’er ocean’s waves have bounded,

And many an ocean-isle surrounded.

Yet Gardar’s Gerda—gold-ring’d maid!

Flings scorn upon the hero’s head.”

It had before been translated by several writers, especially by Mr.

Herbert, in a very different manner: that gentleman, however, had not

seen the original Knytlinga Saga.

Footnote 141:

In the original—the planks—the keel.

Footnote 142:

Venger—a Vikingr of old times—the Stag, his battle-ship.

Footnote 143:

The alliteration of the original line, and its peculiar poetic

beauty, which consists in an allusion to one of the fables of the

Northern mythology, is happily preserved in this translation.

Gardar-rike—Russia, the Russian land. Gerda, a mythic poetic name

for Harald’s mistress Elizabeth. Gerda was the beloved of Freyr, the

god of the sun, whose love was so long resisted by Gerda. Freyr had

also offered to Gerda a golden ring—hence the allusion.—_F.

Magnussen_, Lex. Myt. Bor. 116. 439.

Footnote 144:

Yet only seven are enumerated. Professor F. Magnussen supposes the

original second line may have been

Oð fet ek lið, at smiða.

Which may be rendered—I make verses—I arrange the battle—I forge (or

smith) the ore.

(These notes are from Wheaton, p. 343.)

Footnote 145:

We merely _allude_ to English occurrences, the detail of which must be

sought in our own history.

Footnote 146:

Harald, Canute, Olaf, Eric, Nicholas or Niels.

Footnote 147:

Mallet, tom. iii.

Footnote 148:

But was she not his step-daughter? Had he married the _mother_

Gunhilda some years before, and lost her by death? We are not very

clear as to the degree of affinity.

Footnote 149:

See Vol. I. p. 268.

Footnote 150:

For the way in which history is sometimes perverted to suit party

purposes, we gave a good illustration in the Appendix to Vol. I. That

of St. Canute (see the Appendix to the present volume) is scarcely

better. It contains nearly as many inaccuracies as there are

sentences.

Footnote 151:

The Vandals were certainly of Slavonic stock. The name, however,

though constantly used by the Danish historians, is not the best that

might be used.

Footnote 152:

See before, p. 185.

Footnote 153:

See the chapter on that kingdom.

Footnote 154:

See before, p. 201.

Footnote 155:

For the exploits of this prince, see History of Russia, Vol. I. (_Cab.

Cyc._), one of the most judicious historical compendiums we have ever

seen.

Footnote 156:

So called from his frequent use of the word _mœn_—_certainly_.

Footnote 157:

Known as the _Congesta Menvedi_.

Footnote 158:

Authorities for the present chapter:—Snorronis Sturlonidis

Heims-Kringla (in the Sagas of each reign). Torfœus, Historia Rerum

Norvegicarum. Saxonis Grammatici Historia Danica. The Chronicles in

Langebek, Scriptores Rerum Danicarum. Mallet, Histoire de Daunemarc.

Footnote 159:

According to the chronology of Thorlak, and even Snorro himself,

Magnus was invited to Norway _before_ the death of Canute, though in

the same year (1035). This is too improbable to be received. Certainly

the father of Norwegian history must have confounded dates.

Footnote 160:

See Vol. I. p. 273.

Footnote 161:

See Vol. I. p. 273.

Footnote 162:

See Vol. I. p. 254.

Footnote 163:

For these events, see the commencement of the last chapter.

Footnote 164:

“Suecia enim,” says Snorro, “tunc temporis passim vel ethnica vel male

Christiana: reges quinetiam quosdam habuit, qui, abjectâ Christi fide,

sacrificia instaurabant.”

Footnote 165:

See the reign of Magnus III.

Footnote 166:

See his reign.

Footnote 167:

See his reign.

Footnote 168:

See before, reign of Hako.

Footnote 169:

Authorities for the present chapter:—Torfœus, Historia Norvegica.

Loccenius, Historia Suevica. Olaus Roskildensis, Chronicon. Johannes

Magnus, Historia Gothorum. Pontanus, Historia.

Footnote 170:

Vol I. p. 234.

Footnote 171:

Vol I. p. 237.

Footnote 172:

Ibid. p. 249–252.

Footnote 173:

Ibid. p. 254.

Footnote 174:

Ibid. p. 266–272.

Footnote 175:

See the corresponding period in the history of Denmark.

Footnote 176:

See the reigns of Eric VIII. and Christopher II. in the history of

Denmark.

Footnote 177:

See the reign of Valdemar III. king of Denmark.

Footnote 178:

For these events, we refer to the corresponding period in Danish

history.

Footnote 179:

See the corresponding period in Danish history.

Footnote 180:

For the numerous inaccuracies (to give them the mildest term) in this

article, the reader has only to consult the text.

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Transcriber’s note:

○ On page 128 there is a reference to footnote [86], which contains

the line “And that, though ’twere silver, hold.” which ends with

footnote marker [87], but there was no footnote text.

○ Missing or obscured punctuation was silently corrected.

○ Typographical errors were silently corrected.

○ Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only

when a predominant form was found in this book.